Mr. HART. Mr. Speaker, I regret very much that I find myself compelled to differ with my colleague on the committee [Mr. WINDoM] in regard to the bill now before the Horse. I was not Present during the consideration of the bill by the committee at this session of Congress; but during the last session it was discussed by the committee; and on a cursory examination of the bill I was disposed to oppose it, although I am in favor of any system which may in any way elevate the condition of the Indians or reforfh the gross and flagrant abuses which evidently prevail in the conduct of Indian affairs. There is much in the bill I commend, but I regard the measure as entirely too superficial in its character. I do not think it will accomplish the object the committee had in view. The bill provides for a commission of 15 men to supervise and inspect the whole Indian country, covering territory larger in extent than the rest of the U.S. They can by no possibility visit the Indians more than once a year. And when they do visit them what object can be accomplished? They will go about much as an annual board of visitation or board of trustees. They will find the Indians set up in their best bib and tucker by the several Indian agents; and when the visitation is over they will make a fine white washing report. Then when they are gone the Indian agents will relapse into the system of treatment which is today so much condemned. How much light can such a commission throw upon the matter by an annual visit? They are surrounded by influences which are interested in deceiving them. The Indian is dependent upon the traders, and the traders seal their lips against making complaints to the commission. The commission will go away with their eyes blinded and with no just come of the condition of the Indians they have visited. I do not like the composition of the commission. It is a most extraordinary manner in which to make up a commission. There are to be 5 military men, 5 politicians, and 5 churchmen. I suppose the 5 church men are put on for the reason, it is taken for granted, the politicians are little above total depravity, and it is necessary these men should be there to leaven the rest of the mass. But there is a possibility even those who might be selected from all the churches would condescend to steal. They have to certify the accounts of all the Indian traders. The whole thing rests in their hands. But who are to supervise this commission? No one in any case whatever. It is a position of greater value to a corrupt man than any in this Government. A corrupt man on that commission can make anywhere from 50 to 100,000 dollars per annum if he may choose to take advantage of it. I do not believe because a man is in the Army he cannot be an honorable man. I think we have as much right to look for a gentleman, an honorable man, in the Army, as outside of it. There is this in addition: the safeguards thrown around the officer of the Army are double those of civilians. He is not only subject to military regulations, to the rules and regulations of war which are very stringent in their character, but he is amenable to the law to which any civil appointee is amenable. How are the churches to select? There are only 5 commissioners to be selected from 40 different denominations. Hardshell Bap ttiesrtssa;will oppose Congregationalists, and vice Roman Catholics will oppose Protest ants, and the Protestants will oppose Roman Catholics. How are they going to get together to make the selection? What assurance, then, will you have you will get better officers in that way? There is a possibility a man may be a politician and a member of church, though such things may be rare. There is a possibility the men in the Army who may be detailed by the SecyWar may also be members of church. So far, then, we may do away with the necessity of the churches of the country designating members of this commission. Is it not a reflection wpon our character that pure men, upright mea; cannot be obtained without having a convention of the churches? Now, Mr. Speaker, I am decidedly in favor of any plan that will look toward a thorough vetormation in the Indian dept. It is possible that men in the Army when they come to administer the affairs of the Indian dept will be guilty of the same corruption we have seen everywhere in that dept in the past. This will be a new broom that will sweep clean at least for a while. For the next year it will be an improvement on the Present condition of things. I object to the bill on the ground of economy. Here we have salaries of $4,000 each for these commissioners, and salaries of $1, 800 each for I do not know how many agents. It is a well known fact, Mr. Speaker, that 1/2 of these disturbances among the Indians are produced by these very Indian agents and employees of the Government, in order that the Indians may be brought here to nego tiate new treaties and that new sources of complaint may in that way be brought out. It is notorious that Indians are induced to massacre whites and foment other disturbances for the purpose of having this Government negotiate treaties in order that new annuities may be paid to the Indians, which, as soon as they are paid, are divided among these vora cious men. Now we need some measure which will remedy this evil. We need an army, in my opinion, directly in contact with the agents, so that the Indian may see before him the power of the General Government, and may feel that he is in more direct communication with this Government when he finds himself dealing with the various officers of the Government. When he sees the insignia of office, the shoulder strap of the military officer, he will feel that the power of the Government is close at hand. I trust the House will favor the proposition of the Gentfrom Ohio, [Mr. SchENck] because I believe it will be a reform in the right direction. I would be glad to see some commission appointed or anything done that will ameliorate the condition of the Indian tribes; but I believe the best plan is to transfer the charge of the whole business to the War Dept.