Mr. RITTER. Mr. Speaker, I arise today with much ditiidence; and ifI were to consult my own feelings I certainly would have remained silent. The fact, sir, that so many Gentlemen of great ability have so ably discussed most of the important subjects that are now agitating the public mind, together with a due appreciation of the great importance and mag nitude of these questions, is well calculated to throw over one of my humble pretensions a disI trust of my ability to do those subjects and the l people who honored me with a seat here that justice which is perhaps demanded of me. But, sir, the present unsettled and unfortunate con! dition of our country demands that every one who loves the American name; every one who loves the Government and the Union of the U.S.; every one who loves the constitution that is the basis and foundation of our Government and Union should do something, if possible, to calm and unite the feelings and sentiments of the people, so that we may all once more have full) confidence in the justice, integrity, and perpetuity of our government. Sir, it is said that our Government can only be maintained by the consent of the governed: and if this be true as I apprehen all will agree that it is the proper question for us now to settle is, what course should this Congress pursue in order to restore confidence in the minds of the people, to convince them that it is the intention of the Congress of the U.S. to treat all the citizens of this country with equal justice, no matter whether they live in the lhlorth or South, or whether they live in the East or West? Sir, if this can be accomplished all of our differenecs will at once he at an end; the soldiers that are now kept in the various States may at once he disbanded and returned to their homes, and the people in all the States would at once, as in times gone by, be constituted into a wall of defense against any and every enemy against the U.S. no matter where they might make their appear ance. Sir, can we not do this? Can we not sacrifice our prejudices, our anger, and resentment, our party feelings, yes, and our parties, too, if necessary, in order to accomplish such a noble purpose? Sir, we have already sacrificed mi lions of money and oceans of blood avowedly to accomplish this grand object, and after the people have sacrificed all this cannot we lay aside our differences and determine, at least for the present, that we will adhere to the Constitution as itis, and require only that it shall be maintained, and lhe laws obeyed? Sir.look forone moment at ourcondition. The people who were in rebellion against the authority of the U.S. have all acknowledged their defeat they have surrendered to Federal authority. yes, sir, they have done everythi thathas been required of them in order to their admission to seats in this Hall, and still we refuse them, notwithstanding they were Old time after time by the highest authority that all that was necessary was for them to lay down their arms and submit to the laws. Sir, is this calculated to have confidence to these people that they will e treated with equal justice by this Congress? They have, by State conventions, amended their constitutions so as to abolish slavery in each State; they have declared their ordinances of secession to be void, repudiated all debts created on account of rebellion, and most of them have ratified the amendment to the Constitution of the U.S. abolishing slavery everywhere in the U.S.; and now, sir, they are submitting to taxation while we are refusing to allow them to be Represented in this Hall. Sir, is this course cal culated to give confidence to the people that this Congress intends that all of the citizens of the U.S shall be free and equal? But, sir, it is said that we must have guarantees. What do we understand from this? Sir, who has told what these guarantees are to be? All of the dominant party in thi House are asking for and claiming that we sUiould have guarantees, yet no plan of restoration setting orth the guarantees demanded by them has been presented to this House. Sir, why have the people in the lately rebellious States abolished slavery, pronounced their secession ordinances void, repudiated their war debts, &c., unless it has been to conform to the requirements of the conquerors, and thereby give assurances, or guarantees if you please. that they will obey the laws of the U.S.? Sir is not this cry for guarantees merely an excuse for the purpose of postponing the time of the admission of the representatives from these States so that the dominant party here can have time to make such amendments to the Constitution and such laws as in their judgment will seeure pass t ieir party in power and which they know that they could not do i all the States were represented? Sir, is this calculated to inspire the people with confidence that this Congress intends to do equal justice to all? Mr. Speaker, the idea of being taxed without the right of representation is one that has always been abhorred and detested by lhe American people, and accordingly we find in the DeclarIndep one of the strongest reasons for rebellin against the King of England was that he ha refused tq pass laws for the accommodation of la e districts of people unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature;a right, they say, that is inestimahle to them and formidable to tyrants onl. The Constitution of the U.S. a so declares that representation