Mr. CLARKE, of Ohio. Mr. Speaker,1111 men unite in the opinion that slavery was the prime cause of the rebellion; but that alone, unaided by other great errors that have long had a lodgment in the hearts of the leading men of the South, would not so soon have resulted in a resort to armed force to break up the Government. The Democratic creed of supreme State sovereignty, which comprises all that is claimed in practical unllification and secession, was the great auxiliary that slavery called to its assistance a sword to strike and a shield to protect when it resolved to make war upon the Union. stiiunv CALLED, When the slaver saw his idol in danger he called for help, and the Democracy of the country, North and South, flew to its relief, and steadily as the needle to the pole so have they stood by it, in evil as well as good report. They gave over to the South their fealty and their votes; they elected none to office except such as were wholly acceptable to the South; they uttered no sentiment, gave no vote, made no resolves that could offend the most delicate sensibilities of the most nervous slaveholder; they were the most submissive, truckling creat ures to the South that ever assumed the dig nity of a party name. Alas, for the once proud name of democracyl When it consented to do the bidding of the black man’s masterit surrendered up its birthright of manhood and became itself a slave. THEranentiso 0v nsxocmicr. It broke down the Missouri peace compromise at the bidding of slavery and opened afresh the great wound that threatened the life of the Union in 1819 20. It made war upon freedom, and with fire and sword tried to force slavery into Kansas, and in that guilty strug gle it literally murdered its great leader, Doug las, and drove 100s and 1000s of its best and bravest men from its ranks forever. It debauched Buchanan, its favorite President, and made him accept the criminal embraces of the South, filled his Cabinet with a spawn of mercenary tools, whose highest ambition was to serve slavery even at toexense of their country. And when slavery dec ared war upon the nation, northern Democracy stood at its back, a little out of danger, and gave it aid and comfort. ALL rnis iron rowan. The South was united and voted solid one way. It was a great temptation to as irin Democrats, who had long been no looted and left out in the cold, to form an al iance with this formidable power, and thus attain to rank and position in the Government. the p lan succceded well for a season. Many a worthless sycophaut crawled up from obscurity, without eapacit or merit, to place and power, but it was a short lived glory. The people, the honest people, soon saw through tm veil of deception that hid from their view the true condition to which they were thus humiliated, and they left the old democratic organization, as prudent men shun an infected place, and sought out the Republican party as a wholesome re treat for healthy constitutions, where wise, patriotic, and liberal principles could be prop agated free from the taint of slavery. nsrunticm rla i r'oaows. Recruits from the old party organizations, men of high souled principles, bearing evidence ’of a sound morality, with a Christian reverence for the manhood of man, came from the East and the West, from the North and the South, from the Whigs, from the Democrats, from the Abolitionists, and the Know Nothings, and thus an aggregation of great and good men organized a party whose mission was to seize upon our great national edifice, which slavery had been thirt years undermining, and replace its crumbing columns with the solid granite upon foundations deep as truth and strong and solid as right and justice. ir nin run won. The South periled all upon the hazard of a single cast of the die; it did more, it drew the Democracyinto the toils with it; the twain had one faith, one hope; the war opened; the Republicans accepted the challenge; they called upon the loyal people to rally to the national standard and drive the vandals from the Capitol; the people came; they made war for 4 long years;t e endured hardships, sufferings, privations, an death, but they conquered; slaver shrunk back vanquished, and its craven ally, tie northern Democracy, not quite close enough for wounds, crawled back into hiding lnces to nurse the wrath its failure engendered in its heart, to come forth on some future occasion when its chances of success may appear more propitious. So much is history. may nhttr AoAin. A little repose has given the rebels opportunity to consider their condition and consult what is best for the future. Cop crheads, at tracted by natural afiinities and affections, have joined them in their conclaves, and are aiding them to heal up their wounds, revive their hopes, and prepare the material for another Struggle for empire. ran OLDrun Ansxmmtn. On the former occasion the South, feeling itself strong enough to accomplish its high designs of breaking down the Government, ventured the undertaking upon their own book; they knew they had the s mpathy of the Democrats, but they had smal faith in their pluck to stand up in asuare fight against their country; in themselves they ha confidence, not only in the will to dare, but the power to do, an they rushed on