Mr. JOHNSON. Not at all. I am excusin them from ignorance. The reason I referre to it was merely for the purpose of palliating in some measure what has been done. No one is further from justifying it than I am. Nobody regretted it or condemned it more than I did but while regretting it and condemning it, I.could not be p fccling upon my own judgment the influence of the considerations to which I have alluded, that although they committed a crime, in my judgment, against the U.S., and were guilty of the oEcuse of treason, the highest of all crimes provided against in the Constitution, yet they were made to believe, and I have no doubt in 100s of instances did conse ientiously believe, thatit was nocrime. But they have waked up now that I have no doubt of toa conviction that in the past they committed a great blunder. Now, withoutmentioning names, and no question that any Senator can put to me can induce me to mention the name, because it would be indecorous, and therefore no Senator will ask me, I met a southern gentleman who was a member of the Peace Convention, of which I happened to be one, in the cars here the day before yesterda; he was a southern man, very warm, very e cided, very zealous, and, as I thought and told him at the time, if he succeeded in controllin the deliberations of the convention war would certainly be the result, and that their institution of slavery, to which they were so much attached, would necessarily fall. He looked careworn when I saw him the day before yesterday only. I recognized him and he recognized me, and he immediately took his seat by me, and said, quite in a sorrowful tone, and I have no doubt in great sincerity, “You were right, and I was wrong; Iadmit that I was wrong; God forgive me.” I have no doubt he spoke with as much sincerity as a man can feel; and that he was sincere, equally sincere, when he was a member of that convention I have no doubt, not the slightest. I only refer to these things for the purpose of showing that there are circumstances which should induce us to rant somelittle indulgence to our brethren of the South, and especial! to the boys of the tender age of some twcffc, 13, or 14, who were led awa by the example of those around them, upon whose judgment it was very natural that they should rel. {In CLARK. Mr. President, supposing the facts and considerations to be as stated by the Senfrom Maryland, supposing these people did go into secession from {Elsenotions of education nevertheless the fact is so that many men who were educated at the Military Academy engaged in the rebellion. They had the benefit of an education which qualified them all the more to do mise hief toward this Government. So in the Naval Academy. Now, does not that exerience teach us to be cautious? and would it e wise to appoint young men who have been engaged in the rebellion into these places to be educated, when, as said by the Senfrom Vermont, there are 60 many young men who have been engaged on the other side, or who are the children of heroes on the other side, who would desire these places? I desire to say nothing in disparagcment of any person who repents of the evil he has done, but I certainly would not giVe a man who had committed treason an opportunity to commit it again, and make that treason all the more effectual, by educatin 1 him in the service of the U.S. 1 reason committed once is enough for all time to come; there should be no opportunity of renewing it. I think we should not put these boys into these schools.