Mr. DEFREES. Mr. Speaker, I did not intend taking any part in this discussion, and only do so now to comply with what seems to be a general feelin of the members of this House, to have as flfil an expression of sentiment upon the various erplexing questions that are before it as possilily can be bad. and, sir, I do not expect to throw any very great livht upon these subjects, but to define some what my position in regard to some of the most prominent of em and probably the most difficult problem to solve of p any other, is the policy to e pursued in what is generally termed reconstruction of the States latfily in rebellion. To me our duty seems to be plain. I do not think it matters much for practical purposes whether these States are in or out of the Union. We may speculate and theorize and talk about abstractquestions the whole session and be no ncarer the true condition of those States than when the session commenced. Wh not accept of the facts as the are? These. totes attempted secession. Ha they succeeded they would now be out of the Unionthere can be no question of that factand we would have no trouble in defining their true position. But they failed in accomplishin their designs, consequently they are in the nion, and you cannot et them out new that the rebellion has faile, only in the some manner in which you admit States originally into the Union, and that with their consent. Now, that is my opinion, and let it go for what it is worth. Now, Mr. Speaker, as to the facts of the case. After 4 years of an unsuccessful attempthat revolution we find the organized power of the insurgent States destroyed, their socalled confederaey collapsed, and its executive head safely confined in an American fort to await that justice that is due to treason. The great armies organized under the authority of the rebel government are disbanded, and the people left without any government, either civil or Military, for their protection. Under these circum hstances it was evidently right that the President of these U.S., as CommanderinChief of the forces of the Union, whichwere the conquering power that reduced the result, should organize some kin of government that would restore tranquillity to the disturbed state of affairs then existing, and give protection as much as possible to all the inhabitants. This is a power that I suppose no one will deny properly belongs to e military character of the executive Dept, and it matters not, in my judgment, whether he carries out that object by using a general of the Army, a military governor, or confers the power on such. of the Eeople as he may choose to select their owa governor and legislature to assist in its accomplishment. TOwhole matter is under his control and supervision, and he emplo s these agencies to carry out his will until the ClVll power of the Government steps in and imfrom his releases military dictatorshi. But it is argued by some gentlemen on this floor that the President has gone beyond the power conferred upon him by the constitution; that he has no right given him by that instrument to organize governments in e disloyal States in She manner in which he has seen proper to o so. Grant, for the sake of the argument that in the confused condition of the country the president may have assumed some authority that is not clear y and distinctly defined, does it follow that we are to discard and throw away that that has been accomplished that is good? If these somewhat unaut orized governments in some of these States have made their organic law republican in form, and protected the personal and legal rights of all its citizens, why not adopt t cm as a foundation upon which to build up a more perfect superstructure? If Congress takes the matter of reconstruction in hand of these States, the same ceremony of proceedings will have to be gone through with that has already been done. The people will be called upon to select delegates to a convention and a constitution will have to be made, all of which will take time and probably result in an organic law no better than the one now adopted. In revolutionary times it is quite possible that an Executive may exceed the strict letter of the law, whether from necessity or not; is it to be argued from that fact that all the benefits that may have inured to the Government are to be ignored that all which is gained is to be surrendered back again to the foe? I think no man will take that position. when, sir I say whatever of good has been accpmplished by the President in his reconstruction policy let us adopt it. But, Mr. Sneaker, I do not think the president has exceeded the power conferred upon him by the constitution. Neither do I think his course is one without precedent. The late Chief Magistrate, the man whom the nation loved, marked out the course, and the present Executive is but following in the “footsteps of his illustrious predecessor.” Let us see what Mr. Lincoln said upon this subject when referring to the State organization of Louisiana, in that last memorable address made a few days after the surrender of Lee, and but a short time before his assassination. It will be remembered that some 12,000 citizens of Louisiana had taken the oath of allegiance, and had organized a government in pursuance to a plan that he himself had recommended. He says: “Now if wo reject and spam them. made ourut mosttoisonmniseand dispersethem. We in offect say to the white men. You are worthless or worse: wo will neither holp ou nor be helped by you. To the blacks we say This cup of liberty which these, your old masters, hold to your lips. wewill dashfrom you and leavn you to the chancesof gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when. whore and how. If this course. discuuragin and paralyzing hpth white and black. has anyton encyto brin Louisianainto proper rao tical relations with the men. I have. so or conunable to perceiveit. If, on the COHiJM? we recognise and sustain the new governmento Louisiana. the converseofall this is " madetrue. We encouragethe hearts and nerve the arms of the 12,000to adhere to their work and ar nc fpr it and proselyte for it, and fight for it and cod