Mr. KUYKENDA LL. Mr. Speaker, I have now attained the object of my inquiry My colleague said that he was perfectly willing to vote for the admission of the exVEEP of the confederate government; but at if the interested in the price of beef, or oats, &c. than they are in the negroes q ly former VEEP should present himself here, he would be in favor of excluding him. I simply desired to understand the ground of the distinction which my colleague makes between the cases of these 2 individuals both of whom have been prominently enga d in the rebellion. I am glad that he has defined his position. I will leave him to explain to his constituents wh he prefers the V100 president of the confederacy to the exVEEP But, Mr. Speaker, there is another grave question to which I want to call the attention of this House; that is, the settlement forever of this question that has so long taken up the entire time of Congress, the question of the African race. It appears to be impoesible to have legislation on another subject until this question is finally settled. I come, sir, from the great Northwest. where the people are a producing people, and more, corn, wheat, being made their equals at the ballot box. Let us, then, take such ste s as will forever drive this question from the idells of Congress and give usence and quiet the balance of our days. may be ased how this is to be done. In answer I would say, I would make a treaty with the republic of Mexico, and arrange with them to colonize the American citizens of African descent in the warm climate and rich valleys of Mexico, with all the rights pertaining to them of Mexican citizens. I would enforce the Monroe doctrine, drive Maximilian out of the country, assist in reestablishing a RFG, secure to the negroes lands, L ogive them a fair start in the worl, give them all the assistance incumbent on a Christian people to do and there let them under the gpiance of Providence and protection of the U.S. mark out their own destiny. The Monroe doctrine has been indorsed by all the political parties of this country for the last fort years, and never would have been infringe upon by any foreign Power had it not been that we were engaged in the suppression of a eat and gigantic rebellion. Taing advantage of this the Emperor of France caused to be established in Mexico, on empire, and placed on the throne Maximilian, an we sit quietly by to allow a sister republic to be crushed and ground to dust, in viotion, of the doctrines that we have always espoused and advocated, and in violation of one of the resolutions of the platform upon which Lincoln and Johnson were elected. I here read the resolution which was last adopted by the Baltimore convention: "Resolved, That we approve the position taken by the Government that the peoploof the U.S. can never regard within did crence the attempt of any European Powerto ov erthrowby forceor to supplant by fraud the institutions of an republican government on the westerncontinent. prolonged applause] and that the will View with extreme jca ousy. as menacing tot e peaceand independence of their own count the edortsof any such Power to obtain new footho ds for monarchical governments sustained by foreisgn military force. in near pronmity to the U.S. " The indorsing of this resolution by the American ople showed that they were in earnest on this question, and Maximilians remaining in Mexico is a part and arcel of the late rebellion, and it will never e finally crushed out until he is driven to an abandonment of his throne and across the broad waters of the ocean. I propose here, sir, to read a letter written by Thomas Jefferson on the 14th October 1823 to Mr. Monroe, then POTUS The question presentedby the letters you have sent me is the most momentous ever offered to my contemplation since that of independence. That made us a nation; this sets our compassand points or course whiehweare to steerthrough the oceanof ime opening on us: and never could we embark on it undercircumstances more auspicious. Ourlirst and fundamental maxim should be never to entangle our selves in the broils of Euro )0. Our2nd. never to eution Euro e to intermedd o with cisallantic affairs. America, 1 orth and South, has a set ofinterests distinct from thoseof Europe and peculiarly her own. Sh e shOllld, therefore.have ii systemof her own so a roto and apart from thot of Europe. While the this laboring to become the domicilo of despotism our endeavor should surely be to make our camp ere that of freedom. One nation. most of all, could disturb us in this pursuit; she now offers to lend. aid and accompanyii in it. B aocedingtoher proposition we detach her from t a band of despots.bring her mighty weight into the scale office government, and cmancipate a continent at one stroke. which might otherwise linger long in doubt and difficulty. GreatBritain is the nation which can do us the most harm of anyone or all on earth: and with her on our sidewe need not fear the whole world. With hpr than, we should most sedulously cherish a cordial friendship; and nothing would tend moreto nit our affectionsthan to befig ting once more, side in the samecanse. Not that I would urchuse even her amity at the price of taking part in or wars. But the war in who the present