Mr. KIRKWOOD. I am in favor of the admission of Nebraska, pure and simple, without conditions or qualifications. I favored it at the last session of Congress, and I favored it at this session, because I believe that under the previous practice of our Government Nebraska is entitled to admission. I believe that the admission of the State will be a benefit to the people of that Territory and thus to the people of the whole country. I believe I am doing the best thing I can for the people of that territory in voting for her admission, as a State. It adds to my pleasure in doing this, that by doing iIt can do 2 other good things, as I believe them to be: I can add to the strength of what I believe to be sound public sentiment in this Chamber, legitimately and fairly, and I can add also legitimately and fairly, as I believe, to the strength and influence in this Chamber and elsewhere of that part of the country in which I live. But it is said that we ought not to do this thing because we voted a few days ago and yesterday in a particular way touching the condition of affairs in this District. I cannot see the force of that reasoning. The Constitution of the U.S. confers upon us the government of this District, and in passing the suffrage bill for this District we did what we believed to be for the best interests of the District. I never believed that this District was created and the control of it given to us for the purpose of making it an instrument on which to try experimental legislation. In the State where I live there are a great many people who believe that the prohibition of the sale of ardent spirits is just as important as the giving of suffrage to the blacks in that State. s. that we here, in legislating for this District, should deem it to be important to prohibit the sale of ardent spirits in the District, would that become a rule by which we should be open to act when legislating for all the Territories and for the admission of new States? I cannot look upon it so. One 3rd of the population of this District consists of colored people, many of them wealthy, paying taxes; they were liable to be oppressed and injured in their property, perhaps in their lives, by the white peo[. of this District, and therefore it was deemed est to give them the suffrage. I voted for it cordially and cheerfully; but I shall not be at all embarrassed by that vote in any future action I may take in regard to any other locality where a different state of affairs obtains. Again, it is said that we must reject Nebraska because the constitution she presents to us is not republican in form. I confess I cannot so understand it. It strikes me that, in view of our past history, that statement is ab surd. I think I am right in saying that there has been no new State oiinto this Union since its formation, except Vermont and perhaps Maine, in whose constitution this particular exclusion of colored men from voting has not been inserted. I think the constitution of every one of the new States, except Vermont and perhaps Maine, has contained this identical provision. 20 of the 26 States now composing this Union have the same provision. Did not the men who preceded us understand whether a constitution was republican in form or not? Why did they admit Ohio, or Indiana, or Illinois, or Michigan, or Wisconsin, or Minnesota, or Iowa, if they had not republican constitutions? It is said we are bound to exclude Nebraska because we are required to guaranty to each State a RFG. We have the fo to do that thing, and if the States I have named are not republican in form, why governments to States that already have provisions of this kind in their constitutions? I should be glad to know. Why is not a provision brought in here to guaranty to Indiana a RFG if she has not one today? Why is it not done? Why do not you require us in Iowa to make our constitution republican in form? You have power to guaranty to us a RFG. You say we have not a RFG; why do not you give us one? Why not? I do not know. Again, it is said that we may be embarrassed when we come to act in regard to the lately rebellious States. Now, sir, I am free to say that when we come to act upon that subject shall be prepared, not only to give the ballot to every black man there if it be necessary, but I shall be prepared to exclude from the ballot very many white men there, and I shall not be at all embarrassed in doing so by the vote I shall give upon Nebraska. What is the condition. affairs in those States? What must we do? What must we secure in those States? We must secure the control of those governments in the hands of loyal men. That is one thing we must do. What else must we do? We must see to it that men who have been on our side through this war are protected there in person, in property, in life, in liberty. That we must do. Now, if to do these 2 things, or either one of them, it is necessary to give to every black man in those States the ballot, I will give it to him. If to do both of these things, or either one of them, it is necessary to exclude 4 5th s of the white men there, I will do that thing. I shall not be at all embarrassed by the vote I shall give in favor of Nebraska in doing either one or the other of those things. Does the same condition of things obtain in Nebraska I should like to know? Is there any danger that that State will pass into the hands of rebels and traitors? Her sons fought side by side with the sons of Iowa all through this rebellion, for our flag, and not for the rebel flag. The men of Iowa went to Nebraska, and the men of Nebraska came to Iowa, and they fought side by side through this war, with equal bravery, and equally well. Besides, is there any danger that the rights, the liberties, the property of the loyal men in Nebraska will be hazarded by giving this constitution to the people of that State? No sir; and I cannot stand, and I will not stand here throwing in the teeth of the people of Nebraska the foul insult, as I consider it to be, that they must be treated in a certain way be. cause forsooth we must treat men who live in SCarolina in a certain way! They do not stand upon the same plane. They do not stand in the same condition. What may be necessary for one may not be necessary for the other. For these reasons, sir, I shall vote for the bill as it came from the chairman of the ComTerritor. If the sense of the senate be that either one of these amendments ought to be added to it, I shall still vote for the bill; but I cannot vote for either one or the other of the amendments.