in their madness to the execution of their crimes. But now, improvin upon what they have learned in the pat, they are laying the warp of a 2nd rebellion with more circumspection; not so self reliant as formerly; they are more wary and cautious, and for that reason, the more dangerous. When these rebel spirits found themselves possessed of every element of success; when they had the President (Buchanan) submissive as their own slaves to their will; when his Cabi net were most cordially with them, and possessed of capacities mental and moral that most admirab y suited the occasion; when both branches of Congress were ready to back them in any measure that might become necessary to the consummation of the overthrow of the Government when all the offices were occupied by complying creatures of the ir will; when the Supreme Court, fresh from its labor of love and of glory, the Dred Scott decision, was ready to take any allowable share in the great crime against liberty, as it had just done against jus tice and humanity when the great Democratic party, not yet broken up, though giving palpable signs of disintegration, was waiting to be wooed into complicity with treason, then it was that these madcaps of the South instead of working with the machinery of civil government, and by a combination with the Democracy that stood ready to accept the invitation, then and there was the occasion for thelrinniph of their plans of overturniii the Government, and founding in its stead tie cherished confederacy; and the stars and stripes would have seen fallen from the Capitol, and the black flag of slavery taken its place. This wasall within the grasp of the conspirators against the nation, but they saw it not, or spurned the aid the Democracy tendered them, choosing to rely upon their own strengthand valor to achieve the glory that awaite them in the undoubted success of the enterprise. This was their blunder. THEY LEARNED A LESSON. In the misfortunes that followed the rebels in their resort to force to overthrow the Union they have learned a lesson, and though terri bly punished for their infamous boldness, they have grown wiser; and as the seed of original sin is still remaining in their hearts, they are resolved to preserve it for a more favorable occasion, when it will be germinated, and a now and perhaps more successful growth of treason may be attempted. wru r is rim sssn? It is the claim of so reme State sovereignty; the right to secede; the right to disregard the law 0 Congress; the right to stay in or go out of the Union at pleasure. These are the here sies that led to the late rebellion, and being still retained by the rebels, are now being care fully stowed away for future use. We were congratulating ourselves and the country that in the overthrow of the rebellion we had cleared the land of the accursed cause thereof, and that henceforth, whatever other troubles might ariso to disturb the ieace of our people, this one would not be of the number. Vain delusion! The grass is scarcely green upon the graves of our noble martyrs, the brave men who died for the Union, when the apostles of secession are boldly preaching treason in our Capitol, and preparing the disaffected for a 2nd crusade against their country. mntuos is so earn. They unblushingly aflirm, these leaders in treason, that it was no crime to rebel! They believed it was the right of States to secede, and therefore they on y followed the fortunes of their States rather than adhere to the nation. No crime! Oh, no; innocent as lamhsl Take the following question, put by the ComReconstruction to the oblivious general RobtELee, who remembered so little of the transactions of the ast that on his oath he could not say whether e had taken an oath to support the'confederate government or not: " Question by SenatorHmgciril.Suppose a jury was impanoled in your own neighbprhood, tiikenby lot, would it be practicable to convict. for instance, JeffersonDavis for having lCVIOdw ar upon‘the U.S and thus havmgcommitted the crime of treason “General Lee'sAnswer. I think it very probable that they would not considerhohad committed ren BOD Very cool, General Lee; very innocent of all criiiic l “ Qitealinnbusame.They do not suppose that?“ was treason against the LU.S.s, do t e), n "Amer. I do not think that they so consider it." To another question General Lee answers: “I think they (the people)would consider the act of the State (in soeedinzplegitimate; that theywere merely using the reserved rights.which they had a right to do thatwas my view; that the act of Virginia, in withdraw iix herself fromthe U.S. carried me along as a citizen of Virginia, and that her laws and her acts were binding on me." That is the doctrine; out of that eg came the rebellion; the rebellion is subdued,)ut the cause still stands out bold and threatening as ever, and here is General Lee, one of the lead ers, and a very guilty leader, too, tells you to your teeth, he has done nothing but his duty to his State nothing of which he should be ashamed of, much leSSpunished for as acrimel ALEXANDRI n. sriirnsss's TESTHOXY Mr. Stephens, the VEEP of the conederacy, was also before the ComReconstruction and testified. He said: “ [believed thoroughl in thereservedsovereignty of the severalStatesofht e Union under the compact soi onU, ntihoenr.eofror Constitutions in 1787. I opposedseces policy, and not one of right. on the part ot Georiria. “My convictions on the original abstract question have undergoneno change.’ That is being better acqplainted with the power on resources of the i orth, he thought it bad policy to attempt, by force of arms, to break up the Union. but the right to do so be regarded inherent in the States, and is still of that opinion, notwithstanding the failure of the rebellion. His convictions on the abstract right to rebel, whenever a State may choose to do so, “have undergone no change.” So says the Senator elect from the State of Georgia to the present Congress, and he says this opinion is general with the people of that State; they have.barely ceased to be rebels, but hold to the faith of secessionists, which is rebellion in a chrysalis state. A secessionist at heart is a traitor in principle, and give him an opportunity and he will prove himself a rebel in practice. A wovenor sun: sovrusios'rr. After hearing Mr. Stephens on secession and the right of a State to abandon the Union at pleasure, it will be refreshing to hear him on the right of a State to return to the Union ad libitum: “ I think. as the Congressof the U.S.did not consentto the withdrawal of the seceding States it was a continuous right under the Constitution o the U.S.to be exercised so soon as the seceeding States respectively madeknown their readi nessto resumetheir former practical relations with the Federal Government, under the Constitution of the U.S.” He assumes that as our Government refused them permission to secede they having the right even without such consent that therefore they acquired the right to return even against the consent of the Government. This is piling it up rather steep, Mr. Stephens. if your privileges as States were as liberal as you claim, an that those States could go out and return at pleasure go out to do us mischiefand return for the same purpose, it may be are not the privileges of the General Government equally iberal, and may we not at least have a word with you on our going and returning? If Georgia can cave the Union, inn. not the Union leave Georgia? And if the nion cannot compel Georgia to stay in, can Georgia comel teUnion to admit her nolcns volens. Sure y in a compact rights are mutual among the parties. If one State can leave 34, may not 34 leave one? Mr. Stephens’s theory works its own destruction. It is not more respectable than Buchanan’s, who thought the States had no right to secede, but the government had no right to prevent them from so doing. This was the last notable oracle of that celebrated “public functionary, ” and it is a fitting climax to his remarkable career. an we rasseniss units? This is scarcel a debatable question. Ever since the surrender in 1866 reconciliation has been progressin by means of terms and conditions pro103m?by the Government and accepted by the insurgent States. Did not President Johnson exact specific conditions of each of these States? Did he not suspend governors elected by them from assuming the funetions of Governor until laws were enacted and duties crfornied according to his dictation; and di they not readily compl, thereby recognizing his right to demand the submission and their duty to comply? Has he not suspended sheriffs and 'judges elected in rebel States until they were purged of their treason by his pardons? Wh all this terrible infringement of the rights 0 those people by the POTUS, and why are they so submissive and uncomplniiiing, if they are under no disabilities by reason of their acts of rebellion? now is in win Loni. s'ri'rss? Does the President venture so to interpose his authority in Ohio or NewYork? No, sir; those States have not rebelled against the Government, they have not levied war upon it, they have not induced the slaughter of 100s of 1,000s of brave and loyal men in attempts to break up the Government. They have been faithful to their obligations, and have stood up for the maintenance of law and order, and are therefore under no disabilities, threaten no violence, give no occasion for uneasiness on the part of the Government. The guarantees of the Constitution shield them from such nnwarrantable interference, because of their continued loyalty to that Constitution and the Government thereof. riui mom or sstr nsrzsss. All animate nature has the instinct of self preservation, a right of universal recognition. Governments are always armed with the same inherent power. Why did the President send armies With the instruments of destruction into the South to spread desolation and death in their march through the southern States? The Constitution gives no such command. Self preservation was the motive; its rights are ar amount to constitutions or laws; t ie life of the nation was in peril, and the only road of safet was by an appeal to arms, meeting force with force. Shall we be told by these rebels after the conflict has closed that they were innocent and the President guilty? That they had a right todcstroy the Government, and that the President was a murderer for resisting them with armed force, whereby blood was shed? Let such as have the patience to listen to such