i and grow it, and ripen it to a complete such icsesinss. pi, rbeedeWolioth revdigmilaann. cteooa. snedeeinngearlglyuannitdeddaforirnhgimto. the same and Grant that he desires the elective franchise. will he not attain it already sooner by saving the advanced steps toward it than by running backward overthem? Concodethat the newgovernment of Louisiana is oggis to the fowl. we oanhly towhat it should be as the I sooner have o fowl by hatching the egg than by smashing it. aughterJ in am. if we rejectLouisiana. we alsorejectonevote favor of the proposed amendmentto the national constitution. "I repeat the question. Can Louisianabe brought iatoproperuraotioalrelation with the Union sooner i by sustaining or discarding her new State governmentTWhathas boonsaid of Louisiana wi i apply generally to other States.” No truer sentiment, Mr. Speaker, was ever uttered than is contained in this extract. Is it to be supposed that by holding these people off at arms length after they have adopted constitutions that are republican in form, in which slavery is not rotccted, and the rights of all the people to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hzlppiness” are secured, that by so doing it will haven tendencyto make them more loyal? Will it not, sir, have the opposite effect? Or is hu man nature so constituted that it needs to be coded and stamped upon in order to induce fove and affection for the power that wields the rod? In my opinion, no more successful way could be devised to drive out and extirpate all loyal feeling for the General Government that iuay now exist in those States than the course suggested to be pursued in reference to restoring them to their properplaces in the Union by some gentlemen upon this floor. No healing balm is to be hel out to increase the attachment of these people to the old flag of their country; but they are to be told that so long as there is a portion of their people disloyal, or a rebel left unhu within their limits, they are to receive no ai, no encouragement, from the conquering power. Now, Mr. Speaker, I am no more in favor of compromising with traitors than the most radical inan upon this floor, for I believe if there is one sin more heine us than another that man can commit, either toward God or his country, it is the sin of treason. But I am in favor of rallying around and sustaining whatever loyalty may be found in those disorganized States. law in favor of holding up the hands of the weak, and saying to those who are earnestly engaged in endeavoring to bring order out of conllSlOD, to persevere; and although your State organizations are not all that we could desire or wish, yet we will come to your relief and aid you in your great task. A great many reasons might be urged why a reconstruction of those States should take place at as early a day as practicable, and why no trifling outside issue that does not legitimately belong to the subject be permitted to interfere with a speedy consideration of their return. It might be argued that the financial condition of the country, and the large debt that has been incurred by the Government in successfully prosecuting the rebellion toaclose imperatively demanded that some recognize government should speedily be put into operation so as to realize from that section of the country the full amount of revenue that can be obtained from its productions. It is confidently eXpected that a very large income by the we of revenue can be had from cotton alone, an that, too, legitimately, without imposingan enormous tax 11 on the article. I notice that some writer, who as evidently given some attention to this subject, says: “The cotton crop of 1859reached 6198. 077bales of ginnod cotton. of40opoundseach. The crop of1865, is estimatedat 2. 1 1.000halos. It is tini to estimate the crop of1866. t2. 750. 00boales. ulnborhasbeoome better organized and the extreme high prices will greatly stimulate production. The avor go expnrtis about 3/4ths of the crop). Allow that 2.000.000 bales of the crop of 1866will o exported: ten cents d hismntwll tthGa "ni. iifsil. ut?oe o. diffimdue nolie nie trifhie i. 3.,000bales. ofwhich. at the ratio of export above named. 2. 625. 00boaleswill be exortodmielding to the Treasury $103,000. 00The pronotoflBtvSwill probably amount to 4. rm. mobales. the export of which will be about3. 375.000baloasn, d the tax would yield 0135,0000“);making a total revenue from the crops of the 3 years 18661. 867 and 1868o. f “$000,000.” This calculation is based upon the supposition that the constitution will be so amended as to permit exports from the States to be taxed. But without any change in the fundamental law, I see no reason why a tax cannot as readil be placed upon cotton as it can be upon whisky and tobacco, or any other article of produce, as is now done. There is another consideration that should be taken into the account that oughtto have great weight in urging an early settlement of the dif ficulties that exist between the late rebellious States and the General Government. It is this: the whole course of internal trade is partially checked, the avenues through which commerce between the States formerly flowed are unprotected and there is a lack of confidence existing between the 2 sections of the country. Restore the State governments at an early day and it will naturally bring together the citizens of the different sections, and the enmity and ill feeling that now exists will in a great measure die out; trade, which is the lifes blood of the nation, will pursue its wonted course and the people will soon feel again as one people of a great nation, whose interests are i critical (slavery having been removed) and whose future destiny depends upon the Union of the States. But, Mr. Speaker, I know that some gentlemen upon this floor, and men, too, in whose opinions I have confidence, talk as though before anything should bedone toward reconstruction that the people, or at least a large majority of them, should do some kind of penance, should humble themselves and acknowledge in some public way their manifold transgressions. I will admit that they have been, and are, great