Mr. SUMNER. I come. then, to the precise question. All must admit that the bill of my colleague is excellent in purpose. It proposes nothing less than to establish Equality before the Law, at least so far as civil rights are concerned, in the rebel States. This is done simply to carry out and maintain the Proclamation of Emancipation, by which this Republic is solemnly iledged to maintain the emancipated slave in his freedom. such is our ledge: “and the Executive Government of the U.S., including the military and naval authority there of, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons.” This pled e is without any limitation in space or time. It is as extended and as immortal as the Republic itself. Does any bod call it vain words? I trust not. To that 510 go we are solemnly bound. Wherever our ag floats as long as time endures we must see that it is sacredly observed. But the performance of that ledge cannot be intrusted to another; least o? all, can it be intrusted to the old slavemasters, embittered against their slaves. It must be performed by the national Government. The power that gave freedom must see that this freedom is maintained. This is according to reason. It is also aceordin to the exam les of histor. In the British estIndieswe ndthisteaching. 3 Qf Englands greatest orators and statesmen, Burke, Canning, and Brougham, at successive riods united in declaring, from the experience in the British West Indies, that whatever the slavemasters undertook to do for their slaves was always “ arrant trifling, ” and that, whatever might be its plausible form, it always wanted “t e executive principle.” More recently the Emperor of Russia, when ordering Emancipation. declared that all efforts of his predecessors in this direction had failed because they had been left to “the spontaneous initiative of the proprietors.” I might say much more on this I hope there will be no. head, but this is enough. I assume that no such blunder will be made on our part; that we shall not leave to the old proprietors the maintenance of that freedom to which we are pledged, and thus break our own promises and sacrifice a race. I have already alluded to Emancipation in Russia. But this example is worthy our deepest study, unless we purposely reject history. All know that in 1861the Emperor, by solemn Proclamation, gave freedom to upward of 23 million serfs; but it is not generally known by what supplementary provisions this freedom was secured. I have in my hands an official conof Jhis great act, published at StPetersburg, y which it is declared that the serfs atler an interval of 2 ears, are “entirely enfranchised.” Under this reclamation, a new set of local magistrates was constituted, with “special court” and “justices of the peace” in each district, to superin tend the working of the Proclamation and to examine on the s 0t all questions arising from Emancipation. This provision was not unlike our Bureau of Freedman, which is thus vindicated by this example. But i0 od worldid not sto here. The Emperor not leave the free men without protection, handed over to the tender mercies of their former owners. By a careful series of "regulations” accompanying the Proclamation, prepared with infinite care, and divided into chapters and sections, the rights of the freedmen are secured be 0nd question. I hold a copy of this remarks le document in my hand. Here it is, a model for our imitation. These “re lations” begin with the formal declaration that the freedmen. by the act of Emancipation, ” acquire the rights belonging to free farmers.” The language is general. this “ the rights of free farmers, ” not in certain particulars, but in all particulars; not merely in exemption from the authority of their masters, but in complete enfranchisement. Surely here is an example is for us. The “regulations” then proceed informal words to fix and assure these rights civil and political. These rights are not leftto inference or to future discussion; but they are positively declared with all possible detai. By one section the freedman is secured in all his rights of family and rights of contrad, as follows: “The articles of the Civil Code on the rights and obligations of the family are extended to the freedmen; consequently they acquire the right, Withotit the authorization of the proprietor, to contract marriage, and to make any arrangement whatever concerning their family affairs: they can cqually enter into all agreements and obligations authorized by the laws, as well with the State as with individuals. on the conditions established for free farmers: they cun inscribe themselves in the guilds, and exercise their trades in the villages: and they can found and conduct factories and establishments of commerce.” Surely here is an example for us. By another section the freedman is secured in rights of property. He may acquire and alienate property of all kinds, accoring to the General law; and, besides “the possession of the homestead” on which he haslived is uarantied to him on certain conditions. Sure y here is an example for us., By unother section the freedman is secured complete Equality in the courts, as follows: “He shall have the right cfuction whether civilly or criminally. to commence process, and to answer personally or by attorney: to make complaint, and to defend his rights by all the means known to the law, and to0 war as witness and as bad conformably lo the common law.” Mark these words. witness and as bail.” am 10 for us. y other sections the freedman is secured Equality in political rights, according to the measure of such rights in Russia, thus: “0n the organization of the towns, he shall be on titled to takcc part in the meetingsand electionsfor the towns, an tp vote on town affairs, and to exer ciss divers functions: and he shall also take part in the assemblies for the district, and shall vote on district affairs, and choose the chairman.” From all the provisions on this head, it appears that the freedman enjoys rights to choose He may appear “as Surely era is an exthe local officers, and to be chosen in turn. Surely here is an example for us. By still another section the freedman is so Cllllfed Equality at schools and in Education; t as: “He may place his children in the establishments for public education, to embrace the careerof instruction, or the scientific career or to take service in the corps of surveyors.” Surely here again is an example for us. Then, a in, tor the general protection of the freedman it is provided that he “cannot lose his rights or be restrained in their exercise, except after the judgment of the town according to fixed rules;” “ and still further, that he cannot be subjected to any punishment, otherwise than by notice of a judgment, or according to the lertal decision of the town to which he belongs. Surely here again is an example to us. Thus does Russia by careful provisions, supplementary to the act of Emancipation, secure her freedmen in all their rights; 1st, in the right of family and the right of contract; 2ndl, in the right of property, including a homestead; 3rdly, incomplete Equality in the courts; 4thly, in equality in political rights; 5thly, in Equality at schools and in Education; and, finally, all those safeguards are crowned by declaring that they cannot lose their rights or be finished except after jud out according to edrules; thus complete y fulfilling that retailiirement of our fathers, that “ government. should be a government of laws and not of men.” I trust that this example is none the less wor thy of imitation because it is that of an empire which is not supposed to sympathize with libera ideas. Surely a republic cannot in this respect lag behind an empire. Besides, all that we car shows that the experiment has been successful. Clearly an experiment inspired so completely by the spirit of justice cannot fail. My colleague is clearly right in introducing his bill and pressin it to a vote. The argument for it is irresistible. It is essential to complete Emancipation. Without it Emancipation will be only hal done. It is our duty to see that it is wholly one. Slavery must be abolished not in form only, butin substance, so that there shall be no Black Code, but all shall be Equal before the Law. As to the power of Congress over this question I cannot doubt it. My colleague assumes the war without professing to trace it to any particular source. It may be a military power precisely as the Proclamation of Emancipation, and here the authority is as clear and absolute as in the DistCol, or it may be in pursuance of the constitutional Amendment, which provides