Mr. Speaker, there are men in this House who are opposed to making any amendments to the Constitution, as they say, “until the revolted States are represented here.” They say that those States are entitled “ of right” to have their Senators "nd Representatives in this Capitol. The say thatit is wrong to enact any legislation a ectin those States without 1st “ consultiu them. This is the pretense. The real fact IS they know very well that if each of those States had its 2 Senators in the other end of the Capitol, and the members which the present basis ofrepresentation give them in this end, amendments would be impossible, for their votes, added to those already here who have been upon their side throughout the war, will always prevent their ado ition. hat would be the result in such a case? Mr. Speaker, I tremble for my country when I contemplate the possibility of such a conclusion to the bloody struggle we have one through. Let me enumerate some of the ca am ities which will follow: 1. There would be the admission to congress, and other places of power, of unrepentant and unwashe murderers and traitors. 2. The driving from their borders of every loyal man and woman who has been faithful to the Government. 3. Repeal of the civil rights bill, and grinding to the very depths o misery, compared with which slavery would be a boon, the 4 million freedmen. 4. Assumption by the General Government of the rebel debt, and payment to rebel masters for their slaves. 5. They would extend the pension laws to embrace the traitors who fought against the lGovernment, and would pay the claims of ebels for damn es by the war. l 6. They wonlfi elect for the next President at AndrewJohnson, as some suppose, but obert E. Lee, who might possibly reward his 11rthern friends by ving places in his Cab t to Fernando good, of NewYork, and V llandigham, of Ohio. uch is the picture. Why, sir, rather than an h a consummation, 1,000times rather the we had never pulled trigger or drawn sword to maintain the integrity of the Government. Better, a million times better, that we had saved the blood its preservation has cost us. Wh, sir, the very bones of the uncofiined dead wou d turn in their graves at such a result of their sacrifice. I know, and with shame confess it, that there are recrcants and apostates among us, not many, I thank God, however, but some there are now in Congress, who have been trusted by an honest and confiding constituency, but who prefer to bask in the sunshine of executive favor, who rather “crook the prenant. hinges of the knee where thrift may folow fawning, ” and betray their trust; but their number is small. The tribe of Judas has never been a very flourishing one, forthose who do not, like Judas, in remorse hang themselves, very soon wither under the scorching indignation of mankind. There are not enough of them, I trust, to de feat what is absolutely demanded by the country and the country does demand that weingrnft upon the organic law of the nation, placing them in the custody of the whole people, beyond the reach of party or faction, or of sudden passion, to reeal them, these or similar and stronger amendments. The preservation of the Government requires it. The rights and liberties of the loyal poor cannot be preserved without it. The financial credit of the Government will be ruined unless it is done. These things to me se cm inevitable. But those gentlemen upon the other side of the House, whose vocation seems to be to o pose every measure which is in the interest of) the Government and of humanity, think it would be an excellent idea to have the rebels here, to themselves vote upon and fix the conditions of reconstruction. A most happy ideal Having failed to destroy the Government by a resort to arms, now only once let them in here under the old a portionment, which makes a rebel of South arolina as big as 2 or 3 loyal men of Illinois let themin with the blood of slain patriots et dripping from their fingers, and the doubly damning crime of starving pris ouers still blackening their souls, and then talk about amending the Constitution. Sir, the Constitution makes Congress the judge of the election and qualification of its own members. The Constitution also declares t“hat “the Government" (not the President) shall guaranty to each State a RFG.” When in Territory makes application for admission as a State, the congress has 1st to pass the law, and fix the terms for its admission. The States in rebellion revolted, destroyed their State governments as States of this Union; fought us 4 years for a separate nationality; were vanquished. Now, who shall determine the conditions upon which Congress shall receive their Sens&Reps again? Who shall say whether they have readopted a RFG? The President seems to suppose it his prerogative. But the President will yet learn that he is not the “ Government.” He dic Stated to those States conditions, what they should and should not put into their constitutions, and cannot Congress, the representatives of the people, the real “ Government, " do the same? The whole copperhead fraternity applaud the President. Rebels South and sympathizers with rebellion North glorify Andrew ohnson; the devilish company of traitors praise him; the confederates of 00th and Payne praise him; the importers of poisoned clothing raise him; the g orious company of Jeff. Bavis his cabinet, his congress, his generals, with all the enemies of freedom in our own land, glorify him; and the enemies of liberty and republican institutions throughout the world, all who, were on the side of the rebellion and against us throughout the war, praise and magnitfiv his name. These, together with a few Ju uses and Esaus, a plaud AndrewJohnson. Yet he dictated conditions to the rebel States, and cannot the lawmaking power of the Government do the same? Sir, it is high time that traitors and the world shall know that the same men who preserved the Government from destruction, who made. the laws, furnished the means, and did the fighting necessary for its preservation and de fense, ought toand will reconstruct and do what is necessary to maintain it. The same who dictated terms to rebels in the field ought to and will dictate the terms upon which, and which only, they may be received into fellow ship and power twain. Men to whom the people have intrusted positions of high honor and power may apostatize and betray them for a ittle season, but they are sure to be crushed underthe wheels of the great car of the peoples wrath. There are some whosupposethat men who have given limbs and heafih and the best years of their lives for the salvation of their country, canlnow be bought for a petty postoffice; that fathers who have laid their sons u n the altar of their country are to be turne aside with the hope of a little temporary, contemptiblo patronage. such persons do not know the American people, the Union people of the North. They have sacrificed too much to turn back now; their patriotism is made of better material, of sterner stuff than that. A people, in whose every house there is either a returned Soldier or the vacant chair of one who never will return, cannot be bought with any such stuff and it is strange that.men in high places do not know these things. Are they both blind and deaf? Why, sir, a man need not read the papers to find it out. If he will but put his ear to the ground he may still hear the tram, tramp, tramp, of the men who marched with Sherman to the sea, and with Grant to Richmond and Vicksburg, still keeping time to the same music, and still animated and inspired by the same determination. The very air is vocal with the loud demands of the people; while the invisiblespirits of halfa million of the noblest men who ever lived, and who sleep the sleep which shall know no wakening until the last great roll call is sounded, beseech us that we do not let their sacrifice be in vain. Mr. Speaker, I now yield the remainder of my time to the Gentfrom Massachusetts, [Mr. Dawns.