Mr. BOUTWELL. The gentleman is not called upon. With all kindness I desire to ask my friend who represents the 6th district of the cit of NewYork [Mr. Rarnoxn] whether he oes not see that these propositions, which are sustained by the Presit out and the Democrats throughout the country, if carried into effect portend the destruction of the Government. 1st, chiefly we traverse the Democratic pit opositions by a resolution now before this House in this particular. We admit equality of representation based upon the exercise of the elective franchise by the people. The proposition in the matter of suffrage falls short of what I desire but so far as it goes it tends to the equalization of the inequality at present existing; and while I demand and shall continue to demand the franchise for all loyal male citizens of this country and I cannot but admit the possibility that ultimately those 11 States may be restored to representative power without the right. of franchise bein conferred upon the colored people I shou (I feel my self doubly humiliated and disgraced, and crim inal even, ifI hesitated to do what I can for a proposition which equalizes representation. an any party or any man defend the proposition now before the country to allow the States lately in rebellion to come in with their power undiminished, so thattwo rebel soldiers, whose hands are dripping with the blood of our fellow men, whose opinions as to the right of this Government to exist are unchanged, shall exercise the political power of 3 loyal Union soldiers? Yet the gentlemen who support this proposition ask the country to accept these states here with their representation undimin ished and those echoing the language of Alexander Stephens are unwilling that the Constitution shall be amended in this particular until the return of the 11 States, thereby remdering it absolutely impossible that there shall be any adjustment of these difficulties after the return of those States. I can do no less than say that I believe that the man of whatsoever party or State who adopts this proposition or uses his influence for its support by the cople, is recreant to the cause of justice. of h erty, and of humanity on this continent and yet, to that doctrine, so full of injustice, and so flagrantin principla, the Democratic party is committed. An in this hour of the nations peril it is our sad misfortune that we are compelled to admit that he who has received the suffrage of a generous people for the 2nd office in the gift of the country accepts that as his doctrine. The justification of all this is “ once a State always a State;" that there is no power in the General Government to resist this policy; and that we who say that nothing shall be done in the way of restoration to political power to those States until this ine uahty is adjusted, are our selves disturbers of the public peace and advo cates of disunion. Well, sir, I am for a Union, and forthat Union only in which there is substantial justice among the men and between the States composing it. I accept one fact, and no gentleman can ese ape the force of that fact, nd that is, that these 11 States are not today represented in the Congress of this country, an with my consent they never shall be until this inc unlity is adjusted, or its adjustment provide for. That is the fact. How it has come to pass that they are not represented is not material to the business we have in hand. I accept the statement made by Mr. Lincoln in his last public address, that these States are out of their properpractical relations to the Union, and I assert as a necessary and natural conse v quence that they cannot get into their properrelation exnept by our consent who represent the loyal States of this country. This is the material fact, and it is wholly unnecessary at the present time to inquire into the truth or falsity of the various theories which have been presented on the subject. Some objection has been made by gentlemen on this side of the House, as well as the other, to the 3rd section of the article reported by the committee. I freely confess that the adoptionof the 3rd section is not necessary to thJ subject matter which we have in hand. My own views of reconstruction lead me in the opposite direction. I should refer to include those who are our friends rat or than exclude even those who are our enemies. But inas much as gentlemen on this floor are not prepared, as they say, to include those in the governing force of the country who have sustained the country, I see no safety in the present except in some sort of exclusion of those who are its enemies. We are to consider what sort of enemies these men are. We have defeated them in arms, but in the proposition of the Democratic party, we invite them to the only field in which) they have any chance of success in the contest in which they have been outraged. They have been beaten, and what O you ask, and what do you offer? You ask them to come into the councils of the nation where they have a chance of success, and where the only chance of success remains. Who are these men? They are the men who today are radically, honestly, persistently, and relr iously opposed to this Government if this Government exercises its functions. The Gentfrom Wisconsin Mr. Emmnen] may not have heard of what Mr. Stephens told the committee; and who is Mr. Stephens? Mr. Stephens was believed to be the most conservative, most Union loving man in the whole southern country; and it the opinions to which I shall refer be his opinions, with how much stronger reason may we suppose that they are the opinions of those to whom for merly he himself was somewhat opposed. What does he tell us? He tells us that in 1861 he retested against the action of the secessiomsts, not because he believed that they had not a constitutional basis upon which to stand, but because he thought secession bad policy, and he says that today his opinions are unchanged; that is to say, Mr. the phens believes that this Government has no right to exist if the insignificant State of Flor ida for instance, thinks it ought not to exist; an what Mr. Stephens believes, according to his own testimony, is believed by the great majority of the people whom he represents in Georgia, and in various portions of the South, and whose views he understands. These are the men that you are invited to receive into the Government of the country, men who deny the right of this Government to exist. It is said by gentlemen on the other side of the House that when they present a Representative here he must be a loyal man. I need not say to gentlemen acquainted with the technicalities of the law, that a loyal man, for all purposes of representation, is a man whose isloynlty cannot be proved. When we open the doors of the Senate and of this House to representatives from that section of the country, they will only have to present men who cannot be convicted of having participated actively and willingly in the wor of treason; but they may senmen here who represent treasonable and disunion opinions, and we shall have no power to protect ourselves against them. hen ever was a more insidious idea presented to the people of this country than that there is any security in demanding merely loyal representatives? We are false to our dut if we do not go fiirther and require that in each of these States, before they are allowed representation, the masses of the people shall be loyal for the representative will reflect the views of the ppeovple. You cannot gather figs from thorns, or grapes from thist es. You al mustwait, if it be necessary to wait, until there is a loyal controlling lUlpllC sentiment in each oneof these States. it is nothing to this country that Tennessee sends Mr. Maynard, aloyal man, here. We want to know what Tennesseeis; and the circumstance that Mr. may nard is himself a loyal man if his State is not loyal, is a reason why he should neither ask to be received or we submit to his admission and it is not sufficient that there be loyal districts in the State. A State is represented in the Senate and in the House as a State. There is no constitutional capacity for representation except through State organization. lte ire sentatives in this House are apportione by the Constitution amen the several States. When we find that rlennesse e is, ssawhole, loyal to the Government, then we may accept Representatives from Tennessee, and trust to the people to send loyal men here. But if we accept Representatives from Tennessee because they, individually, are loyal. while Tennesse e herself is disloyal, you will have thrust into this House and into the Government of the country disloyal menand what does it portend? Mr. Stephens enies the constitutional efficacy of, our amendment abolishing slaver. He says that slavery has been abolished by the States. He says that the law taxing the people of this country has no constitutional force, because they are not represented. Do you not see that his insidious and danger ous dootrines, which are responded to by the whole Democratic part of the countr, por tend the destruction of the public ere it, the repudiation of the public de 1;, and the disor ganization of society? We are the conservative, the order seeking, the Union loving, the loyal men of the country. They who oppose measures for the pacification of the country with reference to the rights of the States and the rights of men are the disorganizers, the disloyal and dangerous men of this Republic. Sir, it will be found that the Union party stands nnitedly upon 2 propositions. The 1st is equality o representation, about which there is no difference ofo inion. The 2nd is, that there shall be a loyal people in each applicant State before any representative from that State is admitted in congress and there is a 3rd; a vast majority of the Republican party, soon to be the controlling and entire orce of that party, demand suffrage for our friends, for those who have stood by us in our days of tribulation and for myself, with the right of course to change my opinion, I believe in the constitutional power of the Government today to extend the elective franchise to every loyal male citizen of the Republic. If I have any time left I will yield it to the Gentfrom Iowa, [Mr. WILSON]