that Congress may “ enforce the amendment by appropriate legislation;" or it may be to carry out the guarantee of a RFG. There are measures of my own, already introduced by me, now on your table, looking to the same result as the pending bill, which proceed specifically on the 2 latter grounds. One of these is entitled “A bill supplying appropriate legislation to enforce the amendment of the constitution.” From this bill I read 2 sections: SEC. 3. Abife: That in further enforcement of the provision of the constitution prohibiting slavery and in order to remove all relics of this wrong from the States where this constitutional prohibition takes effect, it is hereby declared that all laws or ustoms in such States establishing any oligarchical privileges and any distinction of rights on account of color or rucc are hereby annulled and all persons in such Statesare recomiired as equalbe fore the law: and the penalties provided in the last section are hereby marle applicu In to any violation of this provision which is niaduin pursuanceoftho constitution of the U.S. SEC. 4. Abife:, That in further enforcement of the provision of the constitution aforesaid, thocourtsof the U.S. in the States aforesaid shall have exclusivejurisdiction of all of fcnsescommitted by personsnot of African descent upon persons of African descent; also of all offenses committed by persons of African descent; and also of all causes. suits and demands to which nnv 0mm of African descentshall be party; and it is hereby declared that all such casesare to be treated agenses arising under the constitution of the U.S.l. This bill, of course, proceeds on the idea that the amendment is now a part of the constitution granting to all intents and purposes and who can doubt this conclusion? It has been already adopted by” the Legislatures of 3/4ths of the States, ” in other words by 3/4ths of the States having Legislatures. The States having no Legislatures at the time of its proiosition by Congress are not to be counted. (5f what value can be the enforced consent of the disloyal and barbarous bodies that have pretended to net for certain States at the dictation of military pewer? Military power may govern during the war, but it is impotent to make a republican State or to give assent to an amendment of the constitution. Another bill introduced by me, and now on the table is founded on the guarantee clause. 161 is brie, and will explain itself: A bill in part execution of the nranteeof a RFG in the constitution of the U.S. Whereas it is declared in the constitution that the U.S shall guaranty to every State in this Union a RFG; and whereas certain States have nllowe their governments to he subverted by rebellion, so. that the duty is new cast upbu Congress therefore, of exucuting this guarantee: Now, Be it enacted by the Senate and HoRep of the U.S.A. in Congress assembled, at in all States lately declared to bein rebellion theroshull be no oligarchy, invested with peculiar privileges and powers, and there shall be no denial of rights, civil or political, on account of color orrace: ibnutt all persons shall be equal before the law, whether are, o courtroom or at the ballob box and this strit made in pursuance of the constitution shall be the tustuiopnreomr e laws of atnhyesluacnhd, State thtiongthine tchoenteroanry notwithstanding. Both these bills are broader even than that of my colleague; for they point to the absolute obliteration of all legal discriminations founded on color, whether in the courtroom or at the ballotbox, and to this conclusion we must come at last. But I confess that I feel the dignity, the grandeur, and the substantial value, which would be found in a declaration of Congress that an oligarchical government, which denied rights to a whole race; which undertook to tax Without representation; and which discarded the “consent of the governed” as its just foundation, cannot be a “RFG.” 4 The most explicit, the most positive, the most mandatory words in the constitution are, “the U.S shall guaranty to every State in the Union a RFG.” This greatduty is thrown not upon any individual branch of the Government, but upon the U.S. It is a duty “to guaranty”which in itself is a strong term what 2 A RFG. New, by the lapse of State governments in the rebel States, this duty is cast upon the U.S. But the U.S. are represented in Congress, or rather by an act of congress, which in itself is the embodied will of 0th Houses of Congress, and of the POTUS Congress must, therefore, determine, what is a RFG? Into this nestion I do not now enter. At the propertime hope to consider it. Icontent myse f now by saying, that it is absurd to say that a community, which is founded on oligarchical pretensions, and which excludes from all participation in the government an considers. the proportion of its taxpaying citizens, and ignores the consent of the governed, can be considered a RFG. On this proposition I hope to be heard titan early day. ore is one of the greatest questions of ourhistory and now after this brief review of the object proposed to be accomplished, I am brought to consider the practical necessity of such legislation; and here it is my duty to expose the actual condition of the rebel States, especially as regardsloyalt and the treatment of the freedmen. n this hea I shall adduee evidence in my 08 session. In the endeavor to bring what say within reasonable proportions, I shall adduce onlya small art of what has passed under my eye, but it W1lbe more than enough. In bringing it forward the difficulty is of selection and nbridgment. I shall begin with something relating to the condition of the rebel States generally, snd shall then proceed to consider the different States successively and now, 1st, as to the rebel States generally. I know no testimony which has found its way to the public, with regard to the general condition of the South, which will compare in value with a series of letters by A. Warren Kelsey, a cotton agent of character and intelligence above nestion who has traveled through the rebel itates. Ilis communications with his employers show singular powers of observation, and are expresse with great clcarness. Of course I can only give a “ few extracts: In traveling about as I have from one section of the country to the other, I opinions, and, have been able to compare as you know. I have had peculinr n. nd favorable opportunities for ascertaining the news they huyo in common. I have endeavored to trace the motives from which they have actedand which now animate them, and their rail purposefor the future, if they have one. In givmr you my opinion now, it is proper to sny that Ilinvs takcn noone individual as ii. criterion of the whole, and have judged them only by the opinions I find they are general y upon agreed neither linve I any onc sstatement for their thoughts and actions. My opinions, deductions and conclusions are derived from my own experience a d observationamong them and whether they shall o confirmedor deniedby others, are, notwithstanding. my honestand since reconvictions. While I am able to say that they have made up their minds that emancipation is avoided, a fact, and not tobo I am obligedtostatemy earnest opinion that so for as secession is concerned, that is, the doctrine of State rights it is more doe ly rooted than ever aine n the m. The are perfecty unitediu the belief thatt e division of this country is both right from a moral standpomt, and politic as a measureof expo dicney. They have simply changed their base from the battleheld to the ballotbox, believiniz, us they very frankly admit, thatizreater triumphs await them there than they could ever hope for in the field. In almost every hopso hnnps the old, worn confederate uniform, which is displayed with pride and satisfaction to all comers. So farfromropenling oftho stand they took, they glory 1}it. They regret the result, and their non-success, it is true. but not onein athousand Will admit they were in the wrong. They argue that atle iist 95 in every 2 hthuenidr rfnevd votesat the North are sure to be thrown in riand they can new rule theiUnion by giving up, which is cheaperthan to persistin their idea of a separate Government. laid asidefora time. Every boy at the South ising be todeadyuscuastetadiinus the belief that the relations theSouth towardtho North, are the same as those of Hungary or henetia toward Austria, or of Poland to Russia. They hide their time. They have adopted for their motto Patience, rind shuthe the our s. The snake so far from being killed is barely insetohtechUendi. onMtehaannfimc, the deem it better to rule