Mr. PIKE. Mr. Speaker, I did not intend to take any part in this debate; but as I offered a resolution on the assembling of the House after the holidays, which expresses the idea contained in this resolution proposed by the committee, and as upon reflection I have come to the conclusion that that resolution does not accomplish the purpose I intended, and I therefore prefer the as is indicated by the resolution just offered by the Gentfrom Ohio, [Mr. SCHENCK] I desire briefly to give my reasons for changing my opinion. Of course, Mr. Speaker, the only object of embodying our legislation in the constitution in the form of an amendment is permanency. otherwise, at the present juncture of affairs, we could get on and accomplish the purposes we have in view by ordinary congressional legislation. But as that is not irreversible, we prefer going through the proper formula and setting in operation the cumbersome machinery necessary to a constitutional amendment, that it may be farreaching in its effects, and accomplish our purpose in the next generation as well as in t is. Now, what are these purposes we wish to accomplish? Of course there are but two. One is to lessen the political power of the South; the other is to protect the colored population of the country. I know of no other objects to be accomplished by a constitutional amendment. I am free to say that with the 1st of these purposes I have but comparatively little sympathy. I have the honor to represent a district which for the future will be much more intimately connected be social ties and be commercial relations with the South than with the western sections of the country and it so happens now that my district produces nothing, grows nothing, manufactures nothing that goes west of the mountains, except it may be an occasional dry codfish, and that see gentlemen here from that section anxious to get rid of by abolishing fishing bounties. [Laughter.] It is true that we now send an emigration westward; but under the changed aspect of affairs, when present disturbances shall be composed, that will probably go southward instead. There are many articles that my district will produce for southern consumption, and their rude agriculture will as heretofore furnish abundant employment for our tonnage. So that after a generation shall have passeda generation which I hope and trust will be punished amply and fully for the great offenses it has committed against this Governmentafter a generation has passed, and the passions of men have subsided, it would hardly be good statesmanship for me to wish to leave a constitutional amendment in operation that shall strike at and cripple the energies of a section from which, under the happy auspices of freedom to all, we have so much to expect. With the other purpose to be accomplished by a constitutional amendment I have full sympathy. It is the only purpose for which at the present time I will support an amendment with regard to representation; and that is, to protect the colored population of the South. Now, if it be necessary to arm the colored people with the ballot in order to enable them to defend the freedom we have just given them, it would be best to support the amendment offered by the Gentfrom Massachusetts, or some similar amendment, which shall in properand fitting terms do the very thing it is intended to accomplish. But it is said with great force, and I have no doubt quite correctly, that no amendment of that character can pass, and that it is useless to submit such a one to the States when it is sure of rejection. Yielding that point, half way measures are to be adopted, something in the nature of dodges are to be incorporated into the constitution, and the question is narrowed down to the consideration of what kind of a one we shall put in. Now, I have not heard the remarks made this morning, but yesterday various reasons were very forcibly some by the Gentfrom RhdIsland Mr. Janexas] an some by other gentlemen why, if this constitutional amendment should be adopted, our purpose would not be accomplished; and that purpose is, as I understand it, simply to coerce the States into giving, what we will not do directly, the ballot to the colored population of the South. Those reasons were forcible, and as far as I have heard, unauswerable. I may add another and I do it with all due deference to the superior wisdom of the gentlemen of the JtCommee, and thatis this: suppose this constitutional amendment in full force, and a State should provide that the right of suffrage should not be exercised by any person who had been a slave, or who was the descendant of a slave, whatever his race or color. I submit that it is a serious matter of doubt whether or not that simple provision would not be suficient to defeat this constitutional amendment which we here so laboriously enact and submit to the States.