Mr. DAVIS addressed the Senate for nearly 4 hours. [His speech Will be found in the Appendix.] Mr. DAVIS said: a Mr. PresIDENT: We have been admonished by some of the leading members of the majority in the Senate, that congress is now about entering upon the 7 t month of its session, and that the public business was never so far behind at so late a period at an previous session of Congress as it now is. think, that the honorable Senators who give this admonition and their friends, are alone responsible for the great backwardness of both Houses in the transaction of the public business. I admit that there is a very great state of backwardness in relation to the transaction of the legitimate, proper, and useful portion of the public business; but as to the business that is of an illegitimate and mischievous character, and that is calculated to produce results deleterious to the present and the future of the whole country, there has been a good deal, much too much, of progress made. This tardiness in the transaction of the important, useful, and appropriate business of the country has resulted from a fixed and determined purpose, manifested in various propositions, of the ina 'ority of Congress to elevate what are denom inated the freedmen, to aggrandize them, to make an unparalleled irovision in its extent and expensiveness for the maintenance of the ygung the aged, the infirm, and the helpless, a dt e religious and intellectual education of them all; and to force, if possible, upon Congress and the country the dogma of negro suffrage. Another cause of the consumption of time is the general disposition of the majority to tinker with the Constitution, their numerous i'opositions to amend it, and the discussion of p them in both Houses. And still another fruitful cause of much waste of time has been the war that is prevailing between that majority in both Houses and the Executive, not upon his part as I conceive, but by that majority upon him. I was never of the polities of the firesident, nor be of mine; but at the present time and for some time past his leadin measures have received my approval and my iearty support. I think, notWit standing the number of protests to the contrary in this Chamber, that his policy, as it is termed, is but a continuation of the later policy of the late President, but a continuation of the policy and principles to.which the majorit of both Houses 0 Congress stand pledge in the most solemn forms. We now see, though, that this majority, lately the friends of the President, are engaged in a war upon him, and that war manifests itself in various aspects and modes. They denounce him; they denounce his measures, his policy. He is a coordinate branch of the Government; or at least the executive dept is, and he is the chief executive officer. He is as independent in his constitutional position in the Government, and in the legitimate exercise of the powers and functions of his office as is Congress in the exercise of its powers and functions, and he ought no more to be assailed by Congress, or to be obstructed in the legitimate exercise of those powers, than Congress should be in the exercise of its powers by him. Among his powers is the veto. We have seen repeated and persevering efforts made by Congress, with a considerable amount of Success, to checkmate the veto power of the President by their achieving, as I think, ille gitimate] and unconstitutionally, a majorit of 2 t irds, and over 2/3rds, in hot Houses. And one of the objects of the majority in resenting the extraordinary proposition under considerationis to attain and continue a political power that will enable it and its sectional successors to control the future legislation of conress; to overrule presidential vetoes; to hold possession of and direct all the operations of the Government. But what is the immediate cause that has brought down the ma'ority in such relentless hostility to the Presient? Let us examine for the object and the animus. Under the late administration the President and Congress were in accord; that is, the good man who then filled the office of President was so flexible in his nature and will that he permitted himself to be driven from his own principles and often, by the vehemence, energy, an(pustrrpoonsgeesr, will of the radical leaders in Congress. One of the most celebrated apostles of abolitionism in America, Phillips, remarked on a certain occasion, “ Mr. Lincoln is a growing man; and why does he grow? Because we have watered him.” And there was a great deal of truth expressed in those few words. The ab politionists in Congress and out of Congress watered the late President. They caused him to row in the direction and shape that they wishedhim. They warped him from his own principles and ‘policy to theirs. And what is the great sin e the present Executive of the U.S.? It is that he will not make himself the leader, the obedient tool of the majorities in the 2 Houses of Congress; that his judgment of his powers, of his duties to the country and to the ‘overnment, and of what is constitutional, wise, and good for the country, is inconsistent with and may conflict with their party purposes; and because he will not tamely submit his own reason and the conclusions of his own judgment and conscience to their behests. To prove that this position of mine has not been taken without facts, I will read extracts from a speech of the honorable Senfrom Michigan, [Mr. Howlinn, ] delivered in this Chamber some 2 weeks or more since. That able Senator referred to the measures of the President for restoring relations between the States lately in rebellion and the U.S. Government, and characterized them as “his policy. ” The Senator then proceeded to make these remarks: " I complsin of this courseof conduct on the part of the Executive. becauseIbehevo it to he a usur Elli l0!) of the authority which pertains not to him but to Congress, versy, and here is the gistof the centre hero is the boneofcoutention." Further: "I will say that it is not competentfor a military commanderin the ficld, whctherhebe Commander in Chicf’ or acting in any other capacityunder the Constitution of the U.S., to impart political or legislative rights to the conquered community That is what I assert. The Commander;in Chie holds the sword of physical force: all his acts as Cqmmander in Chic areconnectedwith the prose cution of the warns such and go not asinglo inch ibteyyond the necessities of the war. He hasno author to assumethe legislative powerthat apportains to the Governmentwho appoints him, and, whose servant he is, and undertake to exerciselegislative Laeutthtohreityoinnotrhaebleeo Senfrom Pennsylvania ureeraodr. the numerous cases in Roman and Grecian history. and, indeed, in all other histories, in which attempts have been made on the part ofcommauders in the field, and he will not find a singleinstancein which any attempt to exercise legislativeauthority over a conquer peoplehas been tolerated by the Governmentat home. The mere formal question of the power of each House to decideupon credentialsis onewhich I am not discussing. I go far behind that: I go down to the bottom. to the essenceof the question, and deny to the President the powerto up art to the people ofany rebelStateany political rights whatever; and I claim that that power belongs to Congress and to Congress alone." " this said the States have the right ofcoming back to Congress. I grant it. They have the right to return to their allegiance and be representedin the 2 Houses of Congress;but that right does not accrue and cannot accrue until the coniiero r, the Congress of the U.S. has seen that it is cpnsistent with their interests, with the interestsof their people, the interestof the whole people of the U.S. We hold them today not by their own will, not by their will in irfealty to the Government.not in virtue of their fidelity to the Constitution. but solely.in my judgment, even to d ay, by virtue of this highestlaw nown to communities, p ysical force." Mr. President, I have read these extracts from the speech of the distinguished Senfrom Michigan, who was upon this billegitimate and hybrid committee of 15, raised without any proper authority, acting and coming to conclusions and making recommendations without any sanction or authority, and obligatory upon no person; my purpose being to show the animus and the objects which he and the party of which he is such a distinguished mem er, have in relation to the President and his constitutional powers in the war which they are making upon him. I will read, with the same purpose, a short paragraph extracted from one oft e trusted oracles of this party in the North west, the Chicago Tribune, in these words: “