to serve in the confederate army. W:ilAl sfintodtphreoirofafifnec thtie one floercttihoenisr amtilRitiacrhymloendeorusr, O in“ SCarolina. No man has a butter claim to their sympathy, and none stand it better chanceof election, than thosewho were the last to giyo up. Motives of whey may induce them to nominate others, but the act remains as I have stated. I repeat, that General Lee and ode ampton are the twomost popular and best loved men in the South todiiy. avo heard but one disparaging remark made of General Lec since I wasat the outli, and that was in this connection: I was riding one night in a hack across the gap in a railway, madeby Wilson, and, as usual, the conversation turned on political affairs and the condition and prospectsof the southern people. One man said that General Leo stood the best chancefor the next Prosidonc by the Way, that is a very prevalent idea herentt ic South when another remarked that he would rather have AndrewJohnson. I was curious to know why and inquired. He replied, that nheogrhoad but little confidence in Lco since he favored soldiers and in his opinion he was not much better than a Black Republican. “At prtsent every ono rit the South is occupied in his personal and family interests. There are no political urtiesfvory little coherence ofopiiiion us to the policy best to be pursued. But I find among the knowin ones, particularly those who have beenon to the girth, and remained sometime in NewYork or Washington, a can 9 belief thnt they can easily resumethe reins ofo ice, and thesemenare the only I Ut;nionists in theSouth today. You candependupon thnt the southern Statesin the future vnll present one solid, unanimousjiout: their leadershave them well in hand and this is preciselywhat 99 in every 100 of the men, women, and children believe sincerely as to the situation todny: 1st v that theSouth of right possesses and always possessed the right of secession; 2ndly, that the war only proved that the North was the siren est: 3rdl, but negro slavery was and is right, but mebeenubo ished by the war. "The southerners are too smart not to see that slavery is dead, but many of thein long as the black race BIQlSfi here to be able btoatoonlds it in a condition of priictical serfdom. All expecl the negro Wlll be killed in one way or a other by emancipation The policy of those whow I eventually become the lcaders hero at the South, is, for the present, to iicccpt the best they csn get, toacquiescein anything and everything, but to in every nerve to regain the political owegh and bim aond enothyietyuc anon. hold tunde o o e canpo conpope longer than up to o no: presideufial pelection; That idea, however is only. They will do all in their power toredst negro sufffage and to reduce taxation and expenditures, and would l attack the national debt if the Haw an renzoii to believe repudiation possible. ey will continue to assert the inferiority oftbe African and they would today if possible, precipitate the U.S. into n foreign War, believing they conld then renss rt and obtain lhcir independence. They wfllnnost of them take any oaths you may cause to be adopted, an break them jmineiliatcly, and Without. sample. In one word. This people have placed themselves in resolute antagonism to the North, and this generation, iit least, will always hate the northern people, while the botys areOhem eUducatledto the same idea. 0n the whole, looking at the slfair from all sidm, it tenatmounts to iust this: if the northern people arecoii to be ruled over by the southerners they will continue in the Union; if not, the 1st chance they get they will rise again. I ven ture the prediction that within 5 years they Will either be in power or Will be fufhtlns us slam. If the 1st, God clp NewEngland " other testimony is in harmony. Forinstance a trustworthy traveler who has recently trav ersed the Gulf States, thus writes in a private letter to myself: The former roosters exhibit a most cruel, remorse less and vindictive spirit toward the colored people. In parts where there are no Union soldiers, I saw colored women treated in the most outrageous manner. They have no rights thst are respected. They are killed, and their OtllOB thrown into ponds or mud holes if Ilhcy are mutilated by haying carsand noses cut off. Of course such a people alread talk of reudiating the national debt. To tequestion, Would it be safe to trust white men at the South with the power to repudiate the national debt?” a person in gray uniform at once relied, ” llepudiatel should hope they would. m whipped, and Ill own it. but Im not so fond of a whipping that Im going to pay a mans expenses while he giycs it. to me. Of course there are not ten men in the whole South that wouldnt repudiate!" such is the spirit of these States. But a candidate for Congress in Virginia undertook to speak for the rebel States, as follows: "I am opposed to the southsrn States being taxed at all for the redemption of this debt, either directly or indirectly; and, if elected to Congress, I Will o one all such measures, and I trill rolelo repeal 01 am that have heretofore been pal/mi or that purpose; and, in doing so, I do not consider t It I violatean obligations to which the South was a party. Wehave never blighted our faith for the redemption of the tour debf The people will be borne down With taxes for years to come, even if the war debt is repudiated. It will be the duty of the Government tosu port the maimedand disabled soldiers and this W1“ o agreat eqxupireensse: and if the U.S. Government resoldiertsh, e South to taxed for thesup ort of bnion we should insist that. all that led soldiers should be maintained by the U. S. Government withoutregard to then detheyhad takenmllu war.” A late writer, who within a few days has returned from an extensive tour in NCarolina, SCarolina, and Georgia, and who now enjoys a seat in your reporters gallery, thus testifies with regard to the national debt: “The national debt doubtless seems to you beyond thoreuch of any hand. let. I regard it asve grub able that one or 2 or all of 3 things WI e at. Tempted within 3 years after thesouthern members of Congressare admitted to seats the repudiation of the national debt, the assumption of the confederate debt, or the payment of scveral hundred million dollars to the South for property destroyedand slaves emancipated. I met several shrewd and intelligent men who exrcssed the belief that confederatebonds will be worth something in 2 or 3 years. c told me that lnr c amountswere held in NewYork and England, au be expected she would be taken within 5 years tow paying t iem from the national Treasury. I heardno man openly advocatethe repudiation of the national debt, but scores argued to me that it. would not be fair to make the South pay any part of it: and pne man said he believed, if the case were only carried up, that the Supreme Court would so decii c. The idea. that the nation Will my the South for her slaves extensively prevails both in Georgiaand SCarolina. It is incorporated into the new constitution of Georgia, and is openly advocated by many influential men in SCarolina. Wherefore, I say, the national debt needswatching.” Let the SecyTreasury take notice, and not expose the national finances to the peril which inenaces them. Passing from this testimony, which is General, l come to the neighbor State of Virginia. I read from a private letter which I have received from a vernment. officer there: “We who are here have a much better opportunity of knowinir the fooling of the people than you at I distance, for they will not as freely before you Lfilthoy will before us hero and themselves menu of uisiovuttyisumoii cronowu was during the war, but they did then; and with regard to ctahnentortesohdoinwenit as they there is every disposition on their part. to make thom odious. They constantly tell of insurrection, insubordination thievin, idleness and every species of crime vice; nl of which I assure you is entirely false. They are perfectly subordinate to every law, and s o. far as thiovmg is concerned, such u n assertion is gratui tens or also, for all cases of thieving, certainly, I am sorry to say, are done by the whites. I also read from another private letter: “The clash of arms has subsided, the scrried hosts of rebels have been disbanded, and the hugepara vsptahnerdiiinaglui. of war have been scattered; but, not With these facts, the low mutterings of sullen dis. ooutoat are yet heard, and the desire to persecute and break down all truly loyal men is exhibited on every hand with even more sly ferocity than while the war of sections raged. “l e are residents