Mr. Trumbull. yfriend says by rebels. I do not say that, but I say we are to decide who it is made by. It does not necessarily follow that it is the properState organization to elect Senators to this body. That is a question that we must judge of. It does not necessarily follow that it is a State organization that is to be recognized with all the powers of a State in this Union. That is a question we have to decide. Whether a State organization has been established in any of the rebellious States which has authority to elect Senators, is a question Congress must decide; and it decide aflirm atively, then, when oroper persons present themselves, they are of course to be admitted. But that is a question the President cannot determine. It is a question to be decided by the U.S., by the representatives of the people in Congress assembled. I care not how these State organizations are gotteiiu, whether with the aid and assistance of the resident, under an act of Congress, or by the people themselves, it is enough for me to know, and it is all I want to know, that an organization has been established in any of the late rebellious States, fairly representing the loyal people of the State, which organization is loyal and true to the Union, and as the disposition and ability to maintain its authority in obedience to the constitution and laws of the U.S., and I will thank God and welcome it into full communion with other loyal States. Who is to decide what constitutes a legitimate State government in any State was settled years ago by the SCOTUS, in a case growing out of the Dorr rebellion in RhdIsland, reported in 7 Howard, a case that has often been referred to in this Chamber. The question there was as to which of the 2 governments set up in the State of l RhdIsland was the State government. An action was brought by a party attached to one government against a party attached to the other, and the Supreme ourt decided thatit was for Congress to determinc what was the legitimate State government of a State. This part of the message I am considering is, as it seems to me, somewhat foreign to the bill, unless it be intended to assume that the congress of the U.S. can pass no law in reference to these rebellious States because they are not represented here. Why, sir, is the fact that we impose taxes on them to authorize them to representation? We impose taxes on the Territories. We have imposed taxes all the time upon the people of these rebellious States; and it would be strange doctrine if a man by becoming a rebel and the enem of his country was to deprive his country of the means of taxin his property. The President says “ e bil under consideration refers to certain of the States, as though they had not been fully restored in all their constitutional relations to the U.S. ” It does; and that seems to be a matter of surprise to the President. I should be greatl surprised to learn that certain of the States by been fully restored. I certainly was credulous enough to believe, when the privilege of the writ of habeascorpus was suspended inthem, when martial law was prevailing all over them, that they were not restored to all their constitutional relations as States in the Union. But it seems that the President is surprised that that should have been assumed in this bill. In my judgment it constitutes no sort of objection to this bill that certain States were unrepresented in Congress when it passed. They are not represented in consequence of their own fault, and for the reason that the President himself gives, because they are contuinaciously engaged, if not in open war, in hostility to the Government. Some. of the State organizations are controlled by men who are passing unconstitutional laws, as I have shown you today; by men, some of whom went from the rebel congress to the guberna torial chairs in their States, and some from the field where they had been in hostile array a inst your Government. But, says the presi"ent, in this connection: The POTUS standstoward the country in a somewhat different attitude that of any member of Congress. Each mcmber of congress is chosen from a single district or I the iesident is chosen by the peopleof all theiltates. As 11 States are not at this time represented in either branch of Courses, it would seem to be his duty. on all properoccasions, to present their just claims to Congress.” If it would not be disrespectful, I should like to inquire how many votes the President got in those 11 States. Sir, he is no more the representative of those 11 States than I am, except as he holds a higher position. I come here as a representative chosen by the State of Illinois, but I come here to legislate, not simply for the State of Illinois, but or the U.S.A., and for SCarolina as well as Illinois. I deny that we are simply the representatives of the districts and States which send us here, or that we are governed by such narrow views that we cannotIegislate for the whole country; and we are as much the representatives and in this particular instance received as much of the support of those 11 States as did the President himself. Now, sir, I have gone through with this message; my comments have been made without an opportunity for preparation or much reflection. I have probably repeated much, but as I had taken an active part in urging this bill upon the consideration of the Senate before it passed, and as it was denounced as so unconstitutional, so extraordinary, and so unusual, I thought it due to myself, at least, that I should place before the Senate and the country the considerations by which Iwas governed in supporting the bill. The President believes it “ unconstitutional; I believe it constitution al. He believes that it will involve great expense; I believe it will save expense. He believes that the freedmen will be protected without it; I believe he will be t rannized over abused, and virtually ree nslave without some legislation by the nation for his protection. He believes it unwise; I cleive it to be politic. I thought, in udvocati g, hat I was acting in harmony with the views of the President. I regret exccedingly the antagonism which his message presents to the expressed views of Congress, not only as to the propermode to be pursued in reference to protecting the refugees and freedmen, but as to the present condition of the rebellious States. Is all rejoice as much as anyone to have those States restored in all their constitutional relations at the earliest period consistent with the safety and welfare of the whole people. I shall rejoice when those States shall abolish all civil distinction between their inhabitants on account of race or color and when that is done one great object of the Ereed mens Bureau will have been accomplished. The Senfrom Kentucky [Mr. Gurnain] told us he believed the same civil rights onght to be extended to all inhabitants, now that s a ver is abolished. Sir, if the southern States will do that, and protect the negro and the mu lotto just as well as they protect the white man, there is no necessity and ) no occasion for the operations of the Freedmens Bureau. I knew that the bill contained powers which could be abused in reckless hands but I knew, also, they were to be under the Presidents control, who, I trusted, would not suffer them to be improperly excrted; and if not abused I thought they were salutary revisions to accomplish the object which weal had in view. New air, with these remarks. made without any unkind feeling toward the Executive, with whom I should be glad to agree, but in justification of my ownposition, I submit the bill, so far as I am concerned, to the decision of the Senate.