Mr. ECKLEY. That is sufficient. The Gentleman voted against the bill. Sir, we must all bow to the decrees of fate, and I must grieve the loss of an early political associate; but with what indignation must I regard that party by whose winning smiles and lase ivions caresses he has been seduced from the paths of virtue. What cup contains bitterness enough to pour upon their heads? What judgment is severe enough to be pronounced against them? wh, sir, in my State they would be prosecuted, under an act entitled “An act for the support and maintenance of illegitimate children.” I agree with my honorable colleague, that we have passed through a fearful ordeal; that we have made untold sacrifices, and that our flag in triumph floats over every inch of territory. I join with him in complimenting the gallant men by whose valor the nation was saved, and to whom we are indebted for victory and the peace we enjoy. To the God of battles and the God of peace do we make our acknowledgments and return our thanks. To our gallant Army in the field, to the Union party that sustained it there, will the present and future Generations accord as the human agencies that saved the country from destruction against the combined attack of organized, armed rebels and or nized, unarmed copperheads, each in their place in the Nile performing their part in the plan for the nations overthrow. But to m colleague and the copperhead party no credit is due. They may exhibit their fantastic tricks and lay their political games for a little while, but their days are numbered, and the faithful chronicler of these sad events should consign them to the grave of oblivion, "Unwept, unhonored, and unsung." Peace, we are told, reigns throu hout our borders. I wish I could believe t at. But admitting its truth, are we not bound by ever consideration to secure to the people, as we 1 South as North, such safe grounds as will forever prevent its being broken? But what securities shall we demand; and in what manner shall the? be obtained? By followin the precedents 0.our past history will we fin the path of safety. 2 instances of treasonable plots and conspiracies stain our former history. The one an armed conspiracy to resist the execution of the laws, was organized in the State of Pennsylvania, known as the whisky insurrection. hat, like the late rebellion, (though small in comparison) organized its misguided follow ers, set the law at defiance, plundered the public mails and murdered the officers of the aw. The Government suppressed it by the pOWer of arms, seized the insurgents, instituted prosecutions against them; but the leader and great insti tor in this outrage upon the laws ese aped the country and took shelter in foreign lands, thus evading justice and saving his life. His deluded followers were saved by executive clemency. Had Bradford, the in stigator, been arrested he would certainly have suffered the fate of a traitor. So cautious was the Pennsylvania Assembly at its next meeting that it carefully scrutinized the claims of all members returned from the insurrectionary district, with a view of cleansing itself from all stains of treason by excluding all participatora in the insurrection. Not even the talented and distinguished Gallatin could obtain a seat until he disroved the charge of his having been identified with this hostility to the execution of the laws. The 2nd occurred some years afterward, and was claimed to have covered a wider field. A prominent Democrat of the State of NewYork, who had been elevated to the 2nd office in the gift of the people, was charged with having set on foot an armed expedition for the purpose of dismembering the Union. Burr crossed the mountains to the Ohio river, fitted out his flotilla of boats, and floated down the Mississippi. The key note of alarm was sounded, the President issued his proclamation the Officers of justice were quick upon his track; he was arrested, indicted, an tried. The trial, the most important of any in this country, was conducte on both sides with almost superhuman ability. Nothing on either side was left undone. It is the only casein the history of the Government in which the President left his seat to personally suffermtend the trial. For want of evidence, under the rulin of that profound jurist and pure patriot, Chie Justice Marshall, Burr was acquitted, and with his acquittal fell all the indictments agai nst those charged as accessory only in his guilt. No one ever doubted that if Burr had been legally convicted he would have made atonement to an outraged country With his life. What Burts real design was remaius a m s tery; and man innocent persons were don t less implicater with him; some, perhaps, not so innocent. His expedition was fitted out, in art, in my own State; and among those induced to join him was John Smith, then a Senator in Congress from the State of Ohio. Smith was never tried by a civil tribunal, but, for his participation in the socalled conspiracy, was expelled from the Senate. From these 2 incidents in history I deduce 2 things: 1st, the determination on the part of the Government to vindicate its authority and dignity by inflicting punishmentupon suen as have violated the law; and 2nd, to expel from its councils such as have participated in treasonable designs. From these we leamtho duty of the Government generally and of congressin particular; for these things have passed into history, and are not influenced by the opinionsor prejudices of the present day; and it receives great force from the fact that both the justice and propriety have been approved by the American people for 3 quarters of a century. Placing ourselves upon these precedents, and relying upon the justice and Wisdom of the past, we are not endangered by unex plored paths or the experiments of new advent ures. Guarded by the wisdom and example of many Administrations, we but mete out to those of the present day the well established law that in former times was administered to others for similar offenses, but of lesser mag nitude. How to secure the fruits of that victory and Obtain a permanent peace is the question for solution. To admit such members of Con: gross as they would elect from the States lately in rebellion would secure neither, but lose us both, and we should permit them togain every thing, through congressional action, that they sought to accomplish by arms. It is claimed that we have no right to exclude their Representatives. I think we have. We do not want another war, and we would be faitliless if we did not secure such aran tees as would last through all time. f they have given up the idea of rebellion, they can