Mr. BOYER. I have now heard the statement of the Gentfrom Iowa, [Mr. Palcn] and I do not see that it effects at all the validity of my argument. I shall therefore proceed in the presentation of the line of thought on which I was engaged whenI yielded to the gentleman. The constitutions of other States contain similar general declarations of principle, while they extend the elective franchise to white men only. But it is needless to multiply examples, if it be not already sufficiently plain that neither the past nor present generations of our country men, in their declarations of the equality of men, intended to apply it to the political amalgamation of the races. All men have indeed in some sense been created equal; but to apply this in its broadest sification, so as to ignore all national and etfiine logical inequalities among men, would involve the grossest absurdity. All men were endowed by their Creator with the equal right to receive to do, and to enjoy according to their several capacities and in subservience to the common good. All men are equally entitled by nature to the enjoyment of“ life, liberty, and the ar suit ofhap iness, ” but it does not follow from this that different races of men can all enjoy these blessings together in the some community and in the same form of government upon terms of complete equality. If it be true, asis aflirmed by the greatest. of the A ostles, that “ God hath made of one blood all e nations of men, ” the same high authority informs us also that “he hath determined the boundsof their habitation.” There is one extensive region of the earth where, all things considered, the negro is the superior of the white man and where is race, deended by natural laws, has successfully defied the invading legions of conquering Rome and all the efforts of Iluropean enterprise. In Ethiopia the negro is and must ever continue to be the ruling race. But laws of Providence as imperative as those which have set apart Ethiopia for him will in the end preserve this Government for white men and their posterity, notwithstandin all the morbid excitemeuts of this hour an all the temporary evils to which they are likely to lead. Ihe ordinances of nature are not to be repealed by acts of Congress. Of the same nature as the argument just an swered is the one derived from that clause in the constitution of the U.S. which guarantees to all the States a RFG. Strangely enough, it is insisted that to make a State republican in form its negro population must vote. But of this principle the founders of our Republic must surely have lived and died in blissful ignorance, for they certainly acted and talked as if they imagined they were living in republican communities, even when surrounded ynegro slaves. If the negro has a natural right to vote because he is a human inhabitant of a community to be republican, then women should (prvooftees, sifnegr the same reason; and the NewEngland States themselves are only dfllddd republics, because their women, who are in a considerable majority, are denied the right of suffrage. Some of the reformers o say that after the negro will come the women. But I protest against this inverse order of merit; and if both are to vote I clainPprecedence for the ladies. There is one sense in which I will admit that negro votes will be needed at the South to make Republican States and that is the sense in which the term “Republican” was used by my colleague [MriSrnvms] in his speech a ready referred to, when, with even more than his characteristic candor, be assigned a reason for the coercion of southern communities into the adoption of negro suffrage. Said he: “If they should grant the right of suffragetopersons of color. I think there would always be Union white men enoughin the South aided by the blacks to divide the representation and thus continue the Republican ascendency.” But I deny that to be the precise form of republican government guarantied by the constitution. It is common for the advocates of negro suffrage to assume that the color of the negro is the main obstacle to his admission to politi calequality; and the Gentfrom Iowa [Mr. WILSON] dwelt long upon that argument. at it is not the complexion of the negro that degrades him, and I grant that it is but a shal low argument that oes no deeperthan his skin. If he is to be exc uded from equality in the Government it is not because he is black, nor because he has long heels and woolly hair, nor because the bones of his cranium are thick and inclose a brain averaging by measurement fewer cubic inches involume than the skulls of white Americans, (although that fact is sigmficant) nor because of his odor, (although that is not always agreeable) nor because his facial outline does not conform to ourideas ofbeautiful humanity. All these considerations I am willing to discard from the argument. But if the peculiarities I have mentioned are the outward badges of a race by nature inferior inmental caliber, and lacking that vim, pluck, and poise of character which give force and direction to human enterprise, and which are essential to the safety and progress of popular institutions, then the negroes are not the equals of white Americans, an are not entitled by any right, natural or acquired, to participate in the Government of this country. The negro has no history of civilization. From the earliest ages of recorded time he has ever been a savage