Mr. BOUTWELL. I cannot; I have only a few minutes left. The effect of this will be that these 9 States will appear here with their constitutions framed as you demand, the constitutional amendment adopted, and negro suffrage provided for, but every officer in the States will be a disloyal man. Am I told that the pending amendment to the Constitution excludes certain persons? To be sure it does; but the number excluded is very small in proportion to the whole number of disloyal people in those States. Nothing remains except for the disloyal people to select men who are disloyal but who will not come under the ban of the constitutional amendment. The consequence is that the timid people, black and white, who adhere to authority, who naturally place confidence in men of power, will be the sport of disloyal men. Thus you permit disloyal men to set up and control the governments which are to be formed in these 9 States. Therefore I protest with all the power I can command against any general proposition for the admission of these States into the Union; and in that protest I do not mean to be under stood as entertaining the opinion that these States ought not to be restored as speedily, as possible. But I do assert, and maintain that either the bill which passed yesterday should be passed for these several States as they may appear qualified to take their places in the Union, or one somewhat like that proposed by my colleague, [Mr. BANKS] Take each State and provide that the men who are intrusted with the organization shall be loyal men; secure a loyal government, loyal judges, loyal Legislatures, a loyal convention for framing the State constitutions, and thereby you secure loyalty among the people of each of the new States. If you allow power to go into the hands of the disloyal of the South they will without doubt reconstruct governments as you demand. They possess all the means of information; they command in a large degree the intellect of the South; they control the institutions of learning; the clergy is in their interest. And having all the means of influence and power, if in addition we allow them the offices in the incipient State, they will rally to their support enough of the people to control the State for a long period of time..Therefore I am of the opinion clearly that if we were to pass bills tomorrow for the reconstruction of every one of these States, those bills should be separate; they should be framed like the bill passed yesterday in relation to Louisiana, that thereby we may have the influence of the military officers in support of the new State governments we desire to establish. I hold further that we are driven to this extreme measure because the policy of the President has failed, for some reason or other, to secure to the people of the South protection of life, liberty, or property. I have in my desk a statement in detail which I suppose and have reason to believe is very imperfect, but which contains the names of 40 persons murdered, and the places are named where they were othe State of Arkansas, within a comparatively brief period of time. Although many of the murderers are known not one of them has been brought to justice or even arraigned before any tribunal. There are now, as far as I can understand, but 4 methods which can be resorted to for reconstructing the governments of the rebel States. The 1st mode is to admit all the southern States upon the plan suggested by the Gentfrom Ohio, [Mr. BINGHAM] I have already indicated as clearly as I am able the objections I entertain to that plan. I consider it nothing more and nothing less than a proposition to put all those State governments into the hands of the reebels. The 2nd plan is to leave those States as they are now. Are gentlemen prepared to do that? Are they prepared to continue this grand carnival of disquiet, disorder, bloodshed, and murder throughout the South? We shall be false to our duty if we permit the existing condition of things to continue one day beyond the time when we can relieve ourselves from the circumstances in which we are placed. The 3rd plan is to follow the example set in the case of Louisiana by the bill which we passed yesterday. We may follow that example as speedily as possible, even though we E. the bill now before the House. The bill or a military government over the insurrectionary States does not interfere at all with the reconstruction of NCarolina or Arkansas, or any other State, should Congress deem either in a fit condition to be received into the Union of States. But in the mean time, as I believe, it is necessary to establish some sort of government there which shall protect the people in their rights; and I know of no means whatever except to employ for that purpose the military force of the Government. do not participate at all in the idea that the military will in any degree deviate from the strict line of their duty. I do not apprehend that they will opPress any man, or that it will do anything from malice, or for any unjust purpose. I believe that temporarily it will be a safe depositary of the public power, and that we can at least do that which thus far the Government has failed to do since the supPression of the rebellion, protect our friends against the injustice and wrongs under which they have suffered for now more than 2 years, and under which they are writhing in the very agony of death. have promised to yield the remainder of my time to the Gentfrom NewYork, Mr. WARD] But there is so little of my time eft I do not know that he will want it.