Mr. TRIMBLE. I say, sir, that, according to my information, the action of Kentucky at that time met with the cordial indorsement of the then Chief Magistrate of the nation. The men who were raised by General RousSEAU were Kentuckians. Kentucky has commade it on her by this Government; and she stands libre today claiming through her Representatives the same protection and the same rights which are enjoyed by any other loyal State. All I ask for Kentucky I am willin to yield to Massachusetts or any other State. Igut, sir, I enter my solemn protest against this class legislation, which, instead of bringing peace and harmony to the country, will only tend to embitter the feelings of one section of the country against another. Sir, I appeal to the gentlemen who are to follow me to show any warrant or authority in the constitution for the passage of this measure. Iask it. No where can I find it. I was referred the other day by a distinguished gentleman on the opposite side that they obtained it under the provision for the general welfare of the country, and under the provision of the constitution as recently amended, I believe known as the 13th article of the amendments to the constitution of the U. S. s But, sir I have looked in vain to that amendment to find a shadow ofauthority in it for the provisions of this bill. Sir, this bill is in violation of that amendment, made by that party nowin power; and I ask if they are not estopped from violating the provisions of their own amendment. That amendment declaresthough I have it not now before methat slavery or involuntary servitude shall never hereafter exist in the U.S., except for crime, and then only after due conviction. That is the language of the amendment. Sir, is not this bill in violation of it? Do you not enslave men under this bill, without due conviction, without trial by jury, and without any of the guarantees secured to you and me, and which ought to be secured through all time to the poorest and humblest men in the country. I think, sir, there is no authority in that amendment for this bill. But they say they have authority under the 2nd section; that that gives Congress the right to pass appropriate legislation. Well, aceordin to all fair and reasonable construction, I think the only authority which can be found in that 2nd section will be to give to Congress the right to carry out the true intent and spirit of the section. They cannot claim under that any other power. What was the object and intent of that? It Was to give to these men their freedom. That was the whole purpose of it. That has been understood, and the anguage of that amendment has been adju dicated upon by the highest tribunalsof the land. It is understood. Nothing can be claimed under that 2nd section of the amendment except to give to these people their right to their freedom. Does this bill do it? Doesitnot deprive them of the right which they were to obtain under this constitutional provision if valid? plied with every requirement that has been It may be, sir, that they claim constitutional authority for this measure upon some one of the amendments now ending in the Houses of Congress, and which have not been acted upon and which have not, of course, been approved and ratified by the President and the States. It may be that they claim authority under the amendments they propose to make to that in strument. It was enunciated by the distinguished leader of the Opposition upon this floor that it was not necessary or proper that amendments to the constitution passed by Congress should be submitted to the President for his approval and signature; that it was entirely a workof supererogation. It may he that gentlemen on that side of the House, in their zeal for constitutional amendments, may come to the conclusion it is not necessary to refer them to the States to be ratified. We are not a constitutional convention; we are here by virtue of the constitution, sworn to protect and support that instrument, and to exercise under that instrument the privileges and powers delegated to us by the States, not to trespass or trample upon the rights of the States. We are told that 19 States are sufficient for the adoption of the amendment. The constitution declares that every order and resolution requiring the concurrence of the House apd the Senate shall be presented to the POTUS Under that provision of the constitution these amendments must receive the sanction of the President before they can be reiierred to the States for ratification. Sir, if they have the right to exclude the Executive they have the right to exclude the sanction of the States. One great reason why I feel so much solici tude in reference to this bill is that it is to o crate for weal or woe upon a people who are enied their rights upon this floor, upon a people who, in my judgment, are willing and anxious to conform to any law of Congress passed in pursuance of the constitution. They are denied this. But we are to legislate for them without their sanction, without their consent. Sir, there is a great principle running through the constitutions of nearly all our States, that all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. Is there any consent of these people whose interests and rights are to be affected by this bill? None whatever. There is none here to speak for them. No appeal of theirs can be heard. Sir, I ask you in all justice, in all candor, would it not be better, would it not be in a spirit of harmony, of justice and of peace. before you pass this measure affecting so vitally. the interesls of the South, that they should be permitted at least to have seats upon this floor, and that we should hear them? But they are even denied the courtesy which has been extended to contestants through all the past a seat upon this floor. Sir, there are 1,000s and 1,000s of widows and orphans in that section whose hus bands and fathers have fallen in defense of the flag of their country, who will be affected, and who will feel the tyranny and oppression of this bill. There is not one in that vast region, in my judgment, who, if this bill goes into operation, Will not have cause to regret the day and hour of its passage. The colored race, in my judgment, will have cause to exclaim, “Deliver me from my friends, ” when the workings of this bureau, as it may be worked under bad men, shall be brought to bear upon them and others. The only person that I have the pleasure of a personal, acquaintance who is connected with this bureau is its distinguished chief, GenlHoward. For him I have a very great respect. I believe him to bea soldier, a patriot, and a gentleman. But, sir, if even Ceneral Howar himself, much as I respect lllm, was to be placed in my county or my district with these extraordinary and dangerous powers, I, for one, would enter my protest. We cannot expect to obtain a competent class of men sent tered over the country under the pay that 18 proposed, men skilled in the law, In the constitution, and in a knowledge of the rights of l their fellowcitizens, to adjudicate upon these questions. It will probably be reposed in the hands of men who tor party, sinister purposes, may use it as agents of that bureau are now usin it in the South, to make slaves of these op wthe only vestige, I believe, that is left in some of those States of that institution, so far as requiring the services of this people, can be found in some one of the established bureaus down there. What, sir, is the history of this question? What do we find here today? We find the party that is pressing this bill invading the rights of the South invading the States, invading our homes and our firesides, by otheers unknown to the constitution, and by authorities unwarranted by the constitution. We find it done by the party which throughout the late terrible civil conflict professed to be for the constitution and for the nion, and to be fighting to restore that constitution and Government to its oriinnl purity. They professed that whenever there was no longer an enemy in the country the war ought to ceasethat it. was rosccuted in no spirit of vindictiveness but on y to maintain the authority of the Federal constitution and the laws, declaring all the time that the States were still in this Union and that there was no power by which they could go out; even declaring that an man or any set of men who advocated the doctrine that they could go out of the Union were guilt of a high crime. We find on the other hand eff. Davrs and his party down South claiming the right to secede from this Union and to set u a government for themselves and now when the war is over and the power and authority of the Federal Government are exercised from one end of the country to the other, tunfortunately for the country these parties have changed sides. Davis and his friends now claim all the rights and privileges under the constitution; that their States could not o out; that there is nothing but successful reellion that could take them out and we now find this party of the North declaring, by their action at least, that the 11 rebel States are out of the Union. Sir, I cannot change backward and forward to suit these extreme parties. I stand where I stood at the commencment of this conflict when I declared to the people of my State that I did not intend to be riven into secession did not intend to be driven by this party or the other party from the constitution Here the hammer fell.]. Mr. GRINNELL obtained the floor.