Mr. CRESWELL. I have argued and now maintain, not that a State may not limit the exercise of the right of suffrage, but that the limitation must be by a majority of all the people, and that a part of the people, one 5th, 2/5ths, 3/5ths, 4 5ths, have no right to exclude any other part, however small, by reason of race or color, from the formation of the organic fundamental law in and by which that limitation is prescribed. Now, sir, a word to the distinguished Senfrom Massachusetts. This is the great battle upon which we are entering. We shall contend for the right of every man in this country to protect himself by his ballot. It is a battle for mankind; it is a battle for all future time; and I am willing, under the circumstances, inasmuch as the Congress of the U.S. said to the people of Nebraska that they should be if. } to form their constitution jo. a certain “theory, to which at that time all acceded, I am willing, nay I am anx ious, when we know from the character of that people and the representatives they have chosen that they will not only stand by us but that they will be in the very front rank in the approach.ing struggle to maintain the great doctrine that we have emblazoned upon our banners—to admit both those States into the Union at once. I appeal to the Senfrom Massachusetts to accept their aid, and let us, having extended our lines upon the most advanced position, move onward in solid phalanx until the consummation of our great victory shall come. I respect the position he takes;.I respect the view entertained by my friendfrom Vermont, and I am willing even to vote for his nugato measure. I am willing to allow him that lee to feed upon if he be satisfied with it, and in deed it would be ungenerous in me not to do so, although at the same time I desire to state distinctly that I deny its legal efficiency. I suppose, sir, that, every inch of States these in which the black man has been denied and is still denied the right of suffrage will be fought over on this great question. I propose to take my position with that party that speaks for human rights. I propose even to go with that party which has the most enlarged views of human rights. And when public officers by their messages, whether Governors or Presidents, present to me the mean argument that the negroes hitherto held in slavery may in a very little while acquire all the power and consign us to an inferior station, I cast it to the dogs without an answer. If under the circumstances we are not able to maintain our position, 30,000,000 against 4,000,000–30,000,000 of born free men against 4,000,000 of but lately ignorant and degraded slaves—then it is time for us to abandon all claim to the boasted ascendency of the white race; and to quit that proud position that hitherto we have held as the 1st and the most aggressive in the cause of right of all nations on the face of the earth. such teachers acknowledge their insincerity when in the next breath they tell us that the negro is too ignorant to vote and can never be educated. It is true he is ignorant. If this be his great sin, at least let his enemies cease to burn his school houses and churches. Let him be allowed to take the money that he pays for white schools and appropriate it to the wants of his own children; let the magnanimous race, the race of property, the race of intellect, the race of power and station no longer rob the negro of the amount which he pays into the school fund, and appropriate it exclusively to themselves; but let them give him the benefit of all he pays, or else never more declaim about taxation without representation. Pro tect him in his right to worship God and his right to educate his children, and my word for it he will put to the blush many of our own race who fo wasted better opportunities. Beside, the ballot itself is an educator. Let him enjoy its elevating tendency; and when another generation shall have succeeded to our places, intelligent men will wonder that we of this age could so long resist the teachings of patriotism and Christianity. END of APPENDIX INSERT.