Mr. STEVENS. Mr. Speaker, I do not in e did to detain the House long. A few words 11‘ suffice. We may, perhaps, congratulate the House, “ Fhe country on the near approach to comletw‘n of a iroposition to be submitted to the eoRlel for the admission of an outlawed comu " lWinto the privileges and advantages of a "mime ad free Government. “'bQQJKQ')" that we should rejoice at such comrlw.0.iiot thereby intend so much ll. v t v. superior excellence of the "" $16 is to be a scheme a Positive good, as well,; til Ryan, and JtResolution (S.R. No. 51) I ‘3 1 e omission of many' In my youth, in my manhood, in my old age, I I had fondly dreamed that when any fortunate I chance should have broken up for awhile the l foundation of our institutions, and released us from obligations the most tyrannical that ever I man imposed in the name of freedom. that the intelligent, plire and just men of this Republic,true to their professions and their consciences, would have so remodeled all our institutions as to have freed them from every vestige of " human oppression, of inequality of rights, of‘ the recognized degradation of the poor, and the superior caste of the rich. In short, that no distinction would be tolerated in this purified Republic butwhatarose from meritand conduct. This bright dream has vanished “like the baseless fabric of a vision.” I find that we shall be obliged to be content with patching u the worst portions of the ancient edifice, an leaving it, in many of its parts, to be swe t through by the tempests, the frosts, and the storms of despotism. Do you inquire why, holding these views and ssessing some will of ni own, I accept so imperfect a proposition? Ianswer, because I live among men and not among angels; among men as intelligent, as determined, and as independent as myself, who, not agreeing with me, do not choose to yield their Opinions to mine. Mutual concession, therefore, is our only resort, or mutual hostilities. 0 might well have been justified in making renewed and more strenuous efforts for a better lan could we have had the cooperation of the Idxecutivsm With his cordial assistance the rebel States might have been made model republics, and this nation an empire of universal freedom. But he preferred “restoration” to “ reconstruc ltion.” He chooses that the slave States should remain as nearly as possible in their ancient condition, with such small modifications as he and his prime minister should suggest, without any ini ertinent interference from Congress. He antincipatd the legitimate action of the national legislature, and by rank usurpation erected governments in the conquered prov inces; imposed uson them institutions in the most arbitrary an unconstitutional manner; and now maintains them as legitimate governments, and insolently demands that they shall be represented in Congress on equal terms with loyal and regular States. [0 repress this tyranny and at the same time to do some justice to conquered rebels requires caution. The great danger is that the seceders may soon overwhelm the loyal men in conress. The haste urged upon us by some loya. but impetuous men; their anxiety to embrace the representatives of rebels; their ambition to display their dexterity in the use of the broad mantle of charity; and especially the danger arising from the uiiscru ulous use of patron age and from the oily orations of false prophets, famous for 6day obligations and for protested political promises, admonish us to make no further delay. A few words will suffice to explain the changes made b the Senate in the proposition which we sent t iem. The 1st section is altered by defining who are citizens of the U.S and of the States. This is an excellent amendment, long needed to settle conflicting decisions between the several States and the U.S. It declares this great privilege to belong to every person born or naturalized in the U.S. The 2nd section has received but slight alteration. I wish it had received more. It contains much less power than I could wish; it has not half the vigor of the amendment which was lost in the Senate. It or the prop 0sition offered by Senator WADE would have worked the enfranchiscineut of the colored man in half the time. The 3rd section has been wholly changed by substituting the ineligibility of certain high offenders for the disfranchiseuient of all rebels until 1870. This I cannot look upon as an improvement. It opens the elective franchise to such as the States choose to admit. In my judgment it endan era the Government of the country, both State and national; and may give the npxt congress and President to the reconstructed rebe 5. With their enlarged basis of representation, and exclusion of the loyal men of color from the ballot box, I see no hope of safety unless in the prescription of proper enabling acts, which shall do justice to the freedmen and enjoin enfraiichisementas a condition precedent. The 4th section, which renders inviolable the public debt and repudiates the rebel debt, will secure the approbation of all but traitors. The 5th section is unaltered. You perceive that while I see much good in the proposition I do not pretend to be satisfied with it. And yet I am anxious for its speedy adeption, forI dread delay. The danger is that before any constitutional guards shall have been adopted Congress will be flooded by rebels and rebel sympathizers. Whoever has mingled much in deliberative bodies must have observed themental as well as physical nervousness of man members, impeling them too often to injudicious action. Whoever has watched the feelings of this House during the tedious months of this session, listened to the impatient whis pering of some and the open declarations of others; especially when able and sincere men propose to gratify personal predilections by reaking the ranks of the Union forces and presenting to‘ the enemy a ragged front of stragglers, must be anxious to hasten the result and prevent the demoraliZation of our friends. Hence, I say, let us no longer delay; take what we can get now, and hope for better things in, further legislation; in enabling acts or other provisions. I now, sir, ask for the question.