Mr. HOWE. I have read from some remarks made by Mr. Wi all, of Texas. A few days later Mr. Mason, oi Virginia, then a memberof this Senate, spoke in Opposition to a resolution for the exulsion of a Senfrom Texas who had dee ared he owed no allegiance to the Government of the U.S., and he used this language: “If Senators still persist in soyin. as matter of constitutional law, that those States have not separated. that their netis null, theyare holdinglungnage whichI say it with great respect. for I feel no other sentiment toward themis ine re disrespectfulto the Senate tenfold than that which the Senfrom Connecticut say osfd these Srevensatthoer rouinnis Themxaosntaonfdowxpyu?l Because, by their language, they declare that 5 million peopleand 6 or 7 sovereign States are in a state of insubordination and insurrection and they are taking no measures to quoll it. They declare here that the acts of those States are null and although they have scized what they call the public property, although they have possessed theinse Yes of the forts and of the public arms. yet they take no meanswhatever, and recommendand propose none, to recover it or to subdue them.” For one, I am unwilling to see those who then burst out of the ir seats taunting and jeering the majesty of the nation, now come vaulting back into the same seats defying and bullying the nation. If the nation has any authority I would like to see it consulted and respected. But there is a graver objection still to immediate restoration. It is this: those communities are not now fit to take upon themselves the attributes of States. Our past history has demonstrated that absolute homogeneit is not necessary to the success of republican institutions, if existing differences o opinion do not prevent the exercise of reasonable toleration. lfiut the history of the world has demonstrated that when great malignant antagonisms exist between the members of a State, republicanism must fail of its mission in that State. The powers of a State, even where its political action is confined within the limits prescribed by the constitution of the U.S., are immense for good or evil. A State may determine who may and who shall not articipate in the Government; who mayor who may not vote at the elections; may exclude whomsoever it pleases from the office of legislator, of judge, of juror, of witness; may make whatexpenditures it chooses, lay what taxes and contract what debts it chooses. It may regulate labor and control the acquisition an descent of property as it pleases, It may denounce what conduct it chooses as criminal, and impose what penalties it chooses as punishment. Is it the deliberate judgment of the Senate that these communities are at the present time in that equitable and dispassionnte temper of mind which makes them properdepositaries of such enormous powers? To whom do you meanto assign those great powers which under the constitution belougto a State? Do on mean to give them to the whole body o? the people in these districts? That probably can be done with reasonable safety to them in a short time, but I do not believe it can safely be done yet. During the past 4 unhappy years a division has sprung up between different portions of those people unknown to their former history. A gul yawns between them as broad as that which stretched between the rich man in hell and Lazarus in the bosom of Abraham. That I chasm was made by the civilWar from which l we have just emerged. On one side of it stand. all the disloyalt and nearly all the wealth and intelligence int ose communities. On the other stand all the loyalt and nearly all the poverty and ignorance in them. On which side the greater number is to be found I do not know. Probably in some districts it would be found on one side, and in others upon the other side. It cannot be but that the spirit which animates both sides is most unfriendl, not to say malignant. Hitherto we have seen only the temperwhich ins ires those upon the other side. That is as ull of the extract of hell as a rational man would care to see. Those upon this side, upon the American side of the gulf, have as yet been allowed little opportunity of developing the sentiments which actuate them. It cannot well be doubted, though, that the load of hatred and wrong with which they have for years been overborne has engendered feelings of a corre sponding nature in their breasts. When you have once committed this fearful engine known as a State government to a people it is beyond the control of the nation. There after that people must run it to suit themselves. So long as they exercise only the powers permitted by the supreme law they may use them as they will. whenever, then, ou committhis power to the people ofone oft ose districts, it will fall into the and s of one or the other of these antagonistic parties. I submit to you, ir, there is imminent danger that gets possession of it in their prewsheincht emveoroz party will use it to the utter destruction of the other. We hear much talk about securing arantces for the future. It was recently saiduby a distinguished member of the other House while pleading for immediate restoration “ I would exact at their hands all needed and just guarantees for their future loyalty to the constitution and the laws of the U.S. ” For myself, sir, I care less, infinitel less, about security for their future good he avior toward us, than I do for securit that they will keep the peace toward each other. Hitherto the U.S. has been able to take care of itself. I trust she will prove as capable in the future. But a minority under the government of a State in the hands of a majority moved by that active and relentless hate which we have too much reason to believe animates both these factions, and which we know ins ires one of them, is helpless and hopeless. Lntil, therefore, existin animosities have somewhat smoothed down, would not dare to deliver these suspended functions irretrievably to those people for fear of just such a collision. 