Mr. DIXON. In the 1st place, with regard to the white Unionists of a great portion of those States they are myths; they do not exist and never did. We saw them all. They trav ersed the northern country last year. Of their character I will not speak. One of them, their leader, has been characterized this morning. I take it that about the whole rePresentation of the original Union party of the South was exexhibited last fall in their progress triumphal progress, if you please to call it so through the northern country, and some of them proved on inquiry to have been original secessionists. When you speak of the original Union men of the South you speak of that which really in point of fact never existed to any considerable extent. There was a body of men at the South who were opposed to secession, but they finally assented to secession. They took the ground that they must go with their States, and they did go with their States; and those were what might be called original Union men: But as to the Union men of the South who resisted secession to the last, who refused to go with their States, in Georgia, NCarolina, SCarolina, Mississippi, and Alabama, we know they were not to be found. We know very well that the whole South was finally almost a unit in this war against us. Of course, the Senator may say I am apologizing for that. I am stating a fact; that was the fact, and everybody knows it. So, when we are told today about Union men being maltreated it must be northern men, if the term means anything, who have gone to reside there since the war. In proof of that, if there is any proof necessary, I will read an extract from a report of a distinguished general, Carl Schurz, who traveled in that country and made a report. Under the head of “returning loyalty” he has several paragraphs. on this subject, in which he shows that the South is divided into several classes, and as to original.Union men there are none. He says: “These statements are naturally not intended to apply to all the individuals composing the southern people. There are certainly many planters who before the rebellion treated their slaves with kindness, and who now continue to treat them as free laborers in many plantations nenr. the South re on now which ndtohuebt relations between employers, and employees are based upon mutual good will. There are certainly many people there who entertain the best wishes for the pwaerltfiacipated the negro.race, and who not only never in any acts of violence, but who heartily disapprove them. I have no doubt a large majority can, as to actual participation not, however, as to the bitter spirit offer a good plea of not guilty. But however large or small a guilty number of people may be of complicity in such acts of persecution those who are opposed to them have certainly not shown themselves strong enough to restrain those who perpetrate or favor them. So far the spirit of persecution has shown itself sostrong as to make the protection of the freedman by the military arm of the Government in many localities necessary –in almost all desirable. It must not be forgotten that in a community a majority of whose members are peaceably disposed, but not willing or not able to enforce and order, a comparatively small number of old and lawless mencan determine the character of the whole. The rebellion itself, in some of the southern States, furnished a striking illustration of this truth.” As I said before, we desire the truth on this subject. If it were true that a state of things existed in the southern country such as has been depicted by the Senators from Massachusetts, humanity would shudder at the idea. Sir, human nature is not capable of the infamy which is charged on the South. Pandemonium would be a paradise compared with such a country. As a member of the human family, I protest against such a belief unless it is. proved. seen southern men; I have conversed with them; I have sat with them in this and the other Chamber. I know that they are misled, deluded, misguided. Heaven knows how deeply they have been misled, how misguided, and Heaven knows how they have suffered. Their offense has been great, and terribly have they answered it. But, sir, is it necessary for the Senfrom Massachusetts, with the influences he has at the North, to imPress the public mind with a greater idea of the enormity of their crimes than the truth demands? I think there is, to a certain extent, a bad state of things there; but is it necessary that not only our own people, but that the world should believe that ten million people in the South are given up to lunder, rapine, and murder, and every possi E. enormity of which human nature is capa ble? It is utterly useless for gentlemen to say it does not amount to this. This is the charge; this is what you say; and you say that in consequence of it it is necessary to wipe out every vestige of civil government, every idea of republicanism there, and place those people under a military government. That is what is said here. I know it is easy for the Senator to excite a prejudice against me. I know he may possi bly, unintentionally, induce the people whom I rePresent to suppose that I stand here as an apologist for crime. I do not wish to stand under that imputation. I am an apologist for no crime. But I will say here. that in my judgment such is the prejudice which has been excited in the minds of certain gentlemen, perhaps some of them on this floor, that it is utterly impossible for them to look at this question with candor. Candor is the rarest virtue in the human character. I see 50 conscientious men to one candid man. Few there are, indeed, who can look at this question can didly. It is very easy to join the crowd and go with the Polo idea that our southern brethren (and even to call them “brethren” is a crime) have become fiends; that they are no longer human beings; that they are mur dering negroes daily, and, as a gentleman said in the HoRep the other day in a speech, as I see reported in the Globe, shooting them down for amusement: Sir, I do not believe it. I do not believe one word of it. I deny it; and those who bring the charge against these people are bound to prove it. It is not enough to assert what GenlGrant thinks, what General Schofield thinks, what GenlSheridan thinks; let them state what they think publicly in their reports, and when they have so stated it then I agree that is testimony. The Senator's statement of his belief, well informed as he is, is not testimony. But, sir, it would require all the testimony that has ever been concentrated upon any given point to convince me that human nature has come to that degree of depravity, to which we must suppose it has come, if what the Senator oncluous says is true of the southern people.