Mr. DOOLITTLE. I do not understand the Senator to have done it. Men are denounced I have not done any as being traitors to the Union Mr. John son; the present POTUS, this day, on this floor, and in this high place, has been denounced by the Senfrom Ohio as a traitor to the party that elected him to office because of his reconstruction policy. Sir, I am but pointing out toion the steps by which Mr. Johnson has arrive at that policy. He inher ited it lrom Mr. Lincoln and, from the Union party. It was substantially sustained by this Senate one vear ago in the proposition to recognize Louisiana as completely reorganized and entitled to representation; and but for what was then denominated on the floor of the senate as a factions opposition, that ropesition would have iassed the Senate. remember that in the midst of that stormy timeI became excited myself, I regret to say, and I gave utterance to words which I would not have done in my cooler moments perhaps. ln s coking of the Senfrom Kentucky (Mr. owell) and the Senfrom Ohio, [Mr. WADB] who were then voting together, I stated. in the excitement of the moment, that Pilate and Herod hadjoined hands together to crucify the free State of Louisiuna; the Senfrom Ohio because the negroes were not permitted to vote, and the Senfrom Kentucky because the rebels were not permitted to vote. I remember that scene very well. I know, and I speak of what I know, when I say that a large majority of this Senate, and of the Republican members of this Senate, then favored the reconstruction policy of Mr. Lincoln as adopted in Louisiana. Now, Mr. President, let me go a step further. When men rise here to charge upon the present POTUS, because he pursues the policy of the Union party, because instead of acting against it, to use the very language of the Senfrom Ohio in his in answer to me the other day, Mr. Joseph eesoenh “improved” upon the plan of Mr. Lincoln when Senators stand up now and undertake to denounce as traitors our own friends, men whom we ourselves elected to office, men who hold our Administration, and who inust of necessity administer the Government for 3 years to come, they are inconsistent, unwise; such language is certainly unnecessary, and it should be avoided. If this spirit of denunciation of the President by Congress and of Congress by the President is to prevail, what hope is there of the ase end ency in the future of the Union or Republican party? There is no hope whatever. I he elections that have just occurred in NewEngland have carried us safely through n on the idea that there is still hope that the uion party will not be divided, that there is still hope that Congress and the President may by some terms, by some bill, or some measure, yet be recou v ciled. Had you deprived the people of those States of that hope in the Union party and of that hope of reconciliation. there would have been no chance for us whatever. Therefore, from my standpoint I say it with all respect to my friends around inc it seems to me, our duty is to try and see if we cannot reconcile our dilierences rather than to wage war upon each other. Mr. President, I have received, in connection with my colleague, a telegraphic dispatch from the Governor of the State of Wisconsin. which l have no doubt is correct, although I have not seen the resolution which is said to have been passed by the Legislature, in which it is stated that the Legislature has passed a resolution instructing the Senatorsin Congress from Wisconsin to vote for the passage of the Senate bill commonly known as the civil rights bill. the veto of the resident to the contrary notwithstanding. I have already stated, from my stand point, the reasons why, in my ind ment, I cannot do it. I have stated them freeIy and tinnkly, and as a matter of course, I expect to abide the consequences. I know that it has sometimes been said to me, by those, too, in whom I would have confidence, that for me, under circumstances like these, not to follow the instructions of the Legislature of my State, would be to terminate my political life. I Sir, be it so. I never held or aspired to any other office politically than the one I now hold; and God knows, if l know my own heart, if I can see this Union restored after this gigantic war which has put down the rebellion, and to which I have lent my support, I shall be satisfied. I do not desire to remain in political life beyond that hour. There is nothing in that which will have the slightest influence whatever npon me. The duty which I owe to myself, the duty which I owe to the country, the duty which I owe to the Union of these States, and the preservation of the rights of the States, and the duty which I owe to the rest Republican party, which I Would still desire to save, prompts me to pursue the course which I now do. i I do this with no disrespect whatever to the honorable gentlemen who voted for that resolution in th. Legislature of Wisconsin. I respect their opinions asthose of honorable men. at, sir, I believe that, standing where I do, I see what they do not see in the existing crisis of our beloved country. They, like all others, are liable to be deceived and imposed upon by the statements of the public press and by the statements of many of those through the South who are interested in preserving the present disordered state of things. I