treasonable stuff take a surfeit of it; for myself I want none of it. SHALL w: invs morass nannies? I hope not, and that we may escape such a calamity it is our duty to do all in our power toard against it. We know by what means the late rebellion was brought about, and we will be fearfully accountable to the country if we restore the Union without removing, as for as practicable, the causes that led to our disruption. The unbridled license of the vicious must be restrained when the public safety demands it; all laws are restraints upon the natural rights of individuals for public good; whatever the public good shall require the individual members must submit to. Governments are all established and sustained upon this principle; without it there can be no such thing as government, liberty regulated by law. we am: nus osi: srsr. The constitutional amendment abolishing slavery everywhere in the U.S. was a great step in the direction of future safety. Slavery had done much to precipitate the rebellion. That Samson of terror and of crime is shorn of its locks. To tear from the traitor his cherished idol, slavery, was an invasion of his right of property; but the interest of the many is paramount the few must submit. Does anyone doubt the propriety, or even the justice, of this great measure? Surely none; and yet it cost the South 100s of millions of dollars. This we did, too, without compensation, which is allowable only in special cases, and in times of grcut emergency. Slavery made war upon the Government; it failed to accomlish its purpose, and forfeited its existence; its extinction became a public necessity. We have“destroyed the full grown lion in our path, and they are veryshall the cubs be left to grow up and nnno us? These, too, must be secured: and our work is not done, nor well done, until we have. as far as practicable, provided a defense against all reasonable contingencies of apprehended danger. BUT IT TAKES TIME. Nothing is well done that is done in haste. This is a great work; it involves the lives, the quiet, the wealth, and pros crity of many millions of people; not mere y those existing in our Government, but the accumulating millions in years to come. We are planting the seed, but the harvest is for our posterit '. This is the process of life we pay to our children the debts we incurred to our parents; we must be patient; this Government of ours is one of gigantic proportions; it cannot be reconstructed in a day. It took the labor andinge nuity of rebels 30 years to bring about the rebellion; and with all this preparation its friends admit now that they commenced at the wrong time and in the wrong way; it may not take as many years to build up what was destroyed, but it must not be unreasonably hur ried. He who is impatient at deliberation knows not the importance of the work or cares not for the consequences of a spoiled job., mic is wonsnarl? 1st; the rebels are im rtauate to get back, careful wto insist upon their rehabilitation under circumstanccsas ncarl like those under which they lcft asfpossible. a hen the copperheads are ressing or an early res toration of their sout ern brethren, and they, too, prefer no change in the order of restoration. If they had a right to secede, they insist that right shall still be available to them. If rebelling and we ng war on the Union were lawful, as Lee an Stephens and Wise proclaim, then, they say, let us return with that privilege. Stephens says they forfeited no rights by rebelling. Hc says: "As the General Government denied the right of secession, I do not think anyof the States attempting to exercise it thereby lost any of their rights under the Constitution." Ah, Mr. Stephens, as you southern gentlemen have claimed the right of secession whenever it may suit you to do so, it is made our great est duty to put that right, if it exists in an possible form, entire] and forever out ot'y your reach. We should be the laughing stock of the civilized world if, with these open declarations of rebels, we should invite their return without guarding against a recurrence of the same troubles by the some means. If rebels lost nothing by rebelling, the Union lost many and valuable rights; it lost peace and quiet and money and lives, and cannot forget, it cannot overlook, the high obligation to make sure the guarantees against a repetition of those wrongs and we cannot consent to hasty and inconsi erate legislation on so vital a matter merely to accommodate impatient rebels, who have not even the grace of penitence to recommend themselves to our favor; nay, demand to be restored at once, and with that demand shake defiance in our very teeth. A war or LOYALTY. All admit, even Mr. Stephens admits, that none but loyal men should be admitted to seats in Congress. Hear him: “I am free to admit that, in my 9 inion, none should be admitted as a member of cit ier House of Congress who is not really and truly loyal to the Constitution of the U.S." That sounds well, but examine it and you will find it the merest shell, without substance,0. deception, a cheat. Loyal to the Constitution? Why Stephcns himself claims to be this day a loyal man to the Constitution; yes, he claims that he was loyal even in the very act of rebelling. To do what the Constitution