of this city, each engagedin public business and consequently lthrown into contact with all classes of citizens. ourly we hear denunciations of the government and rayers for the removal of the military and whyt cse denunciations and these prayers iftho oath of allegiance had been honestly taken to be sacrpdly observed? No, gentlemen. the spirit of rebellion is not dead, and Will never die while Democratic lendersin the South are relieved of their treachery and turned loose to stirup sedition and to ine ito IObQllIOD. Themen make loud professions of loyalty, and their press reverberates the echo from lull and valley, but you have only to read their faularonadeson loyalty to satisfy your saeglavi ness to, tfhe thUenibointt, earnh dated butrhnaitngfilhlsatethWeiirthbwrehaicshts they will proceed to pour out the vials of their wrath upon all men men, whon oncethe can secureseats in Congress aad get possession of the reins of State governmenl. In their hearts they cling as ardently to State sovereignty as ever and once give them the power and they will tax the loyal people to the full value of the slave property mtroyed by the war. Mark this prediction.” Another private letter from a person so situated as to be singularl well informed, thus foreshadows a system of peonage: The necessity of the courts is beyond all question. Even with these courts it requires watchfulness to protect the blacks. If they were left without these courts the whites would keep them forever in bond age by keeping themin debt and Iain afraid that the legislation oftho States will beto the offect. to establish here the Mexican system of Poonazo by using some very extraordinary terms to coerce hatchod up accounts against the blacks.” To this I might add indefinitely, exhibiting the bid tern er and disloyal spirit which provail throng out Virginia. Bayonets are no longer flashing there; bullets are no longer whirzmg there; but. the traitorous soul that inspired the rebellion still fills the State with its malignant breath. Do not, I entreat you, allow it to rule. From Virginia pass to NCAROLINA. Here the testimony is the same. During this week I have seen Government oiiieers who have been in service, one of them since 1863, who, report that it is not safe to speak ones sentiments therc; that liberty of speech does not caist; that the freedmen, so far from being lazy or remiss, are willing to work, but that they are exosed to unatterable hardship and cruelty. n tese points the testimony is exbut. A loyal resident of NCarolina writes me as follows: “I tclhyou. air. the o uly differorice now and one year agois that the flag is acknowled edas supreme, and thereis some tear manifested. an they have no arms. The sentiment is the same. If anything otherwise, more hatred exists toward the Govern piont. I knowMore in more toward Union men, both lack and white.” More hatred toward the Union men, both white and black than there was one year agol such is the condition of NCarolina. In harmony with this is other testimony: “Twwomen school –teaeheraw howere recently sent fromilmington to Fayettovilloto establisha school for coloredehildren, were informed by the sheriff oi the count that they would not be allowed to start their whoo s, nor would they be allowed to land: but they mmiingihrttorue, main on the steameruntil her return to will inasmuch in they were women; if they were men they would receive such treatment as was awarded tosuch ineddlosome characters before the war. Mr. Dickinson saysthat while he was in Fayette ville a negro was strun up by the thumbs in the public muuro and receive 49 lashesfrom a civil olhcer recently appointed by Governor Holden.” A Wilmmgton papermakes the following report:. “General Amos, GeneralDuncan and Colonel Don necttleso vipllch, have returned from an otheial visit to Pay whero they went to iwcertain the truth of the reports comingfrom there in regard to the treatment of the colored people. "The resnlt of their visit substantiates the fact that cmivoniloiagnro, cs have been erucll treated giot o lyhy the but also by the crities ere. "Two negroes were tied up and publicly whipped by the sheriff, on the sentence of a magistrate. “Other pemoeswere tied up to trees and whipped and left tied to the trees until a storm somen and pgostrated the trees, and the poor negroel fel with em. “Citizens exercised the authority of masters over the negroes and punishedthemat their will with such severity as to them scemedlit. I 7 reported that negroes have been killed in the most cruel manner.” But why heap these instances? They might be piled high; butwhy pain your hearts by such an exhibition? From NCarolina pass to SCarolina, where the testimony is, if possible, still more explicit. The spirit of this rebel Stato, still rebel in heart, appears in the wellknown letter from Wade Hampton, which I do not sto to note. It also up ears in the frank speec of nines Mr. Campbe l in the convention, from which I read an extract: “I believe that when our votes are admitted into that Congress, if we are tolerably wise, governed by a moderateshare of commonsense, We Will have our own way. I am speaking now not to bereported. We will have our own way yet, if weare true toourselves. We know the past. woknow n otwhat is to be our future. Are weiiotm a condition to e. cccp wthat we cannot help? Are we not in a condition where it is the part of wisdom to wait and ivo what we cannot avoid givipg? I believe as surey as we area people. so surely, discare guided by beginning of Wisdom. weWill by the the next presiential election which is all that is known of the constitution for when you talk of the constitution of the U.S. olt means the residential electionand the share of the spoils I he icvo then we may hold the balance of power.” That Mr. Campbell spoke according to the sentiments of the prevailinir politicians is at tested by a private ctter which I have received from a Government officer there who is so situated as to know the real condition of things. I read extracts only: “The speeches in convention and Legislature are doubtless known to you and the (Human pervading all action of these bodies. Mr. Campbell expressedit exactlv. Let us do what we have to. as little as we are obli to, get into Congress somehow, and Uignpay oil“ the score. One or 2 mine r matters in this connection I “mention as showing how the current sets. The elcclionfor membersof convention, 4th i Irmbzr. The favorites in every contested casewere those most prominent in secession proceedings of past years. The minority of them did not take the amnesty oath. " 2. Not even the prospect ot secnring a favorablorec ognitionin Coneress could secure the election of any mantainted with Union is in, in oppositionto any can didate thoroughly established as an opponent to the Government in past time. “B and yet strange as it may seem. The people by which I mean the planters generally, excluslvo o the politicians, are not savagely disloyal, and this is one inain point to which I desire earnestly to testify: It is a fact that the political working of the State is in the hands of 150 to 180 men, It has taken me 6 months to appreciate the column: of the fact, though of course I a"dIt heard it stated. Seems to me a most provident iab opportunity is now olferedto breakupt is moiadministration of politics, The people among whom I movenrebeepin sllhllialrrpelsytive an or present disadvantages and eritscise the acts of the Legislature which seem to delay reconstruction. If the State is refused representation in the present. Congress, and the acts of the State Legislature, its speeches. its Black Code, its general fractions and combative attitude, its spirit, in acceptinir the constitutional amendment und reform; the annulment of secession ordinances: if, in a word, it can be shown that the long –recognized politicians of the State hava thoroughly damaged the State by taking her out of the Union, and have also kept her from coming in, there will bea politicnlrevolution in "whom in [estimation months. ho rebelsso promptly pardoned by the President Will mcct no such complaccncy from the people. I know this to be true; am (anght it anew every day. "1ft o State authority is to be recognised and the present Legislature triumphs by foreini: the State into the Union. I anticipate very disastrous consequences. The freed people are well enough: they do not know as much as could be desired, but they know quite as much as could be expected, and are open to instruction. But that instruction must come from the (IUvtljllllclllth rmight hemilitary, untrummcled by any fractious iobbing of state Legislatures. There is no confidence on the part of the freed people in the State; they only know the U.S. Government and no at or Will answer.” Here is a lctter from a SCarolinian who served in the rebel army, but who now sees the error of his ways: da“yI em sorryto say Governor Orrsinangnral yester received no nppluuYsoat all from the audience: its sentiments were too IJHIOIllOVHIR for them. I am sorry idsoto say that the SCarolina iis generally entertniii to:1m. eat extent their old ideas and prejudices so disastrous of latr. to the State. One is uluiost cmnpellcil to think theyinsanelywish to brin upon themselves more and greater mortilications. itness tbovoteuivon Hamptongho refined to bouound ldato. o i What an unwise display of afacticiis and discontented spirit! Few. I am willing to admit the simpler opposition that alleiiusesMill feeling between ort and South have been settled by the arbitrament of the eword and we must submit sincercly. Theyseck rather to keep alivetho illfeeling that hnsmade usunhappy for somen years, and that iflorlmml dispositionto supervise 1 action: of the U.S. Government. If this war does not settle all issues and settle them folMcr, it will be because the General Government fmll toinc the power it has obtained. 