assure us such guarantees as will secure them in their right of representation and the country in harmony forever. We should exact nothing of them unjust or inconsistent with reason; but. we should insist upon that well recognized principle that maintains in every civilized country, that the highwayman, bur glar, and pirate are not fit to sit as adminis trators of the law. Those who engaged in the rebellion and strove to overthrow the Government, of their own volition withdrew their allegiance, are not fit, without bringing fruits meet for repentance, to administer its affairs. The foreigner who comes to our shores because he loves our institutions and admires our form of Government, who never, by word or act, evinced hostility to it, is put upon 5 years probation before we admit him to citizenship. The reasons that exclude him from citizenship are strengthened in excluding open and avowed traitors. Decency would demand from them at least modesty. They have committed a crime that in any other country they could expiate only with their lives; they ought now to rejoice that by 5 years of fastin and prayer they could regain the rights of citizenship. From the instances I have given no one who had done an act hostile to the Government ever after participated in its affairs, and no one who was suspected was permitted to holdanyposition underituntilthe hadeleared themselves of all imputations, an proved their dillegiaiice by a.renewal of the covenant of their faith. Even Burr, one of the most am bitious ofliis day, lived and died in obse urity, declining all marks of distinction, and avoiding all political notoriety and the instiga tor of the whisky insurrection chose to be an exile in the land of strangers, and never sought position under a Government against which e had made war. But that kind of delicacy is not a characteristic of the rebels of this day. Their acts of treason, of cruelty, and barbarity are urged as qualifications for political positions. Already the most prominent places in the rebel States are filled with the most viru lent traitors and scarcely had the smoke of battle cleared away, and the shout of victory died out on the air, before the VEEP of the confederacy is demanding a seat in the U.S. Senate. such impudence is without a parallel among men, and can only find a precedentin the temptations of the devil to the Son of Man. That the rebels are conquered, is an admit ted fact. That they have any loyalty, any love, for the eacc.bf the country and permanency of the government, is not manifested by anything they have done. It is true they say they accepted the situation, so does the cal rit. They say they laid down their arms. Butt ieir arms were forced from them. They say they disbanded their armies, but their armies were captured or scattered by the Union forces. Then what have they done to prove their submission to the law? They have neglected to ay their portion of taxes; they have expelled loyal citizens from the South; they have treated with brutality the freedmen, and enacted laws disgraceful to a Christian a e or a Christian people. Those who engage in the rebellion are as disloyal today as they were at any time during the war. Will anyone pretend that they have changed? Will anyone with truth fulness assert that they have any love for the Government of the U.S., and would they not at any time rebel if there was a pros pect of success? In my judment 3 things are enecessary to be done gefore we can with safety restore them to their former relations with the government: 1. Equal and just representation. 2. Security ofI life, liberty, and property to all the citizens of all the States. 3. To reject all debts or obligations incurred in aid of the rebellion. The ratification of the constitutional amendment changed the condition of representation and rendered an amendment to the Constitution necessary in order to equalize the just basis ofrepresentation. Under the Constitution as it now stands they would count the entire population in the southern States. Before the Constitution was amended, they counted the entire free population and 3/5ths of the slaves; but there being now no slaves they would count all. In none of those States do they confer the right of suffrage on the colored population. This presents the anomaly of al owing 5 million white rebels to represent 4 million loyal blacks, and makes 2 white persons rebels at that in SCarolina equal to 5 white loyalists in Ohio, Pennsylvania, or NewYork. To this unjust demand I cannot and will not yield. Ifall other objections were removed, that one would be a jus tification for rejecting their Representatives. I could not return to my own gallant State and say to her loyal people and to the 300,000 gallant sons she sent. to the field that by my vote I had reduced their political power until it required 5 of these scarred veterans to equal 2 of the rebels against whom they fought. If SCarolina persists in withholding the ballot from the colored man, then let her take the alternative we offer, of confining her to the white basis of rercsentation, and instead of the 700,000, her entire population, let her accept the 290,000 white population as the basis of her representation. ormy purpose this sufficiently illustrates the operation of the rule, and the only practicable remedyis in an amendment to the Constitution changing the basis to the voting population, and making that a condition precedent to the admission of Representatives from the insurgent States. But it is said we should admittheir Representatives, and if they are not loyal, turn them out. I hope we shall not be deceived by such a trick ast at. Some of us have had experience in expellinga member. If Georgia was to send her Toombs here as a Representative, or Kentucky her Breck inridge, both gory with the blood of our mur dered soldiers, both ardent supporters of the rebellion in every stage, supporting in every way, and when contiered, and its failure no longer a questionwtiey would not risk their safety in this country, but sought refuge in Europe, not one vote on the other side could be had for their expulsion. But how are members admitted here? By producing a certificate of election to the Clerk, who makes up the roll, calls it himself, and prepares them for qualifying. Much, then epeuds upon the Clerk in the organization of the House. He could exclude them if he desired so to do. The experience of Congress has taught us to beware of daners from Clerks of their own selection. I hear of a Clerk once who decided that a certificate, setting forth that a person was duly elected a Representative, did not prove that he was