Mr. RAYMOND. Well, sir, I do not admit the probability of it any more than he does, and even then I would not convert them into our slaves and subjects, because we should do ourselves tenfold more harm than we should them. There is no calamity which can over take this Government so great as to infuse into its conduct despotic ideas, for ultimately those ideas will rule its action, and it will depend wholly on the accidents of political power on which section of the Union that despotism will take effect. It may take effect todny on the southern States, but some party ma, at some future time, come into power which will give it effect on NewEngland and the western States. I would not have this Government converted into a despotism for its own sake. Moreover, I submit to the Gentfrom Ohio and to all others, whether holding these States as provincial dependencies is the proper way to promote a sincere and general loya ty among their peole. Something is due to human na ture on that point as on every other. The les sons of history are full of warning and instruction upon it. Did Austria remote sincere loyalty by holdin Italy and ungary in subjection? N o; islo alty grew stronger and stronger with every ay of her pressure, until finall she was forced to yield to it, in the one case by arms and in the other by concession, to save her own empire and so it hais been all through the world and all through history. Why, it seems to me that the dial of civilization must have gone backward 2000 years if we accept any such theory of national life and national conduct as this. Cannot we exercise as much clemency in this 19thcen tury of the Christian era as Julius Caesar exercised all through his civilWars in Rome? His 1st act, after is bad crushed his great oppo nent Pompey in a struggle of life and death, was to admit every one of his followers to an amnesty; the 1st thing he generally did after conquering a neighboring State was to admit its people to the full rights and privileges of citizenship in Rome. Sir I will not purSue this theme, although it is full of interest and instruction. But if we cannot bring ourselves to act with may animity in dealing with a vanquished foe o our own race and country, if we cannot treat the southern people as members of this Union, admitting them to equal rights in this Republic, without degradin terms or doin an ht to humiliate and destroy their pride and selfrespect, then we may make up our minds that we are notequal to the crisis on which we have fallen. We shall fail in restoring eace, harmony, and prosperity to the Union. but the nation will not perish. others will take our places who better appreciate the nature of the work that devolves u)OD us, and who will accomplish the end we fail to reach or even to comprehend. I think our danger here and now, ies in doing too much rather than too little. I think the relations of the Union are rapidly bein restored. We must bear this in mind, that it oes not depend alto gether on our political action what shall be the uture relations of the South with the North. Influences are at work today restoring friendly relations and harmon far more rapidly than any action we are like y to take can do. The eat want of the southern people today is industry, to repair their losses, to renew their agriculture, to replace their implements oflabor, to find capital to cultivate their lands, to plant cotton, and to start into activity and life, every. thing that enters into the prosperity of a free people. Restored commerce, “trade, the calealth of nations ” will do more for them and for us than any laws we can place upon our statutebook. It is our duty, our duty to our selves as well as to them, to aid them in these endeavors to build themselves up again, for by so doin we do but build up ourselves. We should o what we can to promote their pros perity; for, in so doing, we but promote our own. If we cannot do this, then we are not equal to the task we have undertaken, and must give place, sooner or later, to those who are and now, sir, let me submitin succinct form what I think it would be well for this House and this Government to do; and submitting it simplyas an expression of my own views, I shall leave the whole question to the judgment of the House. In the 1st place, I think we ought to accept the present status of the southern States, and regard them as having resumed, under the presidents guidance and action, their functions of selfgovernment in the Union. In the 2nd place, I think this Houses lionld decide on the admission of Representatives by districts, admitting none but. loyal men who can take the oath we may prescribe, and holding all others as disqualified; the Senate acting, at its discretion, in the same way in regard to representatives of States. I think, in the 3rd place, we should provide by law for givinv to the freedmen Of the Southal the rights of citizens in courts of law and elsewhere. In the 4th place I would exclude from Federal office the leading actors in the conspiracy which led to the rebellion in every State. In t ic 5th place, I would make such amendments to the constitution as may seem wise to Congress and the States, acting reely and without coercion and 6th, I would take such measures and precautions by the dispositionof military forces, aswillpreserve order and prevent the overthrow, by usurpation or otherwise, in any State, of its RFG and now sir, I have only to thank the members of the House for the very great indulgence with which they have listened to my remarks. I may have erred in my opinions, for I have no overweening confidence in my own judgment on these high themes. But I can most truly say that I have spoken from a sincere desire to promote the peace and harmony of the Union we have preserved, and the permanent welfare of the country we have struggled so hard and so successfully to save. If I have said aught that is just and true, I beg that it may not be disparaged by anything I may have uttered that is uiitimcl or unwise. Above all I beg this House to ear in mind, as the sentiment that should control and guide its action, that we of the North and they of the South are at war no longer. The gigantic contest is at an end. The courage and devotion on either side which made it so terrible and so long, no longer owe a divided duty, but have become the common property of the American name, the priceless possession of the American, Republic through all time to come. The dead of the contening hosts sleep beneath the soil of a common country, and under one common flag. Their hostilities are hushed, and they are the dead of the nation forevermore. The victor may well exult in the victory he has achieved. Let it be our task, as it will be our highest glory, to make the vanquished, and their posterity to the latest generation, rejoice in their defeat.