1 ere are those among us, sir, I am sorry to know, who propose to avoid such a collision by committing these suspended functions to the white population alone, with power to exclude from participation in them so many of their number as they please. Mr. President, I am not ready to accept that expedient this year. I do not expect to be next year. I cannot now foresee when I shall be prepared for it. But when I am born again, sir, and have a new gospel committed to me from on high which does not proclaim “ence on earth and good will to men, ” but proc aims eternal war on earth, and hatred and all uncharitableness to men; which teaches that fraud and rapine are the commanding interests of a republican State, and that Governments should grace treason with laurel wreaths and heap chains upon fidelity; when I hear that ospel from on highnot from below, whence I have heard it all my lifeif I accept iIt, may be ready to try this expedient, but not until then. This reosition is to clothe all on the rebel side of the dividing gulf with power and to deny it to nearly all upon this side. This is to make your enemies that controlling, irresponsible majority, and to make your friends that helpless and hopeless minority. This is to put the mill into the exclusive possession of pardoned trai tors, and to throw all truth and loyalty into the hopper. That is the entertainment to which 1L we are invited by the immediate restorationists. For one “I cant go.” and I do not propose to send any “ regrets.” My colleague recently characterized these communities not inaptly as a “ boiling caldron of passion and excitement.” Into that caldron we are cordially invited to throw all the loyalty there is there, while treason is employed to tend the fires. I must be pardoned if I object to the arrangement. Why, sir, do you remember who these are into whose hands you are asked to consign these enormous powers? They are traitors, and traitors, not to a Government which oppressed them, but to a Government which have them a monopoly of all the oppression erewas practice under it. They are criminals snatched from the gallows by executive clemency. Mr. President, you may ransack the history of civilized nations and you cannot find among the rulers who have been deposed for their crimes one who has so unequivocally demon strated his unfitness for rule as the very class we are now asked to recrown. I do not ask you to rest upon an assertion. I appeal to the record. If there is any practice which civilization and Christianity condemn it is slavery. But in defiance of that judgment these people persisted in holding 3 million human beings as the mere chattels of half a million. If there is any principle of government upon which the American people and liberal eo be everywhere are agreed, it is the principletat opinion and speech ought to be ree. Even in these communities every chapter in their codes, every article in their creeds, every measure in their policies, have been opened to free and licensed discussion, save only the rightfulness of slaver. Whoever raised his voice against that has been silenced or banished. In the earlier and better days of the Republic all were a eed that slavery ought not to go beyond the imits of the States in which it existed. But those people not only demanded freeingress for slavery to all the Territories, but in 1861 the waged flagrant war upon the people of the U.S. because they electeda man for President who was opposed to legalizing slavery in the Territories, an in the prosecution of that war have subjected the nation to an expenditure of 3 billions of treasure, and to a sacrifice of blood and of life which no man can contemplate without a shudder. Why, sir, it is the recorded judgment of the nation that these communities are unfit to wield the powers heretofore possessed by the States of this Union. Heretoiore American Stateshave had the power to hold portions of their inhab itants in slavery. These communities have all done it. Withtwo exceptions everyother community llS prohibited it. Against a wrong so gigantic the nation has been compelled to intervene, and has, in the face ofan app audingwoi ld, deliberately stripped every community wi;hin the U.S. of that power. That judgment was unquestionably just; but who that believes in the universality of human justice does not hang his head at seeing 13 great American communities arraigned at the bar of public opinion, pronounced guilty of an in tolerable abuse of power, and compelled by a national decree to renounce it?Mr. President, will anyone tell me that in spite of all these acts there are many good men in those communities, men as true to their convictions as are to be found anywhere? Who doubts it? Who doubts that Paul, when he threw Christians into prison, compelled them to blaspheme, gave his voice against them when condemned to death, and went snuffing on their track toward Damascus, was as true to his convictions as ever he was? But who believes he was then a suitable or a safe guardian for the disciples of Christianity? I am not clamoring for scaffolds or prisons, or penalties, or fortcitiires for the