Mr. ELDRIDGE. I understand precisely the position the gentleman takes, and I presume he understands ine. None can say this 2nd section is not aimed directly at the State judiciary. NO one who reads the section or who heard the argument of the Gentfrom Iowa [Mr. wILSON] can hesitate a moment to admit the purpose and object of this section is to control the judges of the State courts and prevent them from executing the laws of the States. If ajudge were, in the case cited by the Gentfrom NewJersey, [Mr. Roosasj to sentence a black man, who had committed a rape upon awhite woman, to death, when for the same offense a white man would be only sentenced to imprisonment, he would be subject to the penalties of this bill. Now, it may be said that there is no reason for this distinction; but I claim that there is and there is no man that can look upon the crime, horrid as it is, diabolical as it is when committed by the white man, and not say that such a crime committed by a negro upon a white woman deserves, in the sense and judgment of the American people, a different punishment from that inflicted upon the white man and yet the very purpose of this section, as I contend, is to abo ish or prevent the execution of laws making a distinction in regard to the punishment. But, further, it is said the negro race is weak and feeble; that they are mere children "wards of the Government.” In man in stances it might be just and proper to in ict a less punishment upon them fbr certain crimes than upon men of intelligence and education, whose motives may have been worse. It might be better for the community to control them by milder and gentler means. If the judge sit ting upon the bench of a State court shall, in carrying out the law of the State, inflicts. higher penalty upon the white man than that which attaches to the freedman, not thatI suppose it is ever contemplated to enforce that, yet it would be equally applicable, and the penalty would be incurred by the judge in the same manner precisely. But I proceed to the section Twas about to remark upon when the gentleman interrupted me. The marshals who may be employed to execute warrants and precepts under this bill, as I have already remarked, are offeictl a bribe for the execution of them. It creates nutr shals, in great numbers, and authorizes com. missioners to appoint almost anybody for that purpose, and it stimulates them by the otfer of a reward not given in the ease of the arrest of persons guilty of another crime. It goes further. It authorizes the President, when he is apprehensive that some crime of this sort may be committed, on mere suspicion, mere information or statement that it is likely to be committed, to take any judge from the bench or any marshal from his othee to the place where the crime is apprehended. for the purpose of more efficiently and speedily carry in out the provisions of this bill. The Gentfrom Pennsylvania [Mr. THAYER tells us that it is very remarkable that it should be claimed that this bill is intended to create and continue a sort of military des potism over the people where this law is to be executed. It seems to me nothing is plainer. Where do we find any laws heretofore passed having no relation to the negro in which such a provision as this 10th section is to be found 3 Generally the marshal seeks by himself to execute his warrant, and failing, he calls out his posse comitatus. But this bill authorizes the use in the 1st instance of the Army and Navy by the President for the purpose of executing such writs. The gentlemen who advocate this bill are great sticklers for equality, and insist that there shall be no distinction made on account of race or color. Why, sir, ever provision of this bill carries upon its face the distinction, and is cal culated to perpetuate it forever as long as the act shall be in force. Where did this measure originate but in the recognition of the difference between races and colors? Does anyone pretend that this bill is intended to protect white men to save them from any wrongs which may be inflicted upon them by the negroes? Not at all. it is introduced and pressed in the pretended interest of the black man, and recognizes and virtually declares distinction between race and color. But gentlemen claim that there is warrant and authority in the 2nd section of the recent amendment to the Constitution for this measure. I believe that is the only authority upon which the eloquent Gentfrom Pennsylvania [Mr. THAYER] rested his claim of the right to pass this bill.