authorizes is to be loyal. Stephens says secession is a constitutional right. therefore it is loyal to secede. Stephens is Senator elect of Geor in, and expects to claim his seat as such; does e not thereby. inform us what constitutes loyalty in his judgment? With a Senate filled With men of such loyalty, how long would the Union stand? BUT WE HAVE DATES. Yes, we have a stringent oath of office for members of Congress, at how long will it remain? Every Democrat in Congress and out of it is for its repeal, and even radical Union men talk gingerly about its modification; others deuyitslegality, and thereforeanullity, and that if required to take it the veriest traitor could do so and 'et escape the pains and penlaties of perjury. the bels all say it is no oath, not being warranted by the Constitution; that is enough for them; besides, they are not very modest in regard to taking or breaking oaths. Put not you trust in rebel oaths; an oath never made an honest man, nor will it bind the conscience of a dishonest one. Amember of this House, the reputed leader of the Democracy, said 3 months " I ago: am here today to say that I would votenow, and it would give me as much pleasureas any vote thitiltI H' have ever given. to repeal the present test Oll. Another prominent member on the same side of this House devoted an hour to the serious consideration of its immediate repeal. alleging “that its continuance is most unjust and unwise.” Indeed, every utterance from that quarter on the subject indicates an ardent desire to dispense with the test oath, which of all things seems to be the most insuperable barrierto the admission of traitors to seats upon this floor. rut: GOVERNMENT THREATENED. Front every quarter where traitors or their sympathizers are found the Government is denounced as a usurpation. Why a usurpation? Because the traitors are not permitted to take charge of the legislation of the nation. If this complaint should assume formidable proportions there is nothing that could be suggested by the brain of wicked and rebellious men more dangerous or destructive, not even outright treason itself. It is claimed by those evil disposed persons that, inasmuch as 11 States are excluded from a share in legislation in Congress, that therefore the acts of Congress are null and void. Now, those States aban doned the Union in 1861, and their delegations in Congress vacated their seats, and they have remained unoccupied to this hour; and it is gravely assumed that since they left no laws could be constitutionally enacted. If that is so, then we have no Government. It is non-sense to talk of a Government that has no capacity to make or enforce its laws; and yet this is a point now seriously made by our enemies, and they are organizing party foundations upon the impudent and treasonable assumption. 'rnr.oine mniociuicv.‘ A few days since, Judge Thurman, as President of the State Democratic convention, in noticing the action of Congress relative to the reconstruction of the rebel States, declared: “And. in view of these facts, I say do not hesitateto that the doings of the presentso called Congress of the U.S.are plain usurpationsof power."To call it a gress constitutional conis a mockery of the Constitution." Mr. George H. Pendleton, late Democratic candidate for VEEP, on the same occasion said: "Thelinion is broken. not by the collision of arms. but b vthe political action 0 parties. Its enemies are in high placesof power: they sit in the seatsof the Capitol: they have their grasp upon its throat;. they throttle it to the agonicsof dissolution." Mr. Vallaudigham, on the same occasion, said: " I believethe President will not attemptany violent measuresto drive those.men from the Capitol, though [think he would be Justified in domgso, for they are not a constitutional Congress.They arebut usurpers." Vallandigham has some experience in the matters whereof he speaks, and his opinions aic therelore the more noticeable. WASHINGTONcrrv nauocaaov. A paper of this city, of Democratic antece dents, gives its note of warning; “These men had better beware. They are not a legal Congress. but an unconstitutional body of usurpers. The country feels that the one grent error of the President was in his ever TECQ'H‘HZItHhRemat all in their self imposed rump condidon. They had no claim for recognition as an official body from any honest manor any other hranch of the Government. "A little Cromwellian pluck is just the thing needed now; and there are 2200,000 Democratsin the North who would back that'kind of pluck Witha.good deal of relish just now.” REBEL VIEWS ONTHE same. “The socalled Senate of the U.S.in the absence of the 22 locally elected Senatois of the southern States refused admittance to their seats by the contnmacy of the radical party, is not, therefore. the Senate recognized and demanded b express the terms of the Federal Constitution, an any acts passed by so unconstitutional a body are null and Void, and wholly ine perative.” So says the NewOrleans Times, the editor late a soldier in the rebel army, and therefore well qualified to judge of the question discussed. Of course his views accord with his long conceived opinions; he fought for them, an he may well be considered sincere in writing for them. He harmoniZes remarkably well with his Ohio friend just quoted not any less so now than when we were in the midst of the conflict in arms; it is the same leaven of treason; it means destruction to the government, and nothing less will appease their wrath or glut their vengeance. A Georgia paper says: " Cold steelhas been invoked beforeby legislative bodies and the saints are well enough read to remcinber how Pride’s pikemen pur ed the Parliament House as they would wmnow teCapitol." 