Mr. KERR. Let the letter speak for itself. It reads as follows on the point in question: To the Senateof the U.S.: In reply to the resolution adoptedby the Senntcon the 12} instant. I have the honor to state that. the iporobpeellriolyiiwcomnzsetidtubtyeadnpuotrhtioornitoicfsthoef t the co doovaogrnaminesntth of the U.S. has been suppressed ithat the U.S. are in possessionof every Statcin which the insurrection existed; and that, asfar ascould bedone. the courts of the U.S. have been restored. postoffices icijstablished, and stepstaken to put into effect No operation the revenue lows of the country. As the result of iho measuresinstituted bytho Executive With the view of inducing a resumption of the functions of the States comprehendedin the inquir of the Senate. the pee la in NCarolina, SCarolina. Georgia. Ala ama. Mississippi. Louisiana. Arkansas and Tennessee. have reorganized their respective State governments and “ nro yielding with obedience to, the laivs and Government of the U.S. "With more willillslcss nnd greater promptitude than under the iirciiiiirtunecs could reasonably have linen all proposed amendmentto the constitution. provnlini:ior the abolitionof slnvery foriever within the limits of rhc country. Has been ratified by each one of those suites with the exccpion of Mississippi, from which no official information hzuyet been reco veil; and in nearly all of them Innalures have been adopted or mnow nondial towafer won freedmen rights and privileges which are essential to their comfort, protection and security. Now, a word more. I am opposed to this bill on other grounds. Let us see what it reposes to accomplish in other respects. he commissioners and asst commissioners and sub agents and clerks in this bureau are made, as it were, absolute and excluswe governors and rulers of the freedmen and refugees of this country. There is to be built up within the States of this Union by this bill a sort of imperium in imperio, a sort of government within a government. It is an attempt upon the part of the Federal Government, in ot or wet s, to usurp and take from the States their sacred and inalienable right to control and govern their own people in all matters relating to their domestic an local interests. But not on] that. This bill proposes to make it the duty of the Executive, when this bureau shall be organized all over this country, to come to the rescue of all these various officers With the military wer of the Union. The bill says in the secou section: and the POTUS, through the War Dept and the commissioner shall extend inilitaryjurisdiction and rotoctionover all ein ploye s, agents and officersoft is bureau in the exercise of the duties imposedor authorised by this act, or the act to which it is additional.” What does that mean? Are we to have organized all over this country a system of petty tribunals, to be at once(protccted by and to perform their duties accoring to the rules of military or martial law, and to be wholly independent of and superior to the States, and all the civil tribunals of the States where they exist? The inquiry may well strike the mind with utter ineredulity, the thing proposed is so strikingly inconsistent with the genius of our boasted institutions. But it is true and it is not relieved by the provision of section 8, that the jurisdiction conferredby this and the precedin section on the officers and agentsof this bureau shal ceaseand llcttlminewhenever the discrimination on account of which it is conferred ceases, and innoevent to be exercised in any State in which the ordinary course of judicial proceedings has not boen interrupted by the recllion, nor in any such State atler said State shall have beenfully restoredin all its constitutional relations to the U.S and the courts of the State and of the U.S. within the same are pot disturbed or stopped in the peaceablo courseof Justice because, by its terms, that section relates alone to the jurisdiction conferred by sections 7 and 8. All the powers conferred by the other sections operate Without limit as totime or territory. In all my observations in the business of making laws I never yet had occasion to analyze a bill the terms of which, in the bestowal of power, were so loose, unguarded, and dangerousas those of the bill nowbefore the House, with its proposed amendments. Take for example, a part of section 6. Read it: The Commissioner shall under the direction of the President, procure in the nameof the U.S.s. by grant or purchase. such lands Within the districts aforesaidas may be required for refugeesand freedmen dependent on the Government for support; and lie Shit" provide oreauseto be erected suitn leings for nsylums and schools; and build the CommisSioner mayprovide iicoinine nschool educationfor all refu gees and freedmenwho shall apply therefor. The lands to be acquired may be anywhere in the U.S., and there is no limit as to amount or cost or quality, except the discretion of the officers. Any freedman or refugee may apply for a commonschool education, whether male or female. young or old, octoge narian or infant; and the Commissioner may provide it at the expense of the country. What is a " common school education, ” and how long will it take some negroes to acquire it? What will it ultimately cost the people? But enough of this. The whole system is wrong. The principle of the bill is wrong. The assumtion that congress may take such charge of any class of people is radically Wrong. These negroes are ree men. They can only become good citizens, capable of selfsupport and selfgovernment, by the discipline of absolute selfdependence. They must be left substantially to work out their own destiny. You can never make them able to mks care of themselves by this system of Government nursery. Give them full and ample protection for person and property, and they will do better than they can be made to do under this system. Their greatest amelioration must arise out of the feelin s of sympathy and friendship between them an the whites. The great law of intelligent selfinterest, if left free to work, without extraneous interference and irritations, must soon convince both races that the can best and most effectually serve themselves and develop their separate interests by serving each other and aiding each other in a spirit o mutual kindness. It will require and ultimately accomplish the highestdeveloprnent of the capacities of each race, afld lead tomore enduring happiness and pros perity than can otherwise be secured. But the policy contemplated in this bill, by exciting false and delusive hopes in the minds of the negroes, will only lead to everinereasing hostility between the races and frequent conflicts of authority in the States where they are, and will only put off any genuine and enduring improvement in the condition of the freedmen and prevent the early solution of the great problem of labor in the southern States, and t us retard the prosperity of the country and of both races.