authors of these crimes. Fling them pardons if you choose. If repentance will not come in quest of pardon, send pardon in search of repentance. Give to the rebels life and civil rights, and political privileges, give them offices and honors if you must; uil altars to them, if you will, but, Mr Gods sake, do not sacrifice men on those altars any longer. Will anyone tell me that such recurrences to the ast are calculated to postpone the era o!: goo feeling for which the couutr yearns? Mr. President, the era of good feeling waits for one of 2 events. It will come when wrong surrenders to right, or when right surrenders to wrong. If it comes with the former event it will stay if it comes with the latter it will leave early. Those who would have the era of. good feeling stay when it comes should strive to hasten the surrender of the wrong, and should resist to the end the surrender of the right. But we are exultinvly told that “slavery is a el ished, ” as if now there was no more danger to be aprchended from the abuse of power. Yes, Mr. firesident, by the ordinance of emancipation 3 million people have been deliv ered from the slave (ms and taken from the auction blocks. They have been redeemed from the kingdom of chattclism, but they, have not been placed in the republic of man. Let us withhold our boasting tor the)rcsent. Power, can make men miserable 0t crwise than by making them merchandise. Who does not see that if the freedmen are placed under the political control of that white population, emancipation has only transferre t cm from the individuals who formerly owned them to a close corporation composed of the some persons? An what use is to be made of them then? Sir, we are not blind or deaf, unless we choose to shut our eyes and staff our cars with cotton; and we cannot fail to know, as well as if their purpose was emblazoned on all the southern eavens, that they mean, in spite of emancipation, to monopolize still the Inpor of the freedmcu, to control its wa es, and to appropriate all of its proceeds not emanded for their bare, support. To that end you are distinctly informed that, with their consent, the freedmen shall not come to the polls; shall not enter the witness box or the jury box, or sue in the courts; shall not hold lands, nor inherit or transmit property. Oh, but you say, some of those communities have agreed that the freedmen may sue in the courts and swear upon the witness stand. Yes, but will you tell me how, with all these disabil ities heaped upon them, they are to be able to employ an attorney to appear for them? Or how, with all this prejudice arrayed against them, they are to find an attorney who dare appear for them? Orhow, with all this indiity iled upon them, they areto find a jury that is not instructed not to credit what they say? But how have even these beggarlyconcessious not to justice but toward justice, been secured How has the consent of either of those communities to the decree of emancipation been obtained? How is it that some of them agreed to anuul theirordinances of secession while other ! have only repealed them? How have some of these communities been induced not to forego, but to postpone, the charge of the debt contracted in aid of the rebelion upon the industryof those communities? Sir, you and I know how it has all been done. It has been done by the efforts of the President. We have seen him, as it were, strip himself and odown intothose several arenas, armed with ie whip of political exclusion, as I have secnDriesbach go into a cage oflions, and, in the name of national justice, struggle there for some recognition of, it. For this abor, in the name of my constitquents, I thank him. It was work in the right direction. 4He has done all it was necessary for him to do. He has demonstrated that those people if the nation will remit them their forfeited lives and estates and readmit them to political rights, will do whatever the nation demands. In the name of God, then let the nation demand justicenot the shadow but the body of it; not the semblance but the substance of it. But, sir, they mean to do more than monopolize the labor of the freedmen; they mean to convince the American people that emancipation was a blunder and acrimo, Henfielll! their Organs clamor with tales of conspiracies, of idleness, vagrancy, and of crime. Hence it is that Christmas was assigned as the day for a general uprising. Hence it is that on that day, e anniversary of the da on which was born, in Bethlehem of Judea, esus, the Saviour of man, it happened that soldiers latel returned from the rebel army, wearin the Uniarm of the confederacy, within 5 miles of your Capitol, paraded the streets of Alexandria, doing their utmost to provoke a revolt. Hence it is that throughout that region, still heavil garrisoued by the troops of the nation, in dence of any local public sentiment, if not in accord with it, and in defiance of the national power, murder sweats at its work of blood. I you, who are responsible for the law of emancipation, ar dently desire to be damned for it, you have only to place it in the hands of its most relentless enemies to administer and illustrate. With draw the national authorit, surrender the protection of the emancipate to the men who ormerly owned them, dictate to themwhat constitutions and what laws you please today, so that you give them full authority to repeal them tomorrow and on know what will happen. Restored to tie rerogatives of States, and in full possession of the ir seats here, they will coolly tell you that having made one constitution and