1isen/iron‘s viizws. A Senfrom Kentucky a few weeks since declared that the time had come when the senators from the southern States should be recognized as the legal Senate, and the Democrats should join them, and the President should hold his official communications with them; he was not rebuked baman of his party, and he may be understood to have uttered the prevailing sentiments, perhaps the deliberate resolves, of his associates in that body. run DRIFTor Tnsss siminiiixrs. They tend to unsettle public confidence, to render the Government odious in the eyes of the rebels, and Democrats especially, that they may be fired up for future action and co operation in attempts to subvert the Government by fraud or force. They are not satisfied with the results of the rebellion, and they seem resolved upon another effort to reclaim their lost fortunes; and they are beginning in this way to educate their followers up to the spirit of their purpose. Calhoun and his school of nullifiers did the same; they began the drill in 1830; they were fully educated in the school of secession when they struck the blow. Will the peeple be Overcome with a 2nd delusion, involving the life of the nation, before the wounds inflicted by the 1st are healed? Are the people so fond of war, so weary of peace, that they will lend a willing ear to those master spirits of mischief who seem to have no mission on earth except for crime, no taste but for treason, no enjoyment except in rebellion? so Lil GALeososnss. NOlegal Congress, because the rebel States are not represented such is the assertion; then no law has been enacted of binding force since 1861. For if their presence in Congress is necessary now to give effect to the laws, it was equally so during every day and hour since the rebellion was commenced. Is all legislation void and of no binding force since 1861? WHAT or YOUR norms? The law authorizing loan of money, and the issuing of Government bonds, that now exceed $2,000,000,000, received by your creditors, and those having faith in the honesty and integrity of the people, and scattered all over the civilized world; how stand these great interests, if this Democratic traitor logic is to be received as the gospel of the new party organization, just elevating its odious features to public view, and sounding the note of revolution in our land? IT IS RANK REPUDIATIOX It is aiming a deadly blow at the credit of the Government; it is a blast of repudiation, made at a time when the public credit stands most in need of good words; at a time when large sums are pressing new loans upon the market. Who, that has the good of his country at heart, could be engaged in such unworthy work undermining the nation’s good name, when its necessities drive it into the market as a borrower of 100s of millions of dollars? Will men take loans while the howl of repudiation breaks forth from a whole party that boasts of its 2200,000 v ofers some of them sounding the scandal from their places in Congress? ram r ans me. A party formed of men of noble and generous natures in all their political conflicts hold the interest of the Government sacred. parties may flourish or fall but the nation must not suffer. Not so with this crime inspiring coalition of rebels and copperheads, that writes treason upon its front, and makes its advent breathing threatenings and vengeance, and lapping out its forked tongue for blood. rim iios mvoxxn. Congress while pursuin the even tenor of its way, and disposing of tenation’s business with all the attention, industry, and fidelity possible, and to the entire satisfaction of the people who sent them here, yet this party of violence invokes the mobto drive congress out of the Capitol by force. This is a short cut to revolution, and its advocates boast of high confidential and official relations with the 2250,000 democrats of the North. Can it be possible that the Democratic party gives warrant for such proclamations? We are not ready to believe the masses of that part ready to embroil themselves in such a conict, and bring upon themselves, and perhaps upon their country, untit terable woes. Bad. men, adventurers, who have everything to gain and nothing to lose in such commotions, may foment them, but the staid men of the party, however bound in attachment to old political names and asso ciations, will ease and ponder well the issues that such rasness may present before they fall into the toils of treason these guilty leaders are preparing for them. wniir HAScononsss DONErun orrnsns? What is the charge against Congress? Has it not provided all the means proper for carrying on the Government; lessened the taxes, where it was possible; paid the soldier; paid the pensions; fed the starving poor of the Sent 1;‘ preserved law and order; administered justice; and given to every branch of the government all it asked of power or money to carry on the purposes of the Administration? Who complains that Congress withholds its support to any Dept, even upon the gentlest hint that anything in its power is needed? And yet Congress is objected to, and must be mobbed, driven out of the Capitol by force, to be called out by unrepented, unpardoned traitors and their conlederato Democrats who have assumed the protectorate of the nation. 