Mr. GARFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I do not rise to speak at length upon the pending measure but for the purpose of entering a motion and submitting a few practical suggestions on the bill, and particularly in reference to the 3rd section., With almost every proposition in the report yet“the JtComReconstruction am leased; yes, more than pleased, I am delighted liliat we have at least reached the firm earth, Iand planted our feet upon the solid granite, on, enduring and indubitable principle. I believe we have at last a series of propoeitions which, in the main, will meet the a proval of the {American people usno others I have ever done since the beginning of this struggle. I will not go into a general discussion of the reconstruction policy, but will confine myself in the few words I shall say to the Jtresolution and the amendment to the Constitution proposedby it now before the House, and more particularly to one section of it. 1st let me say I regret more than I shall be able to tell this House that we have not found the situation of aliairs in this country such, and the public virtue such that we might come out on the plain, unanswerable proposition that every adult intelligent citizen of the U.S., unconvicted oferime, shall enjoy the right of suffrage. Sir,I believe that the right to vote, if it be notindeed one of the natural rights of all men, is so necessary to the rotcction of their natural rights as to be in dispensable, and therefore equal to natural rights. I believe that the golden sentence ofJohn Stuart Mill, in one of his greatest works, ought to be written on the constitution of every State, and on the Constitution of the U.S., as the greatest and most precious of truths, “That the ballot is put into the hands of men, not so much to enable them to govern others as that he may not be misgoverned by others.” I believe that suffrage is the shiel, the sword, the spear, and all the panoply that best befits a man for his own defense in the great social organism to which he belon and I profoundly regret that we have notiseen enabled to write it and engrave it upon our institutions, and imbed it in the imperis able bulwarks of the Constitution as a part of the fundamental law of the land. Butl am willing, as Isaid once before in this presence, when I cannot get all I wish to take what I can get and therefore I am willing to accept the prepositions that the committee have laid beforius, though I desire” one amendment which J willmention presently. I am glad to see this 1st section here which proposes to hold over every American citizen without regard to color, the protecting shield. of law. The gentleman who has just taken his seat [Mr. FINER] undertakes to show that because we repose to vote for this section we therefore aciine wledge that the civil rights bill fivas unconstitutional. He was antincipatd in that objection by the Gentfrom Pennsylvania, [Mr. Srsvsxs. The civil rights bill is now a part of the law of the land. at eve gentleman knows it will cease to be a part of the law whenever the sad momentarrives when that gentlemans party comes into power. It is precisely for that reason that we propose to lift that great and good law above the reach of political strife, beyond the reach of the plots and machinations of any party, and fix it in the serene sky, in the eternal firmament of the Constitution, where no storm of passion can shake it and no cloud can obse ure it. For this reason, and not because I believe the civil rights bill unconstitutional, I am glad to see that 1st. section here. As the nearest a preach tojustice which we are likely to be obe to make, I approve of the 2nd section that bases representation upon voters. I believe the section is now free from the objections that killed it in the Senate, and I have no doubt it will now pass that body. I am glad to seethe 4th section here, which forever forbids the payment of the rebel debt. I am quite sure that on the preposition no man in this House will vote in the negative. Some may think the section unnecessary, but for abundant caution, and “to make assurance doubly sure, ” let it become a part of the constitution. It is to the 3rd section that I wish to call the attention of the House for a moment. The Gentfrom Maine [Mr. BLAINE] has made a point against it, which has at least this value; that whatever may be the intention of the committee or of the House, the section is least susceptible of double construction. Some may say that it revokes and nullifies in part. the pardons that have already been granted in accordance with law and the proclamations of the President. Others may say that it does not affect them, and will not apply to rebels who have been thus pardoned.