sinners, and it requires a great deal of magna niinity to look upon them with any degree of allowance, yet human nature is the same now that it has been for ages. You may induce love by kind treatment, but never by force. Now, sir, I do not wish to be understood that I am ready, without any further legislation, to fully recognize those States, and indiscrimi nately admit their Representatives to this floor. I only take the position that whatever is done, and well done, should be recognized as far as it goes, and serve as a means to assist in a speedy reorganization and as an encouragement to those loyal men who are making every effort in their power to regenerate their States and blot from them the stain of treason, and present them, as purified by fire, to their proper ilaees in the galaxy of States that make up this mm. In order to justice, and settling conclusively forever the basis of representation, it would be right to reire those States lately in rebellion to adopt the amendment to the constitution recently passed this House, excluding persons robibited from the exercise of the elective franchise from forming a part of the basis of representation. This provision is a fair one, and it seems to me that no properobjection can be raised against it. The States are left at perfect liberty to say who shall he voters and who shall not, and the greatest stiekler for the exploded doctrine of State rights ought not to take exceptions to it. This amendment bein adopted, and the n“ecessary laws passed by congress to secure to the citizens o each State all the privileges and immunities of citizens of the several States, ” and to guaranty alike in the several States all the rights of person and property upon an equality, and securing access to the U.S. courts to vindicate those rights, wheretbe States fail to make laws for the protection of all alike, and their courts of justice shut against any class of its citizens, I can see no good reason in keeing them any longer out of representation era. It cannot be possible that any member of this Congress can long expect to keep these people in their present relation to the Government. We have got to live with them, and all that we should ask is a sure guarantee for the future. The “ironclad oath, ” that members are required to take before they got seats in this House, is a bulwark against traitors, and no disloyal man can (pllll. (, these Halls with his impious feet as long as that remains on the statutebook, and I think no man or political party dare suggest its repeal for years to come. Should any of those States send man here who cannot comly with the requirements of that oath, sen them back again, and continue sending them back until you reach the loyal element, and find men who never bowed the knee to the false god of secession. Let every district in eachSuite stand on its own merits. If but one man who has kept his hands clear of the blood of the martyrs of 1866;: can; To? ms oonensssromnemns p 7 1 87“34 the country can be found, let him come in and represent the constituency that sends him here. By pursuing a course of this kind it will not be many years before allthis bitterness, hatred, and revenge that is now manifested in portions of this Republic will be forever gone, and this great nation will once more be united in a stronger bond of Union than ever before. Now, Mr. Speaker, a few words in regard to the State of Tennessee. I think that State sustains to this Government a different relation from those of the other southern States. She Rept a part of her delegation in Congress for 2 years or more after the rebellion was organized; and before that relation was broken off AndrewJohnson was appointed by Mr. Lincoln as provisional governor for the State and even before the rebellion ceased an election for delegates to a convention of the loyal people was had for the purpose of framing a State constitution. Thatconvention assembled and framed a constitution in which involuntary servitude is forever forbidden, and it has been submitted to the loyal inhabitants and by them ratified. A State government has been organized under that constitution and the people have elected officers to fill the necessary positions in order to carry it into full operation. All this was done while yet the din of battle was heard within her borders, and her gallant sons were defending the old flag and their newly Organized State government. Ipresume no one will say that that constitution is not republican in form; that it does not fill the requirements of the law. Now, sir, I am in favor ofadmitting all th Representatives from that State to seats upon this floor who can take the required oath. It is said by some, as an objection to admitting these men, that the vote in the several districts was light, indicating but little loyalty there. That may be so, but I hold that whatever loy alt is there should be heard, that the leaven of loyalty that has been hid in her mountains, if encouraged, will in a short time leaven the whole people. Again, I do not think that the argument based upon a small vote would be considered a good one if applied to any of us who hold seats here. Suppose that there are 16,000 voters in my district, and but 1/2 of that number should turn out to the election, would any man here pretend to say that in consequence of so sma l a vote that I would not be entitled to my seat? I think none would take that position. Let us admit Tennessee, and prove to the people of the southern Statesthnt we are not governed by any fac tious spirit, that the whole purpose of the Government is to restore one and all of these States to their properosition in the Union so soon as the rights o all the inhabitants are protected and a sufficient degree of loyalty is manifested by their people. This step taken, it will not belong before all the “ erring sisters” will again be united in the bonds of peace and unity with the loyal States, and then we can Onoemore adopt the langu eofNewEnglands great statesman, “The niou, now and forever, one and inseparable.” and then, on motion of Mr. COOK, the House (at 8 oclock and 40 minutes p. m.) adjourned.