1 am as dear a lover of SCarolina as any man in it, and for that reason I wish to seeficnce and harmony restored through out. its borders. at that can never he if the men who tried hardest to break up the Government are, immediutcl the find themselves unsuccessful With the sword. a owe to lakeleafs in reu and recommence the agitation with their tongues, and by their argumrnia rind notes. More Frilamina! Ccheo werenot piadein lhlit lthan have been delivered orbit] the late canvass. 11 examples are not made, if dim menarena made troccccolluslioomnieni”, (Ilt(tlrlaadgeitfartoimonwoinll unneevue orceans feublMutWin?) 20 ktpl 11) by ambitious mmof mm mlnith who canWe to rise only in times of disorder or (upper atomupon and influencing the pauioiu of Utein nude.” To cap the climax of this iniquity a body of men calling themselves the Legislature, but having small title to be considered a legal body, have undertaken to pass a Black Code, separating the 2 races, in defiance of every principle of Equality. Hereis a provision which fashoim apprenticeship or serfdom in a new form upon the unhappy freedman: [18 Colored children between the ease men honod 21] who have neither father nor mother (icing int c diatriclm which the yare bound, or whose parents are paupers or unableto nffo them a comfortable maintenance, or when parents are not teaching them habitual “industry and honesty or are persons of notoriously bad character, or are vagrants, or have been convicted of infamous offenses, and colored children, in all can; when they are in danger q/moml contamination, may be bound as apprentices by the district judge or one of the magistrates for the afore said term.” Under these words there is no colored mine r in the State who is safe for one moment irom a compulsory serfdom. The lash is also prescribed as a means of enforcing contracts. The lash once more is to resound. The planters at their public meetings have given utterance to this same brutal spirit. Here is a series of resolutions, where, after callm for the withdrawal of the troops of the U.S., and after declaring themselves pledged to the existing state of things, and that it is their “honest purpose to abide thereby, ” they pm ceed as follows: “Resolved, That if inconsistent with the views of the authorities to remove the military, we express the opinion that the plan of the military to compel the mailman to contract with his former owner, when desired by the latter, is wise, prudent, and absolutely necessary 1:“3964 That we. the planters of the district, pledge ourselves not to contract with any freedman unless he can produce a certificate of regular diseharge from his former owner. "Resolved That under no circumstances whatsoever will we rent land to any freedman, nor Will we permit them to live on our promises as employee s.” Thus is the freedman, whose libe the U.S. are bound to maintain, to e handed over to comilsmy service, and under no circumstances is land to be rented to him and yet these people announce that they accept the existing state of things and that it is their honest purpose to abide thereby! From SCarolina pass to GEORGIA, and there is the same wretched story. The spirit of the State appears in the language of Mr. Sim“ mOns in the convention: Let. us repudiate only under the lash and the application of military power, and then, as soon as we are an independent sovereignty, restored to our equal rights and privileges. in the Union. let us imbmediately call another convention and resumethe debt. The testimony from various quarters shows the same spirit. A, recent. writer, of unim peachable authority, now sitting as a reporter in your galleries, thus testifies: “In the stage between Augmta and Milledlevillo I rode with 2 centlemen of considerable local weight and prominence, who were both untiseocesionists lStWtil. They talked of the approaching convention, and of its probable potion in redistricting the State for representatives. Well, Colonel. soirl the younger, himself a man of over 40 ycaie Wcll, Colonel, what Will be our proier course when we are once more fully restored to the nion" The answer came alto ii moments considirution. WemiutolrikghanJl ml the [Ioiiouialic part of the North, and minnow"mmo 1ralirayalmro. There was a pause while we rattled. down the bill. a d mumiimiuth men thme awcetiicuor. We sypoeptdhe trol (we gave them the officrs and I reckon they have not changed em; muchyet. There wasthen conversation on other matters; but halfan hour later. after a mile or soof silcnee. the Colonel suddenly resumed. Yes. sir. our duty is plain; we shall bewithout weightnow that slavery is gone. unless we do join. hfllKlS with them: and y Johnson will want a reelection and the united Democraticparty Imuttake him up; it nhall llC Mafa. ir, "division we want the power and theywant the and the some writer, in another letter, shows how rebels were honored in the convention: “ Ill be ddifI vote for any man who did not go with the State. said one of the delegates while the canvassfor officerswas going on: in accordance with which spirit the secretary is a gentlemanwho was a colonel in the rebelarmy, and the door keeper agentlemua who lost an arm in the service.” Where such a spirit prevails the freedmen fare badly. In Georgia they are treated cruelly. A traveler writes as follows: “The hatred toward the negro as a free man is intense anionic the low and brutal. who are the vast majority. Murdeis. shootings whippings, robbing. an brutal treatment of every imd aredaily inflicted upon them, and I am sorry to say in most cases they can get no redress. They dont know where to coin plain or how to seek justice after they have been abusedandeheated. he habitual deferencetoward the white man makes them fearful of his anger and revenge.” An official of the Government, after traversing Mississippi and Alabama, writes from Georgia in a very recent letter, as follows: "Every day the press of the South testifies to the outrages that are beingperpetratedupon unoffending colored people h i the State militia. These outrages fie particularly agrant in theStatesof Alabama and ississippi and are of such a characteras to demand most imperatively the interposition of the national Executive. These men are rapidly inaugurating a condition ofthingsa feelingamong the freedmen that Will, if not checked, ultimate in insurrection. the freedmen arepeaceableand ine ffensive:yet if the whites continue to make it alltheirlives areworth to so through the country. as free peoplehave a right to q, they Will good them to that point at which submission and patience ceaseto be a virtue. I callyour attention to this matter after reading and hearing from the mostauthenti csources officers and other sfor weeks. of the continuance of the mi litia robbing the colored people of their property arms shooting them in t a public highways if they refuse to halt whenso commanded and lodgingthem in jail if found from homewithout men and ask. as a matter of simple justice to an unotiiinding and down trodden people. that you use your influence toinduee the Bresident to issue an order or proclamation for bidding such wicked and unlawful proceedings;and, if he deem it prudent, forbidding the organization of State militia. The only militaruforce NEEDEDin the nthia moreregular and volunteer troops for keeping proper mhjection those lately