11‘orroses 'rrin runsmnn'r? Is that a just cause for mobbing Congress? It often happens that differences grow up between the 2 depts of Government; and have we arrived at that point in moral progress and the science of civil government that when such differences arise they are to be settled by the arbitrament of the mob? If mobbing is the rightful remedy in such cases, who is to decide upon which of the contendin depts of the Government the fury o the mobis to be directed? And when the mobshall have demolished the one or the other, as the whim of the instigaters may indicate, how is the place to be supplied? If Congress is driven out of the Capitol who are to succeed them? If the Presicut is to be the unfortu nate victim of mobviolence who is to succeed him? The power that may rightfully depose can rightfully set up authority. The mob, then, becomes the rulin 1 power of the country. This is the logical result of the proposed remedy by mobviolence. It must certainly commend itself to all considerate minds as a most sovereign specific for all the ills of government, and is worthy of the source whence it emanates. DOES 11‘orross 'rns rassrnsn'r? When has Congress interfered with the rights or (privileges of the President? We enactlaws, an it is our privilege; he vetoes them, which is his privilege; we pass them over his veto if we can, which is our right; and when we cannot, we submit, which is our dut. Who can find an cause of censure in all t is? He is busy sett ‘ng the disorders of the insurgent States. Whether he is using more or less power than the Constitution confers upon him Congress has not offended him by even suggesting the inquiry. If he can restore peace and submission and order and loyalt in those States Congress will not complain. l fow, then, is Congress regarded as embarrassing the President insomuch that he is counseled to send a gone of soldiers and disperse Congress for being contumacious? Has the President asked for an ap ro riation and congress refused it? Has he aslketiifor power and ‘ongress refused it? Never! Has Congress attempted to interfere with his labors in the rebel States? Not in a single instance. He has been left to the full exercise of his will in this matter, and congress has made no movement to curb his purposesor question the propriety of his measures. wan concusss HAS noxs. It has assumed to be the judge of the election and qualification of its own members, and to decide when and upon what terms and guarantees the rebel States shall be restored to their practical relations in the Union. Does anyone doubt the right of Congress so to deter mine? Is it not the bounden duty of Congress to do this? And in so doing, what right, what attribute of power, belonging to the President, is disturbed? Not one! Congress passed the Freedmen’s Bureau bill because the deemed it expedient; the President vetoed it for the same reason. Congress performed their duty and were content; the resident discharged his, and was likewise content, as we suppose. Is there anything in all this to justify the cry of tyranny against congress and to invoke the mob? Congress passe the civil rights bill; the President vetoed it; Congress was sufficiently united in the conviction of its n'opriety, and they passed it over the veto. A1this was done in the proper and respectful exercise of unquestioned constitutional right. Can any mortal man discern any wrong in this for which the violence of a mob should be employed to chastise Congress? THE COMMITTEE of FIFTEEN That is the unpardonable sin. If the constitution of that committee has been the stum bling block to any, it is because they have not well considered the subject. Both branches of Congress were alike interested in the solution of the difficulties presented, and it was respectful to the 2 house. that they ro ceeded in the matter with a full understaning of each other's views and purposes. They could do this by aJtCommee; the could in no other way do it so well or so satis actorily. It was the pleasure of Congress so to proceed, and that of itself should be an answer to all complainers; it worked no hardship, no oppression; produced no complaint from either ranch, and was easily dissolved at any moment when Congress should find it inconven ient or injurious to just and proper legislation. IT OFFENDEDTHE PRESIDENT. If he took offense at the manner in which Congress disposed of its business it was his own misfortune, and not the fault of Congress. It would be a dangerous precedent to set for either dept to assume a supervision over the manner of discharging their respective duties. Congress takes its own method in dispatching business; so does the President; each acting in view of their respective convictions of propriety and duty. how can