Mr. JOHNSON. No, sir; by no means known to human power. There may be some revulsion that will cause him to cease to be a blackguard for the moment, but as to a lady making a gentleman of a man who insults her it has not happened that I know of anywhere. He may be made somewhat of a gentleman by being cowhided. But the question I put put in all seriousness. I have seen the elections in Baltimore, where they are just as or derly as they are in other cities; but we all know that in times of high party excitement it isimpossible to preserve that order which would be sufficient to protect a delicate female from insult, and no lady would venture to run the hazard of being subjected to the insults that she would be almost certain to receive. They do not want this privilege. As to protecting themselves, as to taking a part in the Government in order to protect themselves, if they govern those who govern, is not that protection enough? And who does not know that they govern us? Thank God they do. But what more right has a woman, as a mere matter of right independent of all delicacy, to the suffrage than a boy who is just one day short of 21?. You put him in your military service when he is 18; you may put him in it at a younger age if you think proper; but you will not let him vote.. Why?. Only upon moral grounds; that is all; not because that boy may not be able to exercise the right, but. should because, in the language of Mr. Adams, there must be some general rule which must be observed; because in the absence of such general rule, if you permit excepted cases you might as well abolish all rules, and then where are we, as he properly asks. I like to learn wisdom from the men of 1776. I know we have had the advantage of living in an age which they did not witness. I have lived a good many years and watched the public men of the day, and I do not think, and I have never been able with all my disposition to think that we are any better than were the men of 1776 and our predecessors on this floor, the men who participated in the deliberations of the Convention which led to the adoption of the Constitution of the U.S., the men who were the authors of the State Papers which filled the world with admiration and amazement, which were issued during that period. We know more of somethings; we have more physical science than they had: the inventive genius of the country and of the age is greater than it was in the times in which they lived; but in all the knowledge that history can give, in all the knowledge that ethics can give, in all the knowledge that political economy can give, they were at least our equals; and no man, I am sure, (for I share but in the pleas ure which each of us has received,) can read the letters and the papers that came from the pens of the men.". day without feeling a wish, without praying, if he is ambitious, that he was equal to them. But that is apart from the subject. From the days of colonization down to the present hour no such proposition as this has received, so far as I am aware, any support, unless it was for a short time in the State of NewJersey. It has nothing to do with ‘the right of negroes to vote. That is perfectly independent. if I desired because I am opposed to that to defeat the bill, I might perhaps, as a gere party scheme, as a measure known to party tactics which govern occasionally some f do not say that they have not governed me heretofore vote for this amendment with a view to defeat the bill; but I have lived to be too old and have become too well satisfied of what I think is my duty to the country to give any vote which I do not believe, if it should be supported by the votes of a sufficient number to carry the measure into operation, would redound to the interests and safety and honor of the country.