or a slave. He has populated with teeming millions the vast extent of a continent, but in no portion of it has he ever emerged from barbarism, and in no age or country has he ever established any other stable government than a despotism. But he is the most obedient and happy of slaves. His true character is well depicted in the late inaugural address of Governor Walker, of Florida. I do not wish to be understood as saying that he should always be kept i n slave because he was contented "I that condition. do not wish it to be understood that I do not rejoice in his freedom; but I speak of the contentment which he manifested in that condition as one badge of the inferiority of his raecu. Governor Walker, in his inaugural address, regarding the negroes uses the followmg language: “For generations past they have been our faithful contented and happy slaves. They have been attached to our persons and our fortunes. sharing with us all our feelings rejoicing Will!usin our pruspenty, mourning with us in our adversity. If thore wereex 00tion! to this generalrule they were only individ nagexcetions. Every soutern man who hears me knows that what I say is literally true in regard to the vast massof our colored population. The world has never before seen such a o y of slaves. For not only in oncebutin warthey have been faithful tous. “I)nring much of the time of tholate unhappy difllculties Florida had a greater number of men in the army. beyond her limits, than constitutedher entire voting poulation. This of course stripped many districts of their entire anus bearing inhabitants and it our females and infant children almost exclusively to the protection of our slaves. They proved true to their trust. Not one instance of man t. out rage or indignity has ever come to my knowledge. They remained at homeand madeprovisions for our army. Many of themwent with qursonsto the army, and there, too, proved their fidelity. attending them when well, nursin and caring for themwhen sick and wounded. We it] now that many of the m were willing, and someof them anxrous. to e 5] arms in our cause. Although for several years wt in sound of the guns of the vesselsof the U.S. for 600 miles along our seaboard. yet scarcelyone in 1,000 voluntarily left our agricultural service to take shelter and freedom under the tins of the Union. It is not their fault that they are freethey had nothing to do with it: thatwas broughtabout by the results and operations of the war.” Whatis here said by (i governo rWalker of the character of the negroea lll Florida muy be Bald 1 with truth of "the negroes throughout the con: federate States. It exhibits a touching example of the devotion of an affectionate, atient, forgiving, and inferior race of men. at the race from which spran these 4 million contented slaves is not the stuff of which great commonwealths are made. Who of us would not rather welcome to our shores that rude population of less than half a million Circassians who in their mountain fastnesses for more than 30 years defied the whole power of the Rus sian empire? such is the difference in the breed of menu difference which all your schools and colleges cannot do awa. Of all men, the negroes t cmselves are best contented with their situation. The are not the prime movers in the agitations whiich concern them. An examination of the tables of the last census will demonstrate that they do not attach much importance to political rights. It will be found that the free people of color are most numerous in some of nose States which accord them the fewest political privileges; and in those States which have granted them the right of suffrage they seem to see but few attractions. In Maryland there were in 1860, 88, 942 free people of color; in Pennsylvania 56, 949; in Oiio 36, 673. In neither of those States were they voters. In the State of NewYork, where they could not vote except under a property qualification which excluded the most. of them, they numbered 49, 005. But in Massachusetts, where they did then and do now vote, there were but 9, 602 and in all NewEngland (except Connecticut, where they are not allowed to vote) there were at the last. census but 16, 084. If the American negro in his desire and capacity for selfgovernment bore any resemblance to the Cancasianhe would distinguish himself b emigration; and, spurnin the soil which ha enslaved his race, he would seek equality and independence in a more congenial clime. But the spirit of independence and hardy manhood which brought the Puritans to the shores of a NewEngland wilderness he lacks. He will not even go to Massachusetts now, although instead of a stormy ocean his barrier is only an imatrinary State line, and instead of a howling will crness he is invited to a land resounding with the myriad voices of the industrial arts, and instead of painted savages with uplifted temahawks he has reason to expect a crowd of male and female philanthropists, with beaming faces and outstretched ban 5, to wel come him and callhim brother. There willhe find lecturers to prove his equality, "and states men to claim him as an associate ruler in the land. If he cares for these things, or is fit for them, why does he linger outside upon the very borders of his political Eden? Why does he not enter into it avoiding Connecticut in his routeand take possession? The fact is that the fine political theories set up in his behalf are not