Mr. WADE. I will tell fo.how it was. There may be a technical distinction. The enabling act enabled the people at a certain time, naming a particular day, to meet and frame a constitution. They did meet at that time and rejected it. They afterward met, however, by the direction of their Legislature, all things being orderly and right, and complied with the requisitions of the enabling act in every respect except as to the time named. The day fixed passed by, and afterward on reconsideration they met again and adopted a State constitution, endeavoring to comply and substantially complying with all the conditions that were required of them in the enabling act. Now,] do not wish to prolong the debate, and I have but a few words more to say. The questions I have now argued have never been argued in relation to the application of any State which has been admitted since I have been in the Senate chamber unless it was in the case of Kansas, where a great controversy sprang up, but with none of the elements which we are now considering. There was an attempt made to make a constitution here in this District, and then force it upon the people of Kansas that was called i. Lecompton constitution. That gave rise to great controversy. I was opposed to the constitution that was made for that people and undertaken to be forced upon their necks. I contended against it as well as I was able and as long as I could, and finally we defeated it. The general course has been to pass an enabling act, under which the people of a Territory would assemble and make a constitution in accordance with all our constitutions, republican in form, for there is very little difference in them. There was never a better one than this of Nebraska that I have seen. It is perfectly republican in every respect except that to which the Senfrom Massachusetts now objects for the 1st time. He would now impose a condition which has never been required of the people of any other Territory endeavoring to qualify themselves for admission as a State. I think we shall be doing a great wrong if we interpose this new principle in the way of this people, without notice to them a people as much in favor of equal rights as the constituents of the Senfrom Massachusetts; Republican, Radical, vast majorities of them; contenders for just such a constitution as that Senator wants; but not being apprised that anything out of the beaten track was wanted, they have followed the usual course pursued by other new States. And yet they are now met by this bare, abstraction, a technicality that, hardly touches anybody, for there are hardly any colored men the Territory; and what few there are are as anxious for the admission of the State as I am. At least, that is true so far as I know anything of them, because they think they know that this evil will be corrected sooner by the admission than by the exclusion of the State. I hope that we shall not on this mere technicality coldly turn away a Territory comprised of patriotic men who have sacrificed so much for the Union. I do not know what the effect of it will be. For the party in power it would be the most suici dal act that any party was ever guilty of. These men, let me tell gentlemen around me, believe just as you do; they are ready to aid and assist you in carrying out your great principles of liberty, right, and justice. On their admission they will add to the power of your arm to enforce them. No party was ever so blind to the progress of its own principles as you will be if you undertake to shut out this State. It will be an act of suicide, and I should not wonder if a people thus treated would (if they were not purer than we can hardly expect human nature to be) be so indignant as to turn around