one code for the Washington market they will proceed to make one for home consumption. Having at your dictation agreed to the act of emancipation, they will, after their own fashion, proceed to show you what it is worth. Having at your bidding waived the payment of the rebel debt, they Will proceed to cancel the old bonds and issue new ones for the amount and when. under their new code, the freedman is excluded from the juiy box, the witness stand, the courts, and from the whole reme dial law, and from the schools; when their labor is charged with an enormous debt contracted in the effort to perpetuate and intensify their servitude; when the regenerated State shouts to them “ Workl” and yet denies them all chance to work except in the employ of their late owners, the great landholders; when the freedman sees that his utmost cfforts only secure him a subsistence, which he always hady, and that the strictest fidelity secures him no friends, which he once had; when he finds that the tie which linked him to the family of his old master is severed, and that no new tie links him to the family of man, what then 7 Sir, I do not doubt that oppression, cunningly devised and crsistently applied, can secure a revolt from these freedmen and what then? Let Jamaica answer. A revolt has been effected there, and with what result? Shakspeare thought to caricature the tireless genius of slangter when he made the “ madcapprince of ales” describe the “Hotspur of the north” as “he who kills me 6 or 7 dozen Scots at a breakfast; washes his hands and says to his wife: Fie upon this quiet life! I want work.” Oh, in sweet Harry, says she, how many hast thou illed today?”(ilive my roan horse a drench, says he, and answers, Some 14, an hour afterA irqifle, i miiLE. ” Poetry ives you that for caricature. When you ask tenewspapers, those chroniclers of actual events, how many have been killed in Jamaica, they answer, weeks after the event, from 2 to 4000 1” As if it only concerns the world to know the number in round 1,000s and was not necessary to be very particular as to the number of 1,000s. I asked a friend of mine, a sagacious chron icler of (political results, what would happen if the free men were driven to a revolt. e answered, With the quiet appearance of one who, looking upon a clouded sunset, says it will rain tomorrow, “They will be exterminated.” Yes, Mr. President. Butwhen the nation has returned from exterminating the emancipated, with what judgments will they visit the emancipators? Who of us, who are resonsible for emancipation, will care to wait for is share of the exccration that is sure to follow the act, when we have nothing to show for it but a maddened revolt and a relentless massacre? districts to be trampled under foot by its ene But even if protection the most ample was already secure to these freedmen, I should still be unwilliu to restore to those communities the functions o States. There is another class of people there who, in my judgment, deserve the attention of Congress. refer to that class who have the luck to be white but have had the sin lar taste during the past 4 years to be fdlyal. Do we forget that during those last terrible ears different portions o each of those. rebellious districts have been under the control of ditferent governments, deadl hostile to each other? A part of what we cal Louisiana has been under the control of the military authorities of the U.S. Those authorities have not only been protecting the territory within their possession against the incursions of rebel forces, but they have in the absence of any civil government which the U.S. could recognize, been administering justice between man and man. It is not to be doubted, that in the discharge of these civil functions, as in the exercise of militar functions, your authorities have acted in the interest of the U.S. It is not to be doubted that the have discriminated in favor of the loyal an against the disloyal. other portions of the same Louisiana have been under the control of rebel authority. We know very well that they have discriminated against the loyal and in favor of the disloyal. o what extent these discriminations have gone on either side we are not informed. An officer who has recently been filling ahigh command in SCarolina, told me he knew of men whose whole estates had been confiscated by the rebel authorities for no other ofieiise than having beentrue to the flagof the nation. Now, it is eliberately proposed to surrender the whole local authority in each of those districts to those men in whose favor the rebel authorities have discriminated and a inst whom our authorities have discriminate. Does any man suppose that any government can hereafter be erected by the people of Louisiana, of SCarolina, or of irginia, which will uphold the judgments of your military commissions, here tofore rendered against rebels, or that will reverse the judgments rendered by rebel tribunals against. dnion men? Does the U.S. reallymcan to suffer all its net action in those mics, and all the wrong and oppression which have been visited upon its friends to go unre dressed? If your troops had taken possession of a State in Mexico during a war, they would have done what they have one in Louisiana, and for the same reason and Mexico would have regarded your acts as Louisiana regards themas the decrees of force and not of law. If the Mexican State should be ceded to the U.S. the Government of the U.S. would uphold its prior acts. If the State should be restored to I Mexico the treaty of peace would settle the question