Mr. LeBLOND. Mr. Speaker, as a member of the minority I feel as though I ought to at least tender my sincere thanks to the gentleman who has so kindly extended to me 8 minutes of time upon a question that is of great magnitude, one that the Senate of the U.S. has discussed for days, and one that the American people today feel a deeper interest in than perhaps any other one question presented to them, unless it be that of the pretended right to reorganize the Union. Yet, sir, gentlemen having control of this bill are farming out the time chiefly to members upon their own side of the House, occasionally 8 minutes to this side. It is refreshing, however, to the minority to find upon the other side some few who still remember that the Constitution of the U.S. is to be respected even by the majority. was no little surprised, however, yesterday, to hear my colleague, [Mr. BINGHAM, 1 after denouncing the 3rd section of this bill as a usurpation of power on the part of the Federal Government, follow it up by saying that he nevertheless would vote for the bill. It is astounding that men who take an oath to support the Constitution of the U.S. will boldly assert upon this floor that the very provision they are called to vote upon is a violation of that Constitution, a usurpation on the part of this Congress of the powers of the State, of no more validity than a piece of brown paper, and yet vote for it. In the limited time that is allotted to me by the kindness of the Gentfrom Massachusetts, whose magnanimity and liberality is scarcely paralleled, in the 8 minutes that I am permitted to speak upon that great constitutional question, I must proceed simply to state my objection to this proposition, and the reasons why I shall vote against it. It has never been claimed until within the last 4 years that Congress has any power over the elective franchise in the States, but on the contrary that that power was conferred upon the States by the provisions of the Federal constitution, and they alone can exercise it. Now, sir, if it be true that we can prevent this State from coming into the Union by fixing conditions precedent to its admission, and that upon the ground that it is not republican in form, then I say that this Congress has power to say to the State of Ohio, which I have the honor to represent in part, that because she permits none but white male citizens over the age of 21 years to vote she shall be turned out of the Union as not having a RFG. Yet that is the doctrine that is enunciated here that those States which do not confer upon their citizens suffrage without respect to race or color are not republican in form, and therefore not entitled to representation here. I repeat, if you carry out this doctrine in the admissionf of Nebraska, you can do it with reference to the States that are in the Union today. The 3rd section of the bill provides peTrhpiestuaaclt shall take effectwith the fundamental and condition that within said state of Nebraska there shall be no abridgement or denial of the exer cise of the elective franchise, or of any other right, to any person by reason of race or color. Sir, the constitution of Nebraska was submitted to the proper authority of Nebraska and approved. It is as they wish it, and she now submits this constitution to Congress and asks admission. You say No, unless you conform to our views of republicanism, which is equality before the law; and to accomplish this you seek to force this condition upon them. Sir, I agree with my colleague [Mr. BINGHAM] that it is an attempt to usurppower and of no more force than a piece of brown paper. But why do an unconstitutional act, knowing it to be so? Why enforce unnecessary conditions upon a people about to be admitted in the Union because it is believed to be of no force? Why compel them to litigate the question admitted to be unconstitutional? Our duty is to pass no unconstitutional act. But, sir, the amendment offered by the Gentfrom Massachusetts [Mr. Boutwell] is no less objectionable than the section he wishes to amend, but worse if possible. It requires the territorial Legislature to provide by law for suffrage to all people, without regard to race or color, except Indians not taxed, and then provides this enactment shall be a part of the organic act of Nebraska. This is legislating by Congress for not only the people of a Territory, but for the people of the State after its admission. Sir, it is not the love of the African that so much disturbs the gentleman; it is to put him.a position that he can be used for power and ace. p Having said thus much and my time being up, I must content myself with what I have said.