in rebellion and to leach them to treat the freed peoplein a mannerbecominga civilized community.” Another witness, himself a Georgian, with ample opportunities of information, thus testifies: “I have personalandfriendl relations with man loading menof this section. I iid beforethe war. ihnagvteonmetmany of themin NewYork and in Wash Within the past few months, and have, asaciti Ien of the South. Had frequent conveisations with them upon our future and the means that should be cm p oyedtobeginit auspiciously. These interviews have come free and open in interchangeof opinion and I must believe that I had laid beforemet c intentions of those who must and will ain assumethe leader ship here. If they are not so ouored. their opinions wi“ll showhow theywould lead had they the power. Among thesewere 4 cit Governors of 3 different States. who had received pardons from presidentJohnson. Our conversation naturally and necessarily turned to the future of the emancipatednezroes. Their mat and present condition was discussed and their c aiiccs as well as our own were of course considered and everything that could bear upon their was canvassed. The courseto be pursued by the Legislatures of the reconstructed States and the laws to beenacted. in order to obtain the fulfillment of contracts With the freedmen employed. Occupied no small portion of consideration: In this way I had full opportunity to learn the opinions of those who have beenand Will beagain looked up to as the leaders and directers of southern opinion and sentiment. The unanimity of all was not the least singular tahnidntizficeirsrpigehetisall erercgiaifrtderin. the satlacthuiscoafntehroycfrzcincadvmaeiln, those rights will bebut nomina and they will remain as they have ever been, isolated and apart; free in name. but slavesin fact.” It seems that in Georgia there is a body of men known as “regulators, ” who are thus described by a correspondent of that journal which has for years whitewashed the enormities of slavery, the NewYork Herald. “Springing naturally out of this disordered state of ufiairs is an organization of reguliitors. so culled. their numbers iinelude many cit confederate cavaliers of the country, and their mission is to visit summary urtice upon any offenders against the public peace, this needless to say that their attention is largely did I rentedto maintaining quiet and submission among the blacks. The shooting orctringirigupqfkomcobstrep erou a nigger" by the rciluluforais m common an occurrenre rmtoczrile[I the remark. 1Yora the work nfpro nerlplioncunjinul Iof the freedmen only. The regulators go to tilt bottomof the matter and strive to inako it uncomfurtiibly warm for any new settler with demoralizing innovations of wages for niggers. " such is the unimaginable atrocity which, according to a friendly authority, prevails in Georgia. The poor freedman is sacrificed. The northern settler, who believes in Human Rights is sacrificed also. Alas! that such scenes should disgrace our country and age! Alas! that there should be any hesitation in applying the necessary remedy. Surely this is enough. I do not stop to dwell on the instances of frightful barbarism. There is one which has been authenticated in the court of the provost marshal, where a colored girl was roasted alivel and another writer, in a letter just received, describes a system of “burning” in Wilkes county, Georgia. as “a mild means of extorting from the freed people a confession as to where they have their arms and money concealed.” He says “they were held in the blaze.” Think of it, sir, here in our country, “the were held in the blaze.” and the national government looks on. From Georgia pass to ALABAMA, only to find the same evil spirit and the same succession of enormities, intensified if possible. Here again I am embarrassed by the variety and extent of the testimony 6A recent private ctter from Mobile thus tes ti es: “The pressand people here, with one voice. are loud in their praiseofl resident Johnson. for his wholesale mannerof dispensing pardons. But I have “ctto see the 1st 812mol f repentanceon the part oft osewho have received elemencyfrom the Chief Magistrate of the Government. The existing feeling is that no man whodidnotsupport the confederiie isworthyof trust: and all o the cs are given to thosew o did their bestto break up the country). President Johnson will find in the end that he has ecu too liberal in thoexerciseof clemency and unless he changes his course, or is choeucthkedllbl ayg Caoinnggoretisnst. o the most corrupt men in the power, and sway the destinies of this section of the country and until the labor nestion is adjustedbetween the planters and the free men. We cannot look forward to a timeotprosperity. The indications at present are not favorable to a satisfactory solution oft isdifficult problem. The planters hate the negro and the latter class distrust the former and while this state of things continues, there cannot be harmonious action in developing the resources of the country. Besides a good many men are unwillin yet to believe that the peculiar institution of the South has been actually avberoyli. S the odu. gahnd still have the lingering hope that lltl not in name, Will yet in some form practically exist and hence the great anxiety to atback into the Union. which being accomplished. they will then. as I have heard it expressed. fix the negro. I look forward with deep solicitude to the a preaching session of Congress. I hope there will o strength and moral couraiLc enough in that body to keep the ship of state right. The President has ii. difficult positionto fill and needs all the sympathy and iiid he can getfrom rightminded citizens. But there is no question that he has been most sadly imposed upon Within th epast few months by designing and corrupt politicians.” Another private letter from a person so situated as to be accurately informed, gives this pain ful testimony: "The Government in taking the responsibility of freeing this coplo tacitly engagedto protect them in their free em. The various Depts of Government have solemnly declared the black man entitled to equal rights before the law with the white man. Yet it is the simple fact. capable of indefinite proof, that the black man does not receive the faintest shadow of justicc. I aver that in 9 cases out of ten within my own observation. Where a white man has provoked an atfrny with a black, an savagely misused him, the black man has been tin for inso lent language because he did not receive the chas tiscinent in submissive silence. while the white man has gone free. It is flagrant the simple truth that the most crimes against, the by ticks are not noticed at all and indeed a man loses caste if he interests himself It about them is the simple truth that black men are notal lowed to nsc their own property to the best advantage, or in any way to make such use of their capabililies as would bellkcll to elevate them in social position.”, “The above are but specimen facts and they are facts. Every provost marshal who has been in office here will testify to the truthfulness of the picture. Meantime companies are forming to import coolies and European immigrants to drive the black man from the little chance that is left him. The whole thin: may be summed up in one word: Southto deterMined to have slavery Mething, (I notthename and if all restraint is removed. it is as certain as fate that their condition will be far worsethan it ever was before. lt will be the old system with all its mitigation! Rescinded and all its horrors intensified.” " The prospect for the coming winter ising overwhelm in its horrors at best. If the freedmen are left friendlcss. it will be the very valley of the shadow of death. Let Coneress keep these States out of the Union till the shape and tono of the irlegislation is seen and understood, as relating to freedmen, and then keep them out until it isclearly shown whether the people will obey the legislation or make it a dead letter from the beginning and still another letter makes these revelations: "Do not letyourselves be deceived by the influences which e, rsepaacrhe you. paTihnesseorineflxupeennesees. Taore accomplish certain purposes. I know this people well; I was born undrenred with them: they are far more hostile to the Government todiiy than they were in 1860. Every demonstration in the State since the surrender has been. in one shapeor unother, that of hostility to the Union: and every new concession they make is simply made with the hope of thereby obtaining that degree of independence which follows, as they understand and expect