Mr. HENDERSON of Missouri. In Senate Speech entitled Apportionment of Representation In Senate U.S., February 13, 1866. The Senate, as in ComWhole, having under consideration the JtResolution (H.R.No. 51) proposing an amendmentto the Constitution of the U.S. Mr. HENDERSON said: Mr. Passrnswr: I shall certainly have to ask the pardon of the Senate on this occasion for attempting to speak on a.question of so much importance without the preparation that it is entitled to; but I feel, in regard to the constitutional amendments now pending before the body, that it"we do anything at all we ought to act speedily. It is not well to postpone action upon this matter fora great length of time. A large number, I believe 22, of the State Legislatures are now in session, and if we are seriously in earnest about amending the Constitution of the U.S. we on ht to send the amendment out to those State legislatures as early as we can. I believe it was Sir JacobAstley who, just after the last battle between Charles and the Parliament, when he fell into the hands of the Parliament troops as a prisoner, remarked to the commanders of the Parliament forcesCromwell and his party “ Now, gentlemen, you have the game in your own han s, and can act as you choose unless you fall out among yourselves.” I have thought during this session of Congress that we were likely to etinto a condition similar to that immediatey succeeding the overthrow of the troops of Charles. Our present eoudition is bad enough not worse perhaps, than two years ago, but bad enough to accept the plainest talk. Isai I have made no preparation, or scarcely any whatever, for the remarks I intend to submit. Perhaps it is better that I have made none, for when gentlemen write what they have to say they sometimes are quite uarded, so careful as not to express what they eel. Ihope on this occasion that I shall say exactly what I do feel, regardless of the consequences, intending, however, to be disrespectful to no one. What is said may not be connected. It may want in succinctness of statement, in logical sequence, and offend the delicate ear of the finished scholar. It may require patience to listen, and possibl not be listened to, but, struggling againsta l difficulties, I shall stagger on to the end. I do not know in what particular political classification I may be ranked. Nor does it matter. I think I now something of the condition of the country; and I believe I know somewhat of the things necessary to remedy the difficulties now upon us. However, about that I may be mistaken; and I have some reason to doubt, since the honorable Senfrom Illinois [Mr. TRUMBULL] I rewret he is not nowin his seat took occasion, afew da ssince, to compare me with old Dr. Townsen, of sar saparil a notoriety. I have since been discussing in my own mind whether the old doctor was not at last something more than a quack; whether he was notas good physician as many others who assume a little more dirity, and pass as the most eminent men with far less merit. Perhaps I sometimes express opinions with too much zeal. It is to be regretted if in the exression of viewsI wound the feelin s of anyb. Nothing of the sort is intende. I said I did not know to what classification I may be assigned. I do not know whether I am to be termed a Radical, a Conservative, or a Democrat. I am willing to occupy any designation. to which the expression of views, honestly entertained, may assign me. Those views may not accord entirely with the views of any of the leading parties. Speaking of parties, Mr. President, I see that in a conversation which. the POTUS had with some gentlemen from Virginia a day or two ago, he gave expression to sentiments indicating most clearly that he entertains fears of some real or imaginary extreme party in the loyal States. I take it that he means the radical party as now known. That part; may be dangerous, but it is not so bad as the resident seems to think., Its instincts are generally good. Its daiigers rest chiefly in timid minds. Let me reface what I may say with the remark that honestly and sincerely, since the present Executive took his seat as POTUS after the death of our lamented Lincoln, I have supported his administration. I did not concur in some points of his reconstruction policy, but trusting in his fidelity and better means of information I was willing towaive all differences and give him an earnest support. My object and purpose havd been to restore, if possible, and at the earliest; day practicable, the Union of these States. He seemed to aim at the same end. It may be re membered, if Senators take any interest in the little I do or say on any subject here, that on the 24th of last February I advocated the admission of the Louisiana and Arkansas Sena tors, not that I believed Mr. Lincoln had nu v thority to do much that was done preparato to the election of those Senators, not that believed the military authorities possessed the power to do man things the did) preparatory to that election, but I waive the want of for mality and was willing to accept them as the representatives of loyal organizations. The war was then flagrant and it was our policy, I thought, to secregate the loyal from the disloyal. Itwas deemed best to encourage Union men to= create and rally mound State organizations as the most eflicient agency for an pressing rebellion in the respective States. h y hope was that the President had assurances that true and genuine loyalty would enter into the governments of the States to be reorganized under his proclamation; that the rebe element would abstain from particiation in restoring civil relations, to break which they had waged 4 years of bloody and savage war. The Senfrom Ohio, [Mr. Wann, ] some days since and I now refer to it in all kindness said that Mr. Johnsons proposition for the restoration of those States was far preferable to the plan of Mr. Lincoln, but he was opposed to both. I care nothing about plans, Mr. resident. It is best to look to results. I will not wrangle with the Senator about the relative merit of the two plans. He should remember, however, that those men who participated in the reorganization of Louisiana and Arkansas were Union men. They of necessity were Union men; because the war was then going on, and none other than bold and earnest Union men dared participate in the reorganization of those States while confederate soldiers were yet under arms