Mr. DIXON. he Senator would not have said that if he did not suppose that some human being took that position. I suppose he referred to some one, butif he did not I am glad to hear it. I have attempted to state the vague, indistinct, indefinite, undecided, and uncertain policy of those who dissent from the Presidents policy. It is not in fault that it has that character. I have read from their various opinions. If they are uncertain and indistinct and difficult to define, certainly it is not the fault of the oppo nents of those opinions. Mr. President, what now are the 2 great systems of policy with regard to reconstruction and reunion on which the minds of the people of this country are today divided? One of these systems, known, by way of distinction, as that of the President, is indicated in the words which I have cited from his veto message. It contemplates a careful, cautions, discriminatin admission of a loyal representation from loyal States and districts in the appropriate House of Congress, by the separate action of each, ev! case to be considered by itself and decide on its own merits. It recognizes the right of ever loyal State and district to be represented y loyal men in Congress. It draws the true line of distinction between traitors and true men. It furnishes to the States lately in rebellion the strongest possible inducement to loy alty and fidelity to the Government. It “ makes treason odious,” by showin that while the traitor and the rebel are exclued from Congress, the loyal and the faithful are cordially received. It recognizes and rewards loyalty wherever it is found, and distinguishes as it ought, between a Horace Maynard and a JeffersonDavis. What is the other policy? It contemplates the entire exclusion of representation in either House of Congress from any State lately in rebellion, irrespective of its present loyalty or the character of its people, until the adoption of certain measures not definitely stated, whose advocates agree neither as to the measures proposed nor in the reasons given for their support—this exclusion to continue for an indefinite and unlimited period of time, declared by some to be for 5 years, by some 30 years, and by some in a certain contingency forever; the entire region comprised within the 13 seceding States, inclu in Tennessee, to be held meanwhile as conquered territory, and to be governed as subject provinces by the central power, and the people thereof to be ruled as vassals, liable and subject necessaril at all times to taxation, while thus wholly e rived of representation and of every right of self government and now, to render certain this policy—or at least in view of it—it is proposed y the resolution now under consideration to enact, so far as such a resolution can enact, that neither House of Congress shall admit a member from anyone of the States lately in rebellion, whatever may be his own past or present character and conduct, and however true and loyal may be the people by whom he is elected, until consent, by an act of Congress. passed by both Houses and signed by the Presi ent, in the face of the express provision of the Constitution, that “each gouse shall be the judge of the elections, qualifications, and returnsof its own mem ers. These, Mr. President are the 2 systems of policy now presented for the consideration of this country. One or the other must be adopted by the Government. All mine r issues, and all intermediate views and opinions, must gravitate toward and be absorbed by one or the other of these great commandin systems of policy; and all questions of loca interest or of mine r details in the work of reconstruction become therefore unimportant, and may be left out of sideration. I have state what I believe to be the true issue in the briefest possible form of words. Here, in in judgment, is the whole of this vast question which is to agitate the public mind of this country, and the decision of which is to shape and control its governmental policy for a long period of years. All points of more detail in regard to it will be lost sight of and forgotten in view of the vast and overwhelming Fidea of the permanent and fraternal reunion of the people of ever one of those States under a common flag an a common representative Government. It is impossible, in the nature of things, that the public mind should be occupied by another political question. Until this is decided, final y and forever, no personal or party consideration can divert the eager at tention of the people from the exclusive investigation of thisrquestion. Nor can any thourvht ful minddoubt as to the final decision. Be ore the war the love of the Union was the assion of the loyal national heart, and now that the war is over its passion will be reunion. For a brief period the dissevered sections of our country may be held apart by the main force of party and of faction, but every day the mutual attraction of the separated parts is growing stronger and more irresistible. If there are any who attempt to hold them asunder their fate will be that of Milo: " The Roman, when he rent the oak. Dreamed not of the rebound.” They may be crushed, but the Union will be restored under a Constitution amended and purified, by which slavery is forever abolished, and freedom, with all its incidents, forever guarantied. Believing the 1st named policy to be, as has been conclusively proven by the distinguished Senfrom Wisconsin, [Mr. Docurrma] that of President Lincoln, and that in adopting it President Johnson has but followed in the path of his predecessor; and believing also that this pohcy is but a continuation of the great struggle in defense of the noble cause of the Union, for which President Lincoln and all his martyred brethren died, I declare my confident trust that the people will support and uphold AndrewJohnson in its advocacy and defense, as in the darkest days of the war they supported and n held Abraham Lincoln.