in accordance with the natural instinct of the negro, which in this particular is truer than the philosophy of his white advisers. They are but superficial thinkers who imagine that the organic differences of races can be obliterated by the education of the schools. The qualities of races are perpetuated by descent, and are the result of historical influences reaching far back into the generations of the past. An educated negro is a negro still. The cunning chisel of Canova could not make an enduring Corinthian column out of a block of anthracite; not because of its color, but on account of the structure of its substance. He might indeed with infinite pains give itthe form, but he could not. impart. to it the strength and adhesion of particles to uired to enable it to brave the elements, and t. e temple itwas made to support would soon crumble into rain. The types of races are transmitted to their Governments. When or where did either the Mongolian, Malay, or African race or indeed any other race than the Caucasian, ever establish any stable Government based upon the principles of constitutional liberty? How many centuries of historical training did it not require to educate even a portion cl 1. at most progressive of races up to t a capacity of selfgoverpment! Through what dark vicissitudes and blood revolutions did they not pursue in vain the ceting vision of democracv Here at. last, in the U.S.A., for the 1st time in the history of the world, are associated the real existence of democratic institutions with the dominion of a mighty empire. It is certainly our duty to remote the interests and protect the rights o ull within our borders. But to be successful this Government must. be conducted and perpetuated by the race that made it. The streams of European immigration which have set with such a ceaseless current upon our shores have invigorated us with copious infusions of Caucasian blood, each converging current laden with its own peculiar wealth. The sturdy independence of the Englishman, the stability and thrift of the German, the generous enthusiasm of the Irishman, were all welcome because they were all ennobling. But what are we to gain from the negro? and why will gentlemen persist, for the sake of mere party considerations, in forcing his race into unnatural alliances with ours? There is no political alchemy by which two races, representing as these do the opposite extremes of humanity, can be made to unite. Like oil and water, whichhave no chemical affinity for each other, on may mix their particles by agitation, but whon left alone they will subside into separate strata, the one above and the other be low. The history of all mongrel races associated in the government of a country has been disastrous. Of this, Mexico, Hayti, and Jamaica are all examples. It is claimed that as a reward for the services of the negroes in our Army the right of suffrage should be conferred upon their race. I am not disposed to disparage the military services of the negroes. they fought creditably, as all men will fight when well led and their race has been rewarded with emancipation. But the argument for negro suffrage, on the score of military service, begs the whole question of their fitness. If on account of incapacity or unavoidable differences they were not fit to be electors before the war, the same reasons for their exclusion still exist; and if no such incapacity or differences exist, or they are entitle by any natural right. to vote, they should vote whether they fought or not. The fact is that, as a race, they did far more to sustain the rebellion than to suppress it. B their patient labor they sustained and fed the armies of the rebellion. They rose nowhere in insurrection, and it can scarcely be said that of their own accord they struck one blow for their own emancipation. It is argued that suffrage is necessary to the black man to enable him to protect himself against the oppression of the whites. But I do not think that this has been the experienee of the country. In Pennsylvania we ad, at the date of the last census, a colored population of 56, 949, which since then has largely increased. They are there excluded from the polls; but in all my experience in the courts of my State, which has not been inconsiderable, I cannot recall to mind a single instance where justice was denied to a negro because of his complex ion. I am satisfied that in those localities where such prejudice is allowed to corrupt the streams of justice you would only add force and acrimony to its operation by establishing apolitical rivalship between the races. The true friends of the negro race should save them from the fate which would be sure to follow. There is much to be done for the negro in which all parties can unite. In his emancipation the whole country has acquiesced, and a constitutional amendment enables Congress to secure to him the full measure of his liberty in all the States. It is our duty now to provide for his education, and to encourage and aid him in his efforts at. improvement. Jet the courts be o sued to him; let is contracts be enforced, his labor protected, and his rights of property respected. Let public schools be provided for him; and after he shall have been 1st developed to the full measure of his intellectual and moral capacity there will be still time enough to decide the question whether he shall be a ruler in the land.