Mr. FESSENDEN. I voted against the admission of Colorado, but I am quite willing to leave the question of when this veto mes sage shall be taken up, within reasonable limits, to the friends of the measure. As I differed from them with very great reluctance, and was disposed, if I could, to vote with them, I am certainly not disposed to press its consideration at a time which is inconvenient to them and against their wishes. I am willing that they should take their own time, and shall therefore vote with my friendfrom Ohio on the motion to take up this question, he bein chairman of the committee which has the hill in charge. I think it is proper to comply to a reasonable extent with his wishes on the subject. But I rose merely to say that I can see no occasion for the suggestion that by deferring the consideration 0t this bill a discourtes would be committed toward the President. t so happened that the message was not read upon the day on which it was laid on the table. It was suggested by a Senator at that time, who was esirous that it should be read on that day, that not to read it then would be not treating the President with that respect which was due to him as President in relation to the message itself. It also so happened that before that suggestion was made I had made a motion to go into executive session; and I replied at that time that nothing like a want i of respect or a disposition to treat the President with disrespect existed, so far as I was concerned. I see that the idea has been caught at and that some presses have taken pains to represent that there was intentional discourtesy on the part of the Senate. Now, sir, I wish to repel that idea here, and utterly. It so happened that when that mes sage come in we were engaged in a debate and the consideration of a bill. The message was not read but was laid on the table of course, and we proceeded with that bill to a late hour in the ay, when we were all fatigued. The time arrived at which we usually adjourn, but it was absoliely necessary for certain purposes to have an executive session that evening, and I moved on executive session, not willingly but because it was necessary, thinking we could dispose of the matters that required immediate attention then. Then was interposed the question of reading the veto message. I insisted upon my motion, for I thought at that late hour it was hardly worth while to take up a message which was to be listened to at any rate with respect and attention, and have it read at that period of the evening, but it might as well come up in the regular order of business the next morning. I think still that was the correct course. I utterly repel the idea for myself and for all others of the slightest intention on the part of anybody (because I know that it did not exist) to do anything that was at all out of the way, or imroper, or disrespectfulto the POTUS. As is well known, I am not in the habit of treating any officer of this government who is charged with public duties with any disrespect whatever, either in words or acts, and I believe that to be the general. disposition of the Senate itself. I only notice this because it shows a disposition to make a mountain out of ii mole hill, and consUuc what was merely an ordinary proceeding in the course of business into something that was not intended or in any way de signed; and, I will add, on the suggestion of my friendfrom NewHampshire, [Mr. CLARK] that these questions are not questions of court esy, at all; they are questions of business. We pass a bill; we send it to the President; when O gets ready, within a certain time which is limited, he returns th bill to us, iflie sees fit, with his objections. Vhen we get ready and think that the time has properly arrived to consider them, we consider them and come to our own conclusions. It is a matter of business deliberation in which the good of the country is involved, the ordinary course of legislation, which has reference to the good of the whole, and not a mere courtesy to an individual, whatever may be his position, whether he hap pens to be the POTUS, who objects to a bill, or whether he happens to be a chairman of a committee who may have charge of the bill, or anybody else who is interested in the bill and desires to be heard upon it, or that a particular course should be taken. It is for the Senate to decide; and on all these questions, as an individual [am to act with reference to the question itself, and not with reference to what may be the wishes of others in relation to it. When it comes before me, as a Senator I act in my own time and in my own way, if agreeable to the majority here, which upon each question has a right to de cide and now, sir, I say that if we should conclude that the propertime for the consideration of the objections of the President to the bill has not yet arrived, it is to be construed, so for as I am concerned, and I trust all others, into a mere opinion that we will consider itat another time when we are better prepared in our own judgments to take it into consideration.