of the validity or invalidity of what you had done. But you have had no treaty with Louisiana, and you can have none. Only in her new organic law can she abjure the claims or the pretenses upon which she ought not to insist, or upon which you do not mean she shall insist. Every new State, when she offers herself to the acceptance of the nation, is required to renounce by her constitution whatever claims Congress deems she ought not to prefer, and especially is required to respect, afierher admission, whatever has been done by the authority of the nation before her admission. But, sir, if these people were entirely friendly to each other, there would still, in my judgment, be an insuperable objection to their immediate restoration to the rerogatives of States. That objection lies in die fact that a large and controllin portion of them are still really hostile to the U.S. Gentlemen affect to discredit this fact. God knows I would be glad to discredit it; but I cannot. The evidence of it is conclusive and overwhelming. But on say they have laid down their arms. Yes, Mr. President, being physically unable any longer to hold them up, they have laid them down. But they seek to ree nterthe community of States! Yes, Mr. President, haying found they cannot have control of their own domestic and foreign affairs both, the would, doubtless, like to have the sole centre of their domestic affairs only; and having found they cannot successfully fight against the U.S., they would, doubtless, like the privilege of sending here some hundred or more representatives to vote against it. But the Will take the oath of alleviunce ! Yes, Mr. resident; but the oath they will take is no more binding than that they were under in 1861, when they made flagrant war upon you. But some of them have even renounced the right of secessionl Yes, Mr. President, as Galileo renounced the theory of the earths motion. But everywhere you see unmistakable evidences that their hearts are unchanged. The uniform of the rebellion is still worn and its son a still sung. In a church of this city last subath, I am told, 3 gentlemen were seated with the insignia of the rebellion upon them. In Alexandria, on Christmas, men whom your law condemns to death wantonly assaulted men for no other reason than that your law reclaimed them free. In a theater in North arolina a short time since, the orchestra played the “Bonnie Blue Flag, ” apd it was received with reture us applause. It is suggeste that those who parade their evidences of hostility are few in number, and do not represent the feeling of communities. I challenge the Senate to show me what rebel community has ever rebuked such displays. Last week in a theater in Mobile, the orchestra, in playing a medley, carelessly or by design introduced a strain from Yankee Doodle. It was hissed at once. Some officer in command there directed it to be played by the orchestra the next night. It was applauded by those wearing the American uniform, and hissed by others. The papers say that it seemed likely a general tumult was to ensue, and the ladies leii. the theater. I, find here extracts from 3 Mobile newspapers commenting upon that transaction and I wish to read portions of these extracts. i read 1st from the Mobile Tribune of December 30: "The music of the thing is execrable. We have beenaverseto that ever since we 1st heard it. But it was, in somesort, a national air and that made it respectable. Is it not likely that it was hissed by someperson who meantdistaste to the music and not the sentiment which. it conveys? At all events it was a bit of folly to biasit under present circumstances.” What are the “circumstapees?” Why, we have not ot our representatives into Congress yet. unor these circumstances “it was a bit of folly to hiss” an air to which the people of the U.S. are supposed to be somewhat attached. “A moiety of the audience was probably composed of those who admire it in every respect. Their feelings and tastes ought to be respected by a genteol and ience. The audience in Mobile was supposed to be “genteel, ” but not patriotic or loyal. “Besides. we are informed that Dixie and the Bonnio Blue Flag, both of which were considered seniiconfederatonational airs are often performed by the orchestrawithout revoking hirses from that DB“;of the auditorium which is supposedtobeaverse to“ em. Cannot our peoplebe as polite as their Yaukee friends?” It is a question of politenessl “We shall take the liberty also. of informing those who seemto forget. it. that this State ofAlabama is presumedto be within the federal Union that it hal no power. even if it had the desire. to put itself in hostility with the central Government.” The Tribune is satisfied on the question of wer, but uncommitted on the question of desire.” It lies yet, in large measure. at the mercy of those who overpoweredit. Now, cannot people remeinber this imposing factand restrain their premdmas, which can only excite prejudico and thus lead to disturb ancesand give the enemicapf the State an gfigortunity tp I demand that niorerigid restraints sh a put on us That means, “Keep still till we get in a o Sition where they cannot put any more restraints upon us; hush for the present; wait till we get 1866. 