have heretwo communications, one of which I received some months since in relation to Louisiana, and another of but recent date from the State of Alabama, extracts from which I desire to read. Speaking of a certain Treasury agent in the city of NewOrleans, the gentleman writing the 1st communication says: “I hear that hehaswritten to various radical members of Congress agwnst the free State of Louisiana, and that even Mr. ms has been influenced by his sta"tIements. have been an extreme abolitionist for 34 years and am. therefore, personally, not thin kinned under the tongues of mendaciousmen. "But I wish to enter my protest against the acceptanceof any statementmadeby him against the free State of Louisiana or any fficiid or advocateof the policy of Mr. Lincoln and the measuresof General Banks for the restoration of the State. he is in no respectacoin etent witness against us. He has no principle, no ouor. no taste, almost no qualities of manhoodbut thoseof adiposeand impudence. "He was a Border Rutfian in Kansas, it slave driver adventurer in Texas. where he was known by the appropriate cuninc cognomen of Big Brindle. "Here c has been a irty weight upon various bureaus, falling steadily and certainly, by the gravity of unfitucss, to the floor of each, to besweptout with the sweeping ii. “Ila made money while in the Plantution bureau because he was regardless of all interests. public or private. but his own openly declaring often in my hearing that he thought no more of a negro than of a mule, and carrying with him on to the plantations manners and control in consonance with that declaration." Yi“ 1. "Senator, it is to such men as him on the one side, on the other to embodied negative Iegnlists and precedent men. like Durant. that we owe the hostility to the free State of Louisiana. "The 1st class is arrestedin the race of brutality and ine ne making; the last in that ofumbition and personal cadership. Each extends it hand to the mariinetisni that here holds the bayonet and thus, together. not trinnc, but ternary, they secure the moral sianificance of this sucred number while an"imatedby 0"ttlll0.flmlplli0ll, and despotism. Ihittm yindical friends in Connress and elsewhere listen so eagerly and with the crt dulity of novicesin place to the allegations against our ownpolitical kith and kin, of these clflSSE Sw.ho areour natural enemies. Sometimes fills me with the apprehension that we radicals simply possesspower from the accident of revolution. rather than lOlll the divine right of fit ness for dominion.” r “We are pressing for colored suffrage upon opr Legislature, for the classesallowed by our free constitution and I have great hope of attaining it in spite of the oppose rs." "i “ Durant and the small clique of colored men who adhere to him wzint suffrage from Congress. We want it from the leizislature. “As it is possible that you may never feel the practieal GSSIMoEf a military despotism. it mix it be well or you to stepinto NewOrleans Jnst to see what n free white man can endure from bayonetsthat he helps to buy. in hands that he helps to pay, turned upon him with n. sharpness and persistence measured by the exact ratio of his adhesion to the policy of Mr. Liucoln, and his deservings of justice and protection. "If thoeulo we have here, at this time is that of freeinfin, od grant me an asylum under Francis.losep. where, having not even a dream of liberty, I should never awoke to the reality of its loss." “The military rule here has done more to drive further away the native people, to sup the sense of loyalty in our ranks, to weaken the Admmiltrlition l l I I administration of n in the secession movement and the Republican party than half a dozen rebel successes could litiv.dolnc." “One nf tho most distinguished of the lay Catholi cs, and oneof our staunch frieuds, said to methis morn 1112: " Well, major.the radicals have the Government: is this their rule. “The people do not yet blame Mr. Lincoln. They know he is Just and desperatelybusy. but they begin to wonder wh he leavesa buicaucratical otiieer, excellent in an o ice or nnoutpost, in the autocratic division more extensive than somekingdoms. in which, at this moment the civil, political, and commercial weaponry would be tar more effectivefor us than the boyonct. especially where the latter is priincipally directed against the very friends of the President." This is reading from one source, an extreme man perhaps, strong in his expressions, who claims to have been for 34 years an abolitionist. I hold in my hand a letter which I received the other day coming from another man of the South. This man was once a member of Congress. He was one of those whoyoined He was a member of the rebel congress, and was at one time in the rebel army. he is now at the head of a college in Alabama. He wrote to me some time since to know whether by the law as it stood those States were entitled to any public lands in aid of their collegiate or agricultural institutions. I answered that letter, to which answer he replied, and in the course of his reply he speaks of the condition of public sentiment at the South. His name must be known to most gentlemen here. He was known to me at the time he was a member of Congress. He is! a gentleman of great intelligeuce and perhaps one of the nblest. men in Alabama. I refer to Mr. J. L. M. Curry.