it, the resumption of the House as States again. "The electionsareJust over. The secessionistswere united to a manhopeful, active: the Union party disorganized, discouraged and dispersed among the secessionists. President Johnson and Governor Parsons are responsiblefor it. The enemies of the Lnion have defeated us horse. foot and dragoons, in all parts of the State. The staneh favorites of our party are defeated everywhere. " In a word. the friends of the Union arecompletely under: the successfulparty are the secessionists and renegadeUnionists. Enemies of the Government. It is to the Union party of the horth that we are today indebted for being able to live here.” The person who is styled Provisional Governor of Alabama, in a late message thus all ludes to rebel trophies, and fans the flame of the rebellion: “Several of thesehad been depositedin the executive Dept, and werenot removed when the capitol was evacuated. They were not destroyed. however. by those who took possession of it. but came to my hands as the representative of the State for the time being, and are now carefully preserved and ready to be delivered to the Governor electedunder the constitution. We should preserve these sacred souvenirs of the courage and endurance of those who went forth to battle under their folds and who man fully upheld them Wlth their lifeblood.” Surely with such a person in high office we could expect little o se than the barbarism which proas there. From Alabama pass to MISSISSIPPI, and there the same hideous scenes are renewed. Here is the testimony of a citizen of this State, once a slavemaster, in a private letter: “In respectful earnestness I must say that if at. the end of all the blood that has been shedniid theircas are expended. the unfortunate negro isto be left in the hands of his infuriated and disappointed former owners to legislate and flu his status. God help him. for his cup o bitterness will overflow indeed. Was ever such a policy conceived in the brain of inert before? After a at step and a mighty victory you are expect by resident Johnson to withdraw your protectio roiii this peopleand turn theirdestiiiy over to those who for centuries have ground them into the dust. Truly. By such u course will your fruits become bitter ashes. “As a man whohit –sheen deprived of a large number of persons he once claimed as slaves, I pretestM sue acoursc. If it istion of slavery by a intended to follow up the aboli liberal and enlightened policy, by which I mean bestowingupon themthefnl rights o other citizens. then can give this movement my heart and hand. But if the negro I! to be left in a helpless condition for more miserable than that of slaver. I would ask what was the ObJQCoi. f taking him from t use who claimed his services. As things seem now up reaching the position of rendering loyalty at the oath a disgrace and those who, amid many dangers and trials. Stood true totheUnion and the constitution are to be loft to suffer the scorn. contempt and oppressions of secessionisttraitomI say. as this seems to be the settled policy of the Government. to the whites so situated fear there will remain but little hopefor themor the negroes unless the true men of the country will presenta barrier between the!!! pin] those who are annious to punish and destroy em. The pretended Governor of Mississippi like the pretended Governor of Alabama, exu ts in rebdl victories, and fans the rebel Home. Both convention and Legislature abounded in bitter treason. In the convention one of the speakers declared it to be policy to accept the present condition of affairs until the control of the State is returned into the hands of the people, and “to submit fora time to evils which cannot be remedie " Another speaker in urging the 1865. 95 airceptance of the Union, thus revealed the p “ot: [free notwin!” weshall be jmned by what 14Milled the (bglyrhcallparty, and even by many of the Black Republicans.” such is the voice of Mississippi. Naturally the freedmen are exposed to untold hardships and atrocities. Here is the testimony: “A superintendent of the bureau reports the poor creatures comin in with cruel grievances that are unredrcssed hy t cso magistrates. General Chctlain tells us that while he was in command. For 2 months, of the Juckson distriet, containing 9 counties. there was an averageof one black man killed every day and that in moving out 40 miles on an expedition he found 7 negroes wantonly butchered and Colonel Thomas, asst commissioner of the bureau for this State. tells us that there is now a daily average of 2 or 3 black men killed in Mississippi: the sable patriots in blue, as they return, are the objects of especial spite.” There is another authority of peculiar value. It is a letter dated at Webbs Ranch, Issaquena county, MisSissippi, November 13, 1865: “I regretto state that, under the civil power, now deemed by all the inhabitants of Mississippi (since the order of resident Johnson revoking General Slocums decree in relation to the State militia) to be paramount, the condition of the freedmen in many portions of the country has becomedeplorable and painful in the xtreme. Immlgive it as my deliberate opinion that the freedmen are today, in the vicinity of where am now writing, worse in most rcapectat on when they were held no slaves. f mattersare permitted to continue as they now seem likely to be it needs no prophet to predict a rising on the part of the colored population and aterriblesceiie o bloodshed and desolation; nor can one blame the negroes if this proves to bethe result. I have heard, nincnny arrival ere, of mimberlcnalrociliwi that have been perpetrated dflflfllll the freedmen. It is sufficient to state that the old overseers are in power again. The agentsof the Freedmens Bureau are almost powerless. Just as soon as the U.S. troopsare withdrawn I it ill be unsafefor the agentsof the bureau to remain. he object of the southerners appears to be to make good their often –repeated assertions, to the effectthat the negroes would die if they were freed. To make it so. t cy seem determinedto goadthem to desperation. in order to have an excuse to turn upon and annihilate them. There are, within a few miles of where I sit writing, several northern men who have settled here, designin to work plantations. Th all assureme that they a not wander then iaelnun in the country; and 2 of them. excolonels in the U.S. Army. are afraid to leave their places Without an armed escort. other northern lesseesdo not dare remain on their places.” Here are grave words, which open in fearful vista the tragienl condition of the freedmen, and the perils of northern settlers there and now the pretended Legislature is engaged in fashioning an infamous Black Code; but l do not dwell on this, as it has been already exposed by my colleague. From Mississippi pass to LOUISIANA, where anarchy is beginnin7 under the sway of returning rebels inspired from Washin on. Union ists are menaced in their safety. The story is so familiar that I content myself with a glimpse. Here is the testimony of a responsible person: “During the canvau I made a tour through the northern portion of the State where I have resided for many years and havea large acquaintance among the people, and was surprised to find the s)irit of the people more hostile to the Government than at the making out of the war. This is especially the case with the leaders who asserted to me in private conversation that they were more impressed with the truth of secession than they everwere; that the war again t the U.S. wasa Just one that they wonl not support. any manfor office who did not articipate in that war; and that the only true policy or the southern people to u dopt is to support the Democratic party in opposmon to the Republican party of the North. T icy say that the whole war was an aggressionon the part of the Government, and that they intend to use every means in their power to destroy the Government. “A prominent momber of the Legislature new convene in this city, said to me a short time hefore the election, that he was n stronger seccssionist now than he ever was, and that ho ated the U.S. Government and intended to do all in his power to Legislate., Twhhrsichm, an isa leading member of the in the House at least, is posed comof ine re than 8 10ths who entertain the same foclin, and are now legislating for the loyal citizens of this State. “There areseveral respectable men nowin thiseity who are refugeesfrom t cir homesin the interior of theState, being recently expelled on account of their Union sentiments.” 