Mr. CHANLER. I will draw the attention of the House to the fact that this bill is of equal 5 importance to those which have already been reerred to the ComWhole on the state of the Union. It involves the rights of property. If it is for the purpose of preventing, speculation from one section it seems to have the effect of promoting a speculation from another section. The whole object of the people of the U.S. is, it seems, to get possession of these lands that they may have homesteads, that they may have castles, according to the Gentfrom Maine, Mr. Rios] where“ they may fight for liberty. he policy of this bill is to perpetuate strife between the races. It is to furnish castles at the expense of the U.S., that the ne prorace may hold these lands at the point of the bayonet avainst the tide of emigration of white men. That is the object of the bill. Gentlemen talk about southern rights and the southern people as if they were a foreign people. They exclude all those men who, whatever their acts may have been during the rebellion, still are bound to us by ties stronger than can be broken by any such acts. It excludes mine rs from the benefit of the homestead not. This is a subject which requires the full and fair consideration of this House. We should know, not only the policy of the measure, but the results it will have up5n the Government. It is colonization, it is establishing a new s s1 tem of colonization equal to that that the o mans had after the conquest, by which the essential power of an empire was fastened upo the people that they ha overthrown by arms. the billd proposes to surrender a vast quantity of Inn to arace which the whole history of this country proves stands isolated and alone in all their acts and movements as a body. We may by our conduct show kindness to them, we may protect them, but here it is proposed to collect them in masses, and keep them in tracts as you would the Indian tribes, by setting at art to them whole sections of country where they must. live under their own organization as a people. Now, I contend that these people have never shown a capacity for selfgovernment. Sir, I protest against the centralizin principle oft is bill, and I appeal to the gent eman, not for the purpose of delaying action, but to enable him with the eloquence , force, and cogeucy of ament for which he is so remark able, to exp ain this measure so that this House and the country may know that we are not acting in the dark. Let us know whether in letting the negro have these lands the white man is to be excluded. Let us know all about the matter. The bill before us is not printed, and is not therefore in a proper condition to be debated and considered}? The Gentfrom NewYork [Mr. TABER] has already stated his view of the question, and the Gentfrom Indiana [Mr. JULIAN] has stated his, and now the Houseis called on to vote without further information and without further discussion. I have no o position to granting men homesteads, nor do Pwish to exclude the black man from the full enjoyment of every privilege God has granted to him. Bu: I do wish that the progress of this Government shall be in the right direction, and shall be honest, open, and impartial and I look upon this measure as both impartial and unjust. H may be mistaken. If so a fair presentaiton of the argument on the other si e may induce me to withdraw my opposition to this bill, and the House may act unanimously in securing for the black man such a home as his friends assert he is so deserving and so worthy to possess. But until the gentleman allows discussion upon this matter in ComWhole, or until this bill can be fairly examined, I consider it a farce to bring it to a vote.