and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States, which maybe included within this Union, according to t ieir respective numbers. Sir. I may safely say that the sentiment that there shouldbe no taxation without representation has become so deeply impressed in the minds of the people of the U.S. that every effort to change it will but be the means to hurl from place or position every man who makes it. Sir, the greaident has fixed a plan for the restoration of those States, the people of those States have sacrificed a very large amount of property and also their own political views in order to become the recipients of the Presidents lau. They are willing and anxious to do it, an why should we object? Sir, we have no sacrifice to make; we have maintained the Constitution and the Union; the flag of our fathers floats undisturbed over this nation; and I appeal to this House and to the country, I appeal to every lover of this Union, to come up like men and support the President in his noble and manly e orts to restore these erring people and States to maintain the Constitution and the Union, that we may once more have eace, Qprosperity, and happiness. Sir, it may e sai that we have had some foreshowin of a plan, or rather the conditions upon wiiich these States are to be allowed to be represented in the Congress of the U.S. It is true that the majority of the committee of 15 did report that the people of Tennessee were in a condition to exercise the functions of a State within this Union; but they then assert that they can only exercise the same by the consent of the lawmaking power of the U.S. Now, sir, if the people of the State of Tennessee are in a condition to exercise the functions of a State, I ask, by what means or by what authority are they in that condition? It must be by authority of the Constitution of the U.S.; and if so, I would like to know by what authority these people are required to obtain the consent of the lawmaking power of the U.S. before they do exercise those functions which they admit themselves that they are in a condition to exercise. Now, sir, I affirm that when a State is in a condition to exercise the functions of a State that Congress has no right or authority to require anything more than tojudge of the cgality of the election and nalification of its members, and to require that t cy shall take the oath re scribed by the Constitution. But the then declare that Tennessee is one of the U.S.A. upon the express condition that the people shall do certain things, and that they shall not do certaiu other things. These conditions are all very remarkable and are required without even a shadow of authority. ut, sir, there is one of thern that strikes me as being more remarkable than all the rest, for the reason that in reniring it they make a demand, as I understam it, in direct oppOSltion to an express declarafim of the Constitution. The condition alluded to is in the wards, “ Nor shall the said State ever in any manner claim from the U.S., or make any allowance or compensation for slaves emancipated or liberated in any way whatever.” New, sir, these slaves were the propertyof some body or else they could not have been slaves, and the Constitution expressly declares that private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation. Sir, I have heard a great deal said by Gentlemen upon this floor about the importance and propriety of the Government complying with its plighted faith and solemn promises made to the colored people. This is all very well; but, sir, a great Government like ours should never place itself in such a condition that the fulfillment of one promise is the direct violation of another. Sir, whatstronger ledge, what more solemn promise, has this government ever made than the pledge to the white people of these U.S. that their lives, iberty, or property should not be taken without due process of law; and then added the clause a eve noted, that private property should not be taken withoutjust compensation 7 Sir, no stronger promise or pledge has ever been made to any people. It is true that this promise was made to white people; but that does not make it less obligatory upon us. Sir, who would have owned a slave if the Constitution and laws of the country had not authorized it? Being thus authorized, the people of Tennessee vested their money in slaves, relying upon the pledges and promises of the Government to protect them in it. Really, air, it does seem to me to be most remarkable that we do not only disregard the pledge of the Federal government, but they also require the State of Tennessee to violate her own pledges made to her own people. But, Mr. Speaker, it is not my purpose today to discuss the important subject of the restoration of the seceed States further than I have done. My object is to ask attention to another subeet of perhaps but little less importance. t is, sir, to one of the most important sources to which we are to look for revenue to enable us to meet the vast demand that is now continually pressing upon us in the item of interest, as well as to suppl the ordinary demands of the Government, and, ultimately to y the enormous debt that we now owe. To be more explicit, it is in purpose to speak of the agricultural interest of the country, and to show, if I can, the difference in the different systems of labor as practiced in this country heretofore, and what may be expected from the laborers now in portions of this country under the system