Mr. SCHENCK. That would hardly, anSwer for it would take the whole of the country into pay. [Laughter] ur support is not derived from a few miser able petty clerks here in the Depts, but it is resting now upon a very much wider basis, the masses of the people, those millions from whom the gentleman would do well to learn, if he would turn his face toward the people and not in other directions. I suppose I ought not to comment upon these men, nor upon their course, nor upon the pro.of excluding; as far as we can, from the nefits of this bill classes of men such as they are; I know what I may expect. It seems that a Senator made some reference in debate to these resolutions, after they were published in the publicfo upon the motion of this Mr. Richard H. Jackson, and he was met with a response in these words: “Reedlred. That we hurl back with indignation and scorn the imputation of the Senfrom California that this club is unworthy of respect; that it conde soonds to notice but to watch him and aii such Sona tors who would trample upon the Constitution and the liberties of the people, who desire anarchy rather than peace, disunion rather than the restoration of States to their proper functions under the Constitution of the U.S. ” Why, sir, this is dreadful, [laughter:l and I suppose I may expect something just like this with which Senator CoNN Ess was visited for having called attention to the sort of men who are now thronging these Depts, many of them having found their way there within the last year or 2 years, and many others, I regret to say, having assumed this disgraceful attitude after having been appointed under such circumstances as might have given them better manners and better principles. I think I understand the principles, or rather the one principle, of this “bread and butter” party. F.already alluded to it; but anyone who has read the proceedings of the Cleve. land convention which I regret to say was made up in the main, if not altogether, of those who had actually served in the armies of the U.S. has seen a very peculiar development in the address of that convention. The authors of that address speak of the amendments proposed by Congress to the Constitution of the U.S. Those amendments are 4. To the 1st, the 2nd, and the 4th they make little or no objection, or at the best they present but feeble arguments against them. They reserve all their wrath for the 3rd of those proposed amendments. What is that? It oeffect that certain E.who have held office under the General government or the States who have taken an oath of allegiance to the U.S and afterward engaged in rebellion and treason shall be debarred from holding office under the U.S. until they shall be purged of their disability by a vote of 2/3rds of both Houses of Congress. Those men who met at Cleveland. i look with calmness upon the idea of executing rebels, of hanging them. That is nothing more than they deserved. Maury and Benjamin and Toombs and Breck inridge, by running away immediately after the close of hostilities, evinced their conviction that thcy deserved death. The same is true of JeffersonDavis, except that he, being en tangled in the folds of a certain garment of his wife, was, unfortunately for him, caught before he was able to consummate his purposed escape. The men who constituted . biji convention were willing that rebels should be hung, were willing that they should be banished, were willing that they should be deprived of the privilege of voting, were willing that their property should be confiscated. Any or all of these things they seem to think rebels might deserve. But when we propose none of these, but only the simple punishment of debarring a certain class of rebels from the privilege of holding office, these fellows at Cleve land, the peculiar friends of AndrewJohnson, roll up the whites of their eyes in pious horror and exclaim:"“For God's sake do not think of inflicting upon any being wearing the image of humanity such cruelty as to deprive him of the chance of being an assessor or a collector or a postmaster!” But, Mr. Speaker, my colleague, [Mr. GARFIELD, by whose courtesy alone I am permitted to speak, desires again the floor to put an end to all debate. I close therefore with the single remark, that Irecognize the justice of some relief such as that provided for by this bill to the inadequately compensated clerks and employees of the Government in this city. I would gladly have discriminated, if it had been possible, in favor of those who have come into the civil service from the military and against those who have only reached or held their places by a spirit of mean subserviency. The amendment of the Gentfrom Vermont [Mr. MoRRILL] would have partially accomlished this. But, as I cannot get this act of legislation in the shape in which it would have been more specially agreeable to my views, I have nothing left me but to vote for the bill as the best we can get; but I do not despair of getting it even yet into some better and more acceptable shape.