Mr. BOUTWELL. Mr. Speaker, I am aware that no measure can be more unpalatable to the American people than one which provides for a military government, and there is no position in which I can myself be placed in the performance of a public duty more disagreeable than that of an advocate of military rule. I shall, however, make no apology for proceeding to the discussion of the measure before the House by the aid of common place and inartificial processes of examination and reasoning. My purpose, in the 1st place, is to examine this bill in connection with the amendments that are now pending, moved by the chairman of the committee on the part of the House, for the purpose of relieving, if possibly I may, the force of some objections o: have been made on this side of the House to the passage of this bill. I then purpose to co, the amendsments proposed by the Gentfrom Ohio Mr. BINGHAM] and the Gentfrom aine, [Mr. BLAINE, for the purpose of showing how those amendments are inconsistent with the vote of the House taken yesterday in reference to a bill for the reconstruction of Louisiana, and that they are also vitally and dangerously inconsistent with any measure for the permanent restoration of the rebel States to their position and influence as loyal members of the Government. I then purpose, in conclusion, to Present certain general views bearing upon to: question of military authority in the ten rebellious States, showing that in a large degree the necessity for the Present condition of things has arisen from the policy of the President, a policy for which we are in no proper degree responsible, but which in its effect compels us, as the RePresentatives of the people and as the lawmaking power in the Government, bound to protect all persons within the jurisdiction o the Union in their rights of person, property, and liberty, to resort to measures which otherwise we could neither approve nor contemplate. It has been objected that the committee did not propose, in connection with this bill, a measure or measures for the restoration of civil authority in the ten States recently in rebellion. That is true, and it may have been a mistake on the part of the committee. If so, it is due in some degree, as far as I am concerned, to an error of opinion as to what this House was prepared to do. I refer now to the vote of this House on the passage of the bill for the reorganization of Louisiana. It will be very well remembered that on former occasions during the existence of this Congress any proposition contemplating uni versal manhood suffrage was not only unanimously opposed on the other side, but failed to receive the united or even the general support of this side of the House. It therefore naturally came to be believed in the committee that if we should report a measure which provided for universal manhood suffrage, either in one of these States or in the ten States, we should fail to combine the entire support of the loyal party in its favor. I have now to say that it is one of the most note worthy facts in the history of this great contest that the bill providing for civil government in Louisiana, which passed this House yesterday, was discussed to some extent on this side, and for 2 consecutive hours without interruption on the other side, and was not, I believe, opposed by any gentleman upon the ground that it provided for universal manhood suffrage in the State of Louisiana. Only one gentleman on the other side adverted incidentally, as far as I heard, to the fact that there was such a provision in the bill.