of labor now being inaugurated. Sir, teagricultural interest of this country is one of far more importance than any other one interest, and perhaps of many others put together, and if the agriculturists should fail for only a few years together, our whole count would be ruined, and no other interest or branc of industry could save us; but let the agricul turists succeed, and with properlegislation the country is safe. Now, sir, if this be true, we see at once the great necessity of fostering and protecting that important and worthy class of our fellow citizens. Sir, in making our calculations for revenue to meet the vast demands against us, it will not do for us to suppose that the revenue from the States herQofore known as slave States will be increased by this great and sudden destruction of slave labor, but that the products of those States will be eatly diminished, and to the extent of that diminution must be the increase of taxation in the free States. The Government, therefore, must look to the free States to make up the deficiency caused by the destruction of slave labor in the former slave States. 1 know, sir, that this statement, if true, disproves the truth of an assertion long and loudly made by a certain class of politicians in our country, to wit, that free or hired laboris more profitable than slave labor, and in order to prove this assertion to be true, a comparison as often been made between the States of Ohio and Kentucky, Ohio bein a free State and using free labor, and Kentucky slave labor. The argument is that as Ohio has a larger population and makes more in the aggregate than Kentucky, therefore free labor is more profit able than slave labor. I suppose, however, that the hard working farmer 111 Ohio would not be much comforted by a knowledge of the fact that his State made more in the aggregate than the State of Kentucky if he is at the same time informed of the additional fact that each individual white, free colored, and slave in the State of Kentucky did make more on an average than did each individual in the State of Ohio. What gratification can it afford to a citizen of Ohio to know that his neighbor hood is very densely populated, and that because of that fact, together with the difference in their system of labor, that he makes less on an average than does each individual in the State of Kentucky? To prove that this is true, I beg to call the attention of this House and of the country to that most valuable document, the 8th Cen sus, made in 1860. B an examination of that document it will be ound that the State of Ohio had in 1800 a population of whites. " "02, 838 Free colored persons. 36, 073 Total 9 930Bill The assessed value of real estate andersonal property in Ohio was $959, 867, 101. he aver age value of property assessed in Ohio, to each individual, white and free colored, 15 about $410. Kentucky had of Whites. 919, 517 Free colo 10, 081 Slaves. 25, 483 Total. The assessed value of real estate and personal property in Kentucky was $528, 212, 693; mak in an average to each individual, white, free colored, and slave of about $457; and ifmade to each white and free colored person, the aver age is about $507 to each one. To ascertain which had the most profitable system of labor, the people of Ohio, or those of Kentucky, I deem it necessary only to call attention to the most important products raised in each State, and estimate their value, and make the average to each person, thus: In Ohio in 1860: Wheat raised.14, 532, 57bou., at 51 “it bu. urn, at50cts. “ 35, 318, 570 Rs, 656, 140 bu., at $1per" 650, 116 Oats, 3b3u., at 50ets.“ 7, 739, 566 Rico, none. Tobacco, cts. Cot ton., none. Value of live stock, including horses. mules, and asses, inilch cows, working oxen, other cattle. sheep, and swine 80, 433, 780 Total value. This gives on an average to each person in the State of Ohio about $50. In Kentucky in 1860: Wheat raised, 7, 394, 81b1u., at 81 11 hp Corn, 20 cts Rye, 1, 055"62bu., at. l, 0;, 202 Oats 29bu., at 50cts." 2, 308, 514 Rice, 24, 407lbs, at 10cts. “B, 440 Tobacco, 108, 102, 43lb7s. at 10cts. 13 lb. 10, 810, 243 Cotton, 4.09.3bales, at 10 cts. 3 Th.counting the bales iit 4001M. 163, 480 Value of live stock, including horses, mules, asses, mileh cows, working oxen, other cattle. sheep, and swme 61, 868, 234 Total value. $ 115.625, 053 This gives an average to each person in the State 0t Kentucky, including slaves, of about $100; and if the average is made only among the white and free colored persons, the amount to each one would be about $125, more than double the amount made to each person in Ohio, the people of Ohio making only $59 to each person. But to test this matter further, we W1 l take the most important of the prod ucts of the States of Tennessee and Indiana: The State of Indiana has a population of White persons. Free colored persons. " Total. 1., 3504 ! The assessed value of real estate and personal property was in 1860, $411, 042, 424; making an average to each person in the State of about $005. The population of the State of Tennessee was. Total population. 1, 109, 801 White. Free colored persons S ave! The assessed value of real estate and personal procrty in the State of Tennessee was in 1860. The average value to each fperson including slaves is about $348, and i the avera e is made only among the white and free colored persons it will be tound to be about $459 to each one, against $305 to each person in the State of Indiana.