4 and here is a private letter from an interior town of Louisiana, written by a lady to a lady in NewOrleans and communicated to me: “The poor colored people are in a constant state of alarm. There is a Mrs. in this place who teaches the coloredehildren; but the inhabitants. I lupposp, not liking their having the advantagesof odueauon, expressedtheir disapproval by shooting at the teacher. At one time shewasniirsin a sick baby when a shot passed over her shoulder. L o attempts awlel reinmofafideeehtoerdeisacroevreerbtheles. gTuhiletytpeaarcty or 0wt hcoouisrsae poor widow, became so much alarmed for her safety that she petitioned the officers to allow the troops to remain. which theydid for a fewdays. The attempts on her life not being renewed, the troopswereobliged to leave, and it is only op her account that they remained as long as they did.” Enough of this. Nor is this all. The pretended fiegislature is plotting, like such bodies elsewhere, against the freedman“ But I for bear to dwell on the elaborate machination. In TEXAS there is more hope than anywhere because a sincerely loyal person has been place in power there. But a private letter from a loyal Texan thus cries out: “What Weof theSouth fcar isthat President John sons coursewill, by its precipilancy. enable the old set to reorganize themselvesinto place and power. For Heavens sake preserve us. it you can, from this calamity.” Surel you will preserve them. But there is special evidence that I ought not to forget. The some authority which I adduced with regard to the general condition of the rebel States writes thus from Galveston, in Texas: pe“cItfinagnytomhaonld from and the meaionrttahin comes down here exradical or abolition sentiments, let himexpectto be shot down from behind the 1st timeheleaveshis home, and know that his murderer, (freer brought ftIJukifcew, ill be qergulted by the jury. If the military are withdrawn his House even will be no protection, and he may exset to be hung from his own chamber window. tel you, Mr., these men are only taking breath and recuperating. Not that there is the alwhteet danger of any immediate outbreak. NO; the southern people are too smart for that. The will never again measure strength with the North, unless their success be assured before hand. In caseof foreign war, or a domestic convulsion at the North, they will rise, but they Will never try it alone and without assistance. Meantime the propose to take it out in hnlina. Already our o floorsare the subject of a social ostracism. I reeat that any man of radical views who comes down here to plant cotton will be in constant danger. night and day, unless he holds his tongue. The ministers of the Gospel, of all denominations. the instructors of the youth of the peopntry, the women and the young men. all hate the North with a degree of intensity that cannot be exaggerated.” Small temptation here to the northern capitalist! Small welcome to the northern emi grant! The 1st condition of prosperity is security but this is absolutely wanting in this blasted region. There is also Tennessee, where authentic testimony shows a painful condition of things. I content myself now with official documents. It seems that a committee was appointed to consider what could be done to arrest crimes and disorders in Tennessee. Addressing Governor Brownlow, they remark as follows: “In the discharge of this duty, wewould respect fully and earnestly call the attention of your Excel lency to the many dreadful crimes that are becoming so common not only in and immediately around the ca ital of the State, but ooerthe whole country. Quiet and peaceful citizens are met on our most public highways and robbedof their money and property. often cruelly beaten and abused, and in many casesmurderedoutright. This state of things is not only greatly injurious to the businessof the country, but shockingtoall sincereadvocatesof law and order, an“d to humanity itself. We, therefore, With the earnest desire to see security restoredto life and piopertyiand the m esty oflaw reasserted. appeal to your xcellcncy, wo is the chief representative of power in the State, to excrciseyour power and give the weight of your great influence to correct these evils, of which the whole countrysojustly complain.” Governor Brownlow communicated this paper to the Legislature by the following message: Snrr or Tsasasssir. Exsenrivi: Danarim", NASHVILLE, Tizxsnssnii, November: 12, 1865. Gentlemenof thelngielalurc: The reputation being acquired by Nashville, the capital of our State an the greatcommercialemporiumofMi dle Tennessee is humiliating to pvery friend oflaw and order. Mur ders. robberies, and burglarics are the order of the day. No man is safe, day or; nightI within a circuit around Nashville whoseradius is 8 or 10 miles. The most of theseon agesgrowout of the abundant useof intoxicating so its connected with those gam bling hells to befound in full ble. ston every street in the city. The same may be said, to a considerable extent of all the larger citi d towns in the State. Life and property must tected or the country will go to ruin. therefo ll upon you. most respectfully but earnest ly, by prompt and decisive legislation, to remedy this growing and alarmin evil. Should you fail to apply the necessaryremedy, my next appeal will hemade to Miner General Thomas to closeup all these dens of wickedness. so prolific of lights. murders and robberies of evory description. The Sabbath is violated the sanctuary of the Lord is ruthlessly invaded, and ladies and gentlemenare in sulted at every corner and on everyhighway. Again. I appeal to yo u, gentlorncn. to relieve the sutfering people from this outrageous condition of atfairs. W. G. BROVNLOV. I add a few sentencesfrom a Tennessee paper, the Southern Loyalist: “Do the authorities at Washington realise the feet that than is very reatdanger of wiilcspread anarchy and bloodshed? of they realize that it is the supine ess and imbecility I, or worse, with which the Freedmcus Bureau has conconducted at this point. that is the cause of dangcr and it may be of much bloodshed? God knows we speak in all sincerity, and we believe we speak the sentiment of 9 10ths of the loyal men of Memphis. w on colored men have remonstrated against injustice against the very discriminations against freedmen that the War dept declared should no tox1st they have hectno d, If you damned nig or! think I am fitillttt to give you any rights thatyou ad not under the old State laws, you are danina ily mistaken. This may not be exactly literal. but it is very nearlyso. When colored people have asked for w cl hardly earned in the cottonfield but not pacify rascally employers. They have beenin very many cases told to go about their businessor left to get their claims as they could.” such is Tennessee, the most advanced of the States claiming recognition in the government of the country. But besides this testimony there is other testimony derived from its own statute book. Tennessee refuses to the colored citizen his rights at the ballotbox, and even his rights of testimony in court. I say nothing of FLORIDA and Arkansas, for the special testimony which had come to me with regard to these States is not at hand. But it is not needed. The same dreadful report comes from these States also. But, even without any report, all this must be inferred. How could it be otherwise? Abandoned to themselves, with unchecked power, the old slave masters naturally continue the barbarism in which they have so long excelled. Mr. President, I bring this plain story to a close. I regret that I have been constrained to present it. I wish it were otherwise. But I should have failed in duty had I failed to speak. Not in anger, not in vengeance, not in harshness have Is okcn; but solemnly carefully, and for the sake of my country and humanity, that peace and reconciliation may again prevail. have spokeu especiall for the loyal citizens who are now tro den own by reel power. You have before you the actual condition of the rebel States. You have heard the terrible testimony. The blood curdles at the thought of such enormities, and especially at the thought that the cor freedmen to whom we owe protection, are eft to the unrestrained will of such afi people smarting with defeat and ready to wre vengeance upon these representatives of a true loyalty. In the name of God let us protect them. InSist upon guarantees. Pass the bill now under consideration; pass any bill; but do not. let thiscing injustice rage any longer. An aienging od cannot sleep while such things find countenance. If you are not ready to be the Moses of an oppressed Gen10, do not become its Pharaoh.