169 out of the woods before you whistle or hiss the whistling.” “ We donot take these manifestations of displeasure as meaning anything of the slightest importance. but the indulgence of them may lead to what Will be of importance not censnring anyone" Of course not “but may concludowith the suggestionto the man agers that they had better hereafter omit the ver formance of all airs which are likely to provo e a repetition of the scenewe are alluding to.” You had better not play Yankee Doodle an more in that theater, says the Tribune. The Mobile Times of the same date has an article headed “ Music and Liberty, ” in which, after reciting the circumstances, it says: Now, with due respectto all parties, the whole of this is wrong.” That is, playing the music and hissing the music, the orderin by the military officers that it be replayed, and issmg it again, is all wrong, says the Times. “1st of all, no law, of either State or Congress. ever made Yankee Doodle a national tune.” They cannot find it in the statute. You have no business to complain that a tune is hissed unless the law declares it to be a national tune, and this is not recognized by the law yet! “The very words which are adaptedto the air exclude any idea of the kind.” The Times goes on to argue that it is really an old Neapolitan fishing song. I will not detain the Senate with that argument. It is curious in itself, and I have no doubt would interest them. "On the strength of this the tune may be hissed as amusical performance without any direct orindirect insult to our national feelings. "pntho other side, it is true to state that national preiudice has to a great extent adopted this tune as an epe glcm, and that, right or wrong, it should bere sp"ec. The Times is too well known as a consistent and independent advocateof peaceand conciliation tobe suspectedof partiality in giving its views.” I do not suspect it of any partiality, in giving its views, between those who hissed a national air and those who played it. Under present circumstances, unquestionably, the Times is neutral. When these circumstances have passed by and you can no longer impose an restraints upon them, I think the neutrality of the Times will be ended, and I do not think there is the slightest doubt on which side of the controversy the Times Will appear. that might mbeilirteamryarakuetdhohrietirees, "nesavyesr othbejecTtiemdetso, the performance of the Bonnio Blue Flag, ” Dixie, and other southern tunes. it was in bad taste on the part of the theater to introduce in their musical executions anything calculated to alter the present good foelings. That is pretty sagacious. The Times has got a remedy. The national authorities down there do not object. to the orchestras playing the Bonnie Blue Flag, and the Times suggests and urges upon the managers of the theater to stick to the Bonnie Blue Flag; then you will have none of this disturbance. Why introduce national airs? Confine yourselves to one class of music, and let that be rebel music! The Mobile Register of the same date says: “We are free to admit that it ought not to have been hissed: but surely it was not politic, by playing it, to riin the risk of making the theater an arena of a political cmoute.” It ought not to have been hissed since the orchestra stumbled on to it, but the managers of the theater ought to have taken care not to have their orchestra stumble on a national tune I pla" total of loyalty has been increased in the community by the evenings performances.” So says the Register to the officers in command, ” You must take care how you insist upon having these national airs played in our theaters; you will balk the Presidents plan of reconstruction if you do not uitthat. [Laughter.] That I read you, Mr. President, from paers that are the advocates of the southern sty e of loyalty. They are defending them, and this is the way they defend them. Nowhere can you find but 2 sentiments; one that blusterin g with hostility to the national authority, regardless of consequences, and the other wildly suggesting, ” Do not blaster yet there is too much depending upon our goo behavior!” There are those who flatter themselves that the temperof these communities is improving. My own observations lead me to the conclusion it is constantly growing worse and I think the fault is less theirs than ours. When the war closed the rebels very evident] and very natural] assumed that as they could not govern the U.S. they must obey it. Hence they began at once their reparations either to obey the count or to]leave it. At once a party sprang to e front pre ared to champion the cause of the nation an to uphold its authority. The part was not strong in numbers orin influence.ity the nation had stood byit, it would have grown strong, and would soon have become controlling. But, unfortunately, in a very few months it was proclaimed that the President was in alliance, not with the party that prosecuted the war, but with the party that opposed it; not with the party that elected him, but with the party that o posed his election. Soon public rumor pointed to Senators, Representatives, and presses who had hitherto supported the national cause, and declared them ready to go with the President wherever the President might choose to o. Then it. was declared that we had fought is gigantic war, not to make the rebels obey the U.S., but to make them govern their own States; that they would beinvested with those governments as soon as they would accept them, and all could see that as soon as the recls were installed in those governments all who dared to befriend the U.S. would be subjected to every outrage that political rancor, clothed with the prerotives of a State, could inflict. Since then the U.S. has had no friends in those districts. There have been but 2 parties there: one endeavorin to awe the Government with professions of defiance, and the other endeavoring to cheat it with professions of friendship. 