Mr. ASHLEY, of Ohio. Well, Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman is anxious for my views on this point, I will explain. I am willing to for give, though I can never forget the crimes committed by those who attempted to destroy this Government. I am willing to walk backward and with the broad mantle of charity cover the political nakedness of the men recently in rebellion. My anxiety for the restoration of the southern States is such that I am willing that all men, even those who held subordinate civil positions and positions in the army of the rebellion shall have the ballot, excluding only the more important and leading men from holding office those, for instance, who were above the grade of colonel, and those who held positions under this Government before the rebellion. Every bill ever introduced by me for reorganizing these States has proposed to extend the right of the ballot to the great body of the white as well as the black people. My friendfrom Kentucky says and if I held his opinions I would say “that the rule I have suggested would exclude the very best men in the South.” Undoubtedly it would exclude those whofh he and his friends regard as the best men in the South. If my friendfrom Kentucky had resided in SCarolina during the war I suppose he would never have been upon this floor. respect him for standing up here and maintaining his opinions, erroneous as I deem them. I prefer an open, manly opponent to a pretended friend. A large majority of those with whom I act are anxious for the restoration of loyal State governments in the South. They are willing to go so far as to extend forgiveness to the great body of the people guilty of the great crime of treason, o, them to the ballot box; but at the same time they demand that every loyal man, every “interloper, ” as my friendfrom Kentucky terms the white: Unionist, every man, however dusky his skin, whose heart beat true to the old flag and the Union during the entire war, shall be the equal of any traitor, however white.