proposition might engage us should that war bu ours. ts object is to iptroduce and stablish the American system of keeping out ofonr land all foreign Powers of never permitting thoseofEuropp to intermed die with the affairsof our nation. It 18 to maintain our own pripeiplo, not to depart from it and if. to facilitate this, wc caneffoctadivmio9th eliod of the European Powers, and draw over to our side ts most powerful member, surely we should doit. But I am clearly of Mr. Cannings opinion. that it will plev ent instead of provoke a war. With GreatBritain With drawn from their scale and shifted into that of our 2 continents. all Europe combined would not undertake suoh a war. For how would they prouse to get at either enemywithout an crior fleets? or is the occasmn to be slighted which this proposition offors, of declaring our protestsagainstthe atrocious violations of the rights of nations by the interference of on one in the international airs of another, so fiagitiously begun by Bonaparte. arid new continued by the equally lawless alliance calling itself hply. "But we have 1st to ask ourselves a question: do we wish to acquire to our own confederaoy anyone or more of the Spanish provinces? I candidly confess that I have over looked on Cuba as the most interesting addition thatcould c verbo m e to our system of States. The control which, With Honda paint, this island would give us over tho Qulf of Mexico and the countries and isthmus bordering on it, as well as all those whose watersflowinto it, would fill up the measure of our political well beipg. Yet, as I am sensible that this can neverbe obtained, even with her own consent, but by war; and if its iridependence. which is our 2ndinterest, (and especially its independence of England ) can be secured Without it. I haveno hes itation in n and oningmy 1stmsh to future chances, and acceptingits independence, with peace and the friendship of England, rather than itsassociationsat o expense of war and her enmity. “I could honestly therefore, omin the declaration proposed, that we a in not att e acquisition of any of those possessions. that we will not stand in the way of any amicable arrangement between them and the mother country. but that we Wlil oppose, with all our means, the forcible interposition of any other Power. as auxiliary stipendiary or under any other form or pretest and mostespeciallytheir transferto any Power by conquest. cession, or acquisition in any other we. I should think it, therefore, advisable that the executive should encouragethe British governmenttoacontinuance in the dispofltious expressed in those letters by an assurance of his concurrence with them as far as his authority goes: sign!that asit may lead to war, the declaration of which requires an act of Congress.the caseshall he laid beforcthein for consideration at their 1st iiiectin, and under the reasonable aspectin which it is seen y himself. “I have been so long weaned from political subjects and have so long ceasedto take any interest in them, that I am sensi lo I am not qualified to offer opinions on them worthy of any attention. But the questionnow proposed involves consequence ssolasting, and effectsso decisive of our future destinies, as to rekindle all the interest I have heretofore felt on such occasions, and to the hazard of opinions which will prove only my wish to contribute still my mite toward anything which maybe usefulto our country and praying you to accept it at onlywhntitiswor, adIh cassuranceof my constant and affectionate friendship and respect.” Mr. Monroe, finding that he had the support of Mr. Jefferson, on the 2d of December, 1823, issued his message to Congress, and enunncipatd the doctrine known as the “Monroe doctrine, " which, summed up, is as he stated it: “As a principle inwhjch the rights and interestsof the U.S. are involved that the American continent, by the free and independent condition they have assumedand maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as subJootsfor future colonization by any European Power.“ In the letter of Mr. Jefferson and the message of Mr. Monroe the doctrine, is so well stated that I have given the statements to the country, and I now insist that we hold this doctrine sacred and will maintain it. The people are for it; they are for driving Maximilian out of the country, and I am for it. Now, sir, having given my views unrestrained, I will say they are the doctrines n on which I was elected and upon which Mr. Lincolni was elected, and I am determined to stand by them, come weal or come woe. Now, sir, hoping that the legislation of the country may be directed in such a channel that O its consequence, is not her yside, thereto; that I have never soughtnor accc the country shall be calmed and peace and quiet entirely restored, and believing that the ship of state will be guided through the present troubled seas Without being stranded upon the rocksof sion and prejudice, and having great faith in the wisdom of the American people, believ mg all will yet be well, I shall, so far as my own action is concerned, attempt to do that which I believe to be r ight; a n, trusting in a kind Providence to gui e me in the right direction, I have faith thatIwill succeed in doing justice to all.