180 Government can expect friends, and no Government deserves them. which does not demonstrate its ability, or at least its willingness, to protect them. but we are told it is not strange that these people should not cherish any very lively regard or the U.S. at. present. Perhaps it is not. But it seems to me surpassing strange that the U.S. should insist upon thrusting vast political powers into the hands of millions who maintain unrelenting hostility to the national cause. I therefore conclude that upon every consideration, both of national honor, of national safety, and oflocal interest, Congress ought not yet to restore the suspended functions ol those rebelling States. But it is said, such is the policy of the president, and my colleague exhorts us in vehement terms to “stand by t ie President and to uphold his hand.” Why sir, I desire to say to my colleague, and to the President, if he Will listen, that we will stand by him if he will stand by the U.S. desire to remind my colleage, and the President, if he will listen, that we have stood by him because he did stand by the U.S. Mr. President, whenat Baltimore, in 1864, the representatives of the Union part selected An drew Johnson, of Tennessee, to of their candidate for VEEP there was no tie in common between them and him except that both stood committed to the defense of the supremacy of the U.S. We knew, then, that if elected there would be one life between him and the command of the Army and Navy of the Union. We knew that if by any providence he should succeed to that command e could surrenderboth to the enemy. But we did not believe he would do it. No man had given more sial evidences, of his devotion to the nations cause than be. No man believed more implicitly in the sincerity of that devotion than myself. No man, perhaps, dwelt upon the concluiveness of those evidences with more grateful enthusiasm than I did in my addresses to m constituents during the canvass of that year. I believe still he was loyal then. I believe still he is loyal now. Sir, who says the President demands the immediate restoration of those communities to the status of States? Certainly he has not told us so. It is certain, also, the constitution gives him no authority to make such a demand. It does give him exrcss authority to “recommend” to the consideration of Congress such measures “as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” But he has not recommen edeven an such “measure as I have been combattin. n the contrary, it seems to me he has stu iously for borne to make any such recommendation. 7“ and if an angel should have cometo me, and told me Ilubert should put out mine (2 es, I would nothave believed no tongue but Hu orts.” and let who will come and tell me the president would surrender one of the choicest prerogatives of the national supremacy, and would surrender the protection of its freedmen, its heroic soldiers, and its faithful friends to their direst enemies, I will believe no tongue but the Presidents. YVhatcver may be thought of what he has already done, it should be remembered he has not acted in defiance of con3sional direction, but in want. of ita wdnt which I have often urged the Senate to attempt to suply. esides, sir, if I knew that the President differed from the views I have here advanced I cannot forget it was Wisconsin that placed me here and not the President. I believe that toda I have given utterance to the convictions which animate the loyal people of Wisconsin. Iknow I have given utterance to my own convictions, deliberately formed and long cherished and I trust the President has too tine an appreciation of the Office of representative to expect or wish anyone to betray the dictates of his own conscience or his own constituents to echo the views of the Executive. Sir, let the day be for distant when the Senate shall be seriously importuned to surrender its own convictions of duty to executive dictation and if the day shall ever come when the Senate shall yield to such imporhimty, then the American system will be destroyed and the fragments only will remain to be scrambled for. but because these people are not yet prepared to resume their suspended functions, does it follow that they must be left to the control of military authority? By no manner of means. The objections to that are 2nd only to those I have urged against immediate restoration. I cannot detain the Senate by a recapitulation of them. Upon this point I content myself with the argument presented by the late messacgiteing the President: “Now, military governments, establishedfor an in definite period. would have offeredno securityfor the early suppression of discontent: would hnvodivided the peopleinto the vanquishersand the vanquished; and would have envenomedhatred. rather than have restoredaffection. Once established, no recisolimit to their continuance was conceivable. hey would have occasionedan incalculable and exhausting ox pensc. Peaceful emigration to and from that portion of the country is one of the best means that can be thought of for the restoration of harmony;and that emigration would have been preventc; for what emigrant from abroad, what industrious cltison at home, would place himself willingliunder military rule I The chief personswho would have followed in the train of the Army would have been dependents on the General Government, or men who expected refit from the miseries of their ernn fellow citizens. The powersof patron e and rule which would have been exercised, undert o President. 