this be the subject matter of offeusc? The President may have been desirous for the speedy admis sion of southern members, and as far as congress was concerned it had no)ersonal grati hcation in disobliging the Presiout, but upon honest conviction of duty took the course indicated. Should that offend the President and justify his 11th hour admirers in denoun cing Congress and threatening it with violence? Reverse the case, and see how ridiculous the pretense of insult to the President becomes. he President knew how anxious cones was for the success of the civil rights bill, at from a sense of duty he was comclled to disoblige Congress by’ vetoing it. hibw, suppose congress had lost sight of its good sense and pro)ricty, and had run into parage, and vituperated bitterly, in and out of Congress, and had threat ened him with a mobto expel him from the White House, who would have dared to stand up and justify such folly on the iart of congress? No sensible man on cart. And yet that is the extent of our offending, simply daring to do our duty in a free, independent, and constitutional manner. our war sucn use"? There is no rule that prescribes the speed with which legislation must progress. The experience of the world is that wise laws are rarely the product of hasty legislation. Ordinary measures may be passed upon with less deliberation, because if found im perfect they may be improved at any time. 0t so with this great work of reconstruction; when it is molded into legal form and sent forth as a law it can never be' recalled for amendment, asordinary laws. The interest of 11 States and the estiny of the Union hang upon its provisions. How could haste be recommended under such circumstances? It would have been criminal in Congress to have jeoparded the peace and future prosperity of the nation by precipitate action, whereby blunders may have intervened to annoy our people for a generation to come, without the means of remedy. If the measures proosed shall secure a happy restoration of tie Union upon principles of justice and equity, and confer upon the friends of the Union the power and the duty of controlling its destiny, then I am sure no loyal man will murmur at the time bestowed upon the work. That men of trea sonable instincts and proclivities will complain is not unexpected, for against the wiles of such evil disposed creatures, who have already stained our land with blood, we have taken the utmost care to guard our country, and the more they clamor and denounce the measure the more will we be assured it has accomplished the desired object. so CONFLICT. Although it is not required that conss should defer to the peculiar notions ogrehe President in its legitimate action upon this or any other subject, it is respectful that no unnecessary demonstrations of fretful antagonism should be made. Congress has not lost sight of its dignity in the progress of this business; and the measures adopted do not militate against those employed by the President. The more successful he may have been in preparing the rebel States for a return, the sooner that return will be accomlished. His work is not destroyed orimpaire. Peace and order and loyalty must precede restoration. The Army began that work, and the President took up the work where the Army left off, and congress follows in the wake of the President; all tending in the same direction, having the same object in view the restoration of the Union. NO QUARREL WITHTHE PR‘sIDBKT Congress has no quarrel with the President; it has sought none. Evil disposed persons, eager for such mischief that they may fatten upon the calamities that would necessaril fall upon the country from such a rupture, are oing what they can to produce that result. They may have had some success in sowin the seed of discord, but reling upon the goo sense of the President and Congress, and upon their patriotism, l have faith in the final success of the great measures of restoration and of the ultimate harmony and hearty cooperation of all the depts of the Government in the consummation of this great work. And when the Union shall be restored, under the proposed plan, it will be upon a platform of even handed justice to all men, so far as congress has the power to prescribe, leaving to tie States the exercise of those reserved rights of sovereivnty which the Constitution has wisel secure to them, and which they are so just y zealous to maintain. wur suoutn wr. suxnnn? Now that the rebellion has been subdued, peace restored, and the States about to resume their places once more in the Union, free from all causes tending to future irritation, with a glorious future opening for the encouragement of all who love their count, why should the Union men, who have stoo side by side and shoulder to shoulder through all the dreary hours of doubt and conflict and blood, lending their energies of body and mind, and enlisting their hearts and souls in the cause of the Union, now that the glorious consummation is athand, why should they separate? In God’s name, let us yet be brothers; ifin the hour of our calam ities we were united, let us not degrade the dig nity of our manhood or impeach the purity of our patriotism by an unwise separation in the hour of our final triumph. RECONSTRUCTION.