elected according to law. As an apolo for his fine spun theory it was said he he partially lost his reason; but I think he had suffered, if possible, a worse ca lamity than that. He had united his fortunes with the disunionists, enough certainly to drive any man mad. When the Clerk makes up his roll, calls the members, they take the oath, how are you“ et them out of their seats but by expulsion, which requires a 2/3rds vote. Let us look at this matter in its practical operation. Suppose we admit the Representatives from the rebel States, and the bloody General Forrest should be returned a member, who produced his certjficate of election, was placed on the roll, answered to the call, and took the oath; could you expel him on account of his treason? Certainly not; unless you could expel all the rest from the insurgent States, and that you could not do and it would be the merest folly to attempt it. It would then become a political question. The Democratic party would then all be here the open wbels of the South, the 300,000 Knights of the Golden Circle, the sympathizers of the North; the prisons would be emptied, the allows cheated, the Canadian refugees would be called home, and if that was not enough, they would resurrect the conspirators and call from the tomb of infamy the murderers of the and personville prisoners. Then the would have a Democratic party strong enoug in this Hall to prevent the expulsion of one of their number. As to the provision disfranchising those who have participated in the rebellion, it is objected to, 1st, for want of power, and 2nd, on the ground of expediency. Neither, in my judgment, are sound. As to the 1st, I have no doubt of the power under the Constitution as it is. such is and has been its interpretation from the foundation of the Government. Under a congressional act, persons convicted of a crime against the laws of the U.S., the penalty for which is imprisonment in the penitentiary, are now and always have been disfranchised, and a pardon did not restore them unless the warrant of pardon so provided. The 2nd is equally unsound. It was for merly doubted whether it was expedient to restore the elective franchise to those who had been convicted of a crime. The objection rests upon the ground that the number to be disfranchised are so numerous. This is eatly exaggerated if we take as true what is said by southern men, for it is seldom you can find one who has not been opposed to secession and in favor of the Union all the time. Whether this be true or not it should be no argument against it. The reason for it proceeded upon the ground of selfpreservation, by protecting the elective franchise and keeping it pure. Others may desire to make u a party, or to strengthen one already made, y incorporatin in it the worst kind of criminals; but it will destroy the object and purpose of the principle referred to. I have no desire, and should take no pride in any such political association and the country certainly derives no security from such political organizations. But suppose the mass of the people of a State are pirates, connterfeiters, or other criminals, won d Gentlemen be willing to repeal the laws now in force in order to have them an opportunity to land their piraticaTl crafts and come on shore to assist in the election of a President or members of Congress because they are numerous? and let it be borne in mind that these latter otienses are only crimes committed against property; that of treason is against the nation, against the whole people the highest known to the law. The only objection I have to the reposition is that it does not go far enough. wou.d disfranchise them forever. They have no right, founded in justice, to participate in the administration of the Government or exercise political power. If they receive protection in their persons and property, are permitted to share in the nation s bounties, and live in security under the broading isof the nations flag, it is far more than the nation owes them. Looking at the desolated fields of the South, the beggsrly condition of the people, the army of maimed and helpless rebels, and the demor alized state of society, they must be the most stu did people in the world or they would ask to have them disfranchised themselves, and every loyal southern man does that. Nay, they should place them under such disabilities that they never could exercise politicahiorver again. The whole North is full of loyal refugees who do not dare return to their former homes. If they happen to have property there it is de stroyed by those persons you propose to continue in power. Reject the amendment disfranchising rebels and you must widen the asylum in the North for those southern people who have sympathy with the Government. t us have the courage to follow the example of the loyal eo le of Tennessee and Missouri, and exclu e them from the ballot box. Ask the gallant men of Tennessee what security they would have ifthe provision disfranchising rebels was repeald. the would tell you they would be overrun by rebe s, and that the 40,000 gallant men who battled for the Union Would be prostrated at the mercy of these disarmed traitors. Let us now turn to the North and ask the million of gallant men who for 4 years stood like the mailed hosts of old between the nation and its destruction, and vanquished and drove back these hirelings of crime, and they will answer you, no rewards for treason. Ask the maimed and disabled soldier, and he will tell you that he did not think he was giving his leg or his arm to a Government whose representatives would vote away his political rights. Ask the widow, and in tears s e will turn to her children and tell you that she was widowed, they were orphaned, they inherited poverty, she struggled in want, but she did not suppose that all this was to confer the power of the Government upon the murderer of husband and father. Ask the whole loyal people of the North, and you will receive for answer that you endanger the once of the country by trusting the ballot in the hands of the traitor. Mr. i eakcr, I have not time to trace this subject dirther. I be e the report of the committee will be adopte; and in conclusion let me say to the 140,000 people I have the honor to represent, that if they desire to have the rebels admitted into this House and the ballot placed in the hand of the traitor, they must select some other agent than me, for, so help me God, I will never vote to admit unconditionally a rebel representative to a seat in this Hall or to place the ballot unrestricted in the hands of the traitor. In that way I shall contribute in rendering “treason odious.”