Mr. DOOLITTLE. A letter from Paris has been read this morning by my honorable friend Now, Mr. President, I stand as what is called the Monroe doctrine as the Senfrom Ohio or the Senfrom Kentucky. I believe in that doctrine as it was laid down by the men of that day, and to the extent to which they laid it down. But, sir, I maintain that it is equally clear that we should endeavor to enforce that doctrine and give it eflicacy by our moral power. if we can do it, without a resort to arms. 1st, we should rely on our moral power. It is the best power to be exercised in the management of affairs among nations. It is by far the most humane exercise of power. The war power is only to be called into exercise in the direst contingencies and only in the last resort. If the moral power of our position, a united Republic, re enerated. reinvigorated by the war itself, shal have the effect to make Napoleon withdraw his troops from Mexico without our resorting to arms, how much better will it be for our Republic. If we can avoid war, it is our 1st and chief duty to avoid it now. We desire no war with any nation on the face of the earth. Peace is our duty and our policy, and it is only in acase of dire necessity that we should draw the sword. We have just passed through a war which has cost us halfa million lives and $3,000,000.000, and let us rest upon the stern necessities which we have experienced in that, and not madly rush into another war with France or with England or any other nation unless necessity shall drive it upon us. Had we at once embarked in war with France I doubt whether we should not have been in volved at the same moment in a war with England. France being in Mexico with her troops upon the south; England being upon the nort, one flanking us upon the right, teother flank in us upon the aft, we might have been in vo ved in war under circumstances that would have occasioned us an immense expenditure of blood and treasure before we reached the end; and it might possibly have involved the very existence of the Republic itself. But if new we can see our way through these complications, if we can see that France is withdrawing her troops from Mexico, and that Austria is declining to send any more legions into Mexico: in short, that Mexico is to be left to herself to work out her own destiny, it is far better for us than to be involved in conflict with France, with England, or with Mexico. certainly we do not desire the acquisition of Mexico at the present time, if ever. We have territory enough for us to exercise all the powers of statesmanship that we possess to develop, to solidify, and to improve our institutions, and to extend the benefits of peace, prosperity, happiness, and union, and the love of the Union among our own people and throughout our own States. Mr. President, I hope we shall not allow the views which we may have entertained of France and the proceedin s of the Government of France in sending t ieir troops into Mexicoa proceeding which the public judgment of the American people has nnqualifiedly condemned to influence our votes in determininfl the tapestion ending before the Senate. I ope that we 5 all look it on this as an industrial exhibition, where industry, the arts of peace, are to be exhibited, and where our people may be permitted to show wherein they have excelled all other nations in their inventions and in the arts of once. I agree with the Senfrom Kentucky, that the influence which we should exert on this continent should not only be in behalf of Mexico, but in behalf of all the republics of South America. For myself, sir, I would have been entirely satisfied had Commodore Redgers, on board the Monadnock, taken the responsibility and said to the Spanish fleet that not a shot should be fired upon Valparaiso until he had further orders and further instructions from the' Government at home. I would have justifiod him in that if he had taken the firmly by responsibility. But, sir, that is past. I know that the time is pressing upon this Republic when perhaps the old doctrine, as a plied to us, of absolute nonintervention in he affairs of other nations, will have to be departed from. The time may come when we shall become so much and so intimately allied with the other nations of the world that we may some times“be called upon to intervene. When this doctrine of ours of non-intervention was 1st declared, we were a feeble people separated by the ocean from the other civilized Powers of the earth; but the great inventions of modern times, steam and the use ofit, both upon the sea and the land, have made us the nearest neighbors of some of the civilized Powers. From the responsibilities of the position in which we are now placed from the thet that we possess this power both physical and moral, from the fact of our intimate relations with the nations of the carlh, we may, I say, in the providence of God, have that responsibility thrown upon us when we cannot always say that we will not intervene in the affairs of other nations around us. The time may come when if France unjustly persists in holding Mexico, or Spain unjustly attacks the feeble republics of South America, we may be called upon to intervene, not only by our moral power, but even by arms, to prevent the outrage, in the name of humanity and for the benefit of hu manity.