Mr. DMUNDS. The French Emperor undoubtedly is a very extraordinary man; and if we take the opinion of the American people, he is undoubtedly a very bad man, in a political sense. ltmay be said of him, however, as a Latin poet once said of Nero: "Quis Ncronc pigus? Quid thermis melius Neroanis?" “Who is so bad as Nero, but who has so fine baths as he?” I take it, Mr. President, that we are not invited to a family entertainment of Louis Napoleon’s; we have not been called upon to pay homage to him in any sense whatever; but as one of the equals in the family of nations, we have been invited to a comparison of the products of the arts of peace with other civilized nations. We are called upon to meet upon common groundin a congress, so to speak, on industria congress of civilized nations, for this comparison of the develop rnents of the industrial arts of our people with those of other nations. Now. what have we to do with the hostility of the Emperor of France to this nation under such considerations? Suppose that he is just as hostile to us as he can be imagined to e; that he is desirous, as he has been undoubt edly, tone the Government of this country overturned, as our British cousins or uncles or grandfathers, whatever they may be, have been; hat of it? I am in favor of meeting these enemies of ours upon this common ground and of showing them t iat, notwithstandin the ef forts they have made for the last halt a dozen ears to overthrow us, notwithstanding they have aided to plunge us in distress of the most excessive description, not withstanding they have deluged us with blood and covered us with death, we have emerged from the conflict stronger, more progressive, more powerful than ‘We entered into it, and that we can compare with them favorably in every arena of peace and industry and progress, while we have dem onstrated already that we are ready to meet them in arms on any field where our honor and our duty require. While, therefore, when the proper time comes I would tumble the French into the Gulf of Mexico at the point of the bayonet, I would at the same moment show to every nation in Europe that in all the solid and material prosperity which is the life of a nation we are still steadily advancing, so that with the products of peace in one hand and with the insignia ofwar in the otherI would stand foremost in the work. Where is the humiliation, I beg to know, in enteringinto such acontest upon such grounds? We have accepted the invitation. If there be humiliation in it, we have drank of the cup of humiliation. If there be vride in it, it calls upon us to go forward man ully and boldly, at whatever expense, and meet the consequences. But it is said that it is not fair for the French to tax our products after sale. Does not. that become a matter of trade? It is said it is not fair for the French to ask us to pay the expenses of our own part to the Exhibition. Does not every other nation do the same? Is there any unjust discrimination against us? Not at all. We all meet on equal grounds, every one of us. Then where is the harm? It is said that the Constitution does not allow the purchase of real estate and the construction of edifices in France. I do not think it does. I do not think there is any warrant in the Constitution for the construction of an edifice by us in France. I do not think there is any warrant in the Constitution for accepting this invitation at all. hit is tres assing on the reserved rights of the States an the pee lo, we ought to have thought of it before. ut, seriously speaking, this notion that every time any question relating to our foreign relations arises, if we are to have a commissioner to China, if we are to gather seeds on the other side of the Pacific, if we are to exhibit the fruits of our industry among other nations, we are to take up that time honored instrument and look into it to see if we can do anything about such a matter, we very much mistake the gurport and the scope of that document. The onstitntion has ut'bing to do with the subject. If we are a nation, if we havea national life and a national vitality, We are not to be told that we cannot, among the family of nations and as one of that family, do whatever our external relations of amity, of ride, of industry of interest require. We have put our liaii s to the plow; honor and good faith and the ride of our nation require us not to turn back.