9ver a vast and populous and naturally wealthy region, are greater than. unless under extreme necessity. I should be willini. vto intrust to anyone man; they srosuch as, for myself, I could never. unless on occasions of great emergency, consent to exercise. The willful use of such powers, if continued throuch a period of you would hn. ve endang edjhe purity of the gene} administration and c liberties of the States which remained loyal.” To my mind this argument is unansweruble. But one expedient then is left. That is to organize provisional governments for each of those districts. Give them Governors and Judges appointed by the national authority. Give them Legislatures chosen by the people of the districts, reserving to Congress a veto upon any laws designed to oppress any portion of the peeple. Allow them also to be represented in one or both Houses of Congress by Delegates chosen by themselves. This is precisely what has been done in every case where any considerable number of our citizens have been found without the limits of organized States. It was done for those people who poured out of the old States to settle the Territories northwest of the Ohio. It was done for thse people who inhabited the territor we purchase from France, and for those inhabiting the territory we conquered from Mexico. The reason for doing it was precisely the same in eve case. There were people to be governed, an they were not reared for State governments. 1 a reason is t ic same in this case. There are people who must not be left to anarchy, and they are not fitted to be clothed with the perogatives of States. But gentlemen say this is radical, and the times demand conservative measures. why, air, if gentlemen will say what it is they wish to conserve, I can better say whether this will answer their purpose. If they wish to conserve the supremacy of the nation, this will enable them to do it, for it retains authority in the hands of the nation until the late belligerents are prepared to wield it in harmony with the national interests. If they wish to conserve the equality of men, this enables them to do it for it Will enable the nation to forbid any class of men from being placed beyond the protection of law. If they wish to conserve the integrity of the States, this will enable them to do it for it respects the rights of every State which has not forfeited its own functions. If they wish to protect the national debt, this will enable them to do it, for it guards that debt, for a time at least, against the machinations of those who are most hostile to it. If they wish to conserve the people of the revolted States against the payment of the rebel debt, this enables them to do it. If they wish to conserve the peace in those insurrectionary districts, this enables them to do it, and to emplOy for that purpose the whole authority and the whole power of the nation. If they wish to conserve the cause of emancipation, it will enable them to do it, for it will enable them to make emancipationa blessing to both the master and the freedman. If they wish to conserve what loyalty there is in those districts and to hasten its development, this will enable them to do it, for it will demonstrate to the world that it is no longer dangerous to be loyal. If they wish to conserve the rights of those Union men whose fidelit has been visited with penalties by rebel tribunals, or to conservet ose rights which now rest upon the decrees of our own military tribunals in the revolted districts, this will enable them to do it. Mr. President, I cannot foresee what will be the judgment of Congress upon the great problems now confronting it. It they can find a shorter and truer th to safety and peace than this, I will gladlyaaccompany them in it. For myself, I have looked for such a ath for 4 years, and I have been wholly unable to see any other than this. I earnestly invoke the Senate to try it. Mr. President, I know of nothing in the life of Christ more touching, or, if you think of it, s more terrible, than that scene narrated by His 1st biographer when, standin in the temple and contemplating the great estruction that was soon to overtake the city, He exclaimed: “o Jerusalem. Jerusalem. thou that killest the proowphoefttesnnnwdousltdonest them which are sent unto thee. I have gathered th children to Eeetrhwcirn, gesveannadsyaehweonulg dnnthoct!reth her chickens “Behol, your house is left unto you desolate.” and when I remember how the Almighty has held as by the hand during the late deadly struggle, how He has led us more visibly than He ever did any other people since He guided the Israelites out of gypt; how we in these very days have seen Him again part the Red sea that this nation might walk through dry; under and when I contemplate the possibility that we may refuse after all to cross the river of prejudice that lies before us, that we may not be able, even now to cast off the idea that “they are all giants” on the other side, that we may not after all dare to be sensible, that we may leave those who buys been sent to us to be stoned by their enemies, I sometimes think I hear the samcJesus bending from the reatwhite throne, where He sitteth evermore y the side of the Father, and exclaiming with the same infinite tenderness, o America, America, how often would I have gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye would not; henceforth your house is left unto ou desolate. Mr. President, I move that this resolution, if there is no occasion for its further consideration at present, be referred to the JtComReconstruction.