Mr. HENDERSON continued: Mr. President: On yesterday I attempted to show the condition of the southern people, the character of their new governments, and the probable foolish and unnecessary controversy now threatened between Congress and the Executive. I sincerely hope it may not come, but pride of opinion, the love of approbation, the schemes now organized for party power, the selfish plans of the future, the condeuce in popular prejudices, the distrust of public justice, the recklessness of some, and the cau tious timidity of others, all point to trouble. In such times, and on such occasions, I know of but one course of safety, and this is, to reject what the conscience condemns and accept that which it approves. It is to cast aside best interests of the Republic. the claims of party, the considerations of tem porary advantage to individuals or sections of country, and overcoming, alike, undue re sentments against defeated treason and prejudices against race, to look forward only to the The interests of the Republic are surely the best interests of mankind, and he who subjects himself to obloquy now, in order to promote those interests, may trust his vindication to agrateful future. he country is not satisfied. The loyal people, the loyal press, members of Congress feel that soine guarantee for future peace must be had before the southern representatives are admitted. The question now is, what shall be done I have already said that if Congress will ignore the present organizations and provide at once for an expressionof sentiment by the loyal whites alone in the seceded States, excluding the willing traitors, who, by oath, nbjured their citizenship, the result will be, organizations loyal in character and deserving the recognition of Congress. But Congress is halting between two opinions. It is hoping thatloyalty may grow up in the present organizations, as if apples may be taught to grow upon thistles by cultivation, and sweetness be extracted from the poison of the adder. I hope the committee may find evidences of loyalty and attachment to the Union in the present reconstruction, evidences so strong as to bring conviction to the unbeliever, and that we may soon have the consummation so devoutly wished for, the re storation of the Union. At the 1st moment when recognition in myjudgment can be safely made, I intend to give my consent. The present condition of things cannot last long. this ab normal, inconsistent with the elementary principles of our Government and the remedy must be promptly a plied. Congress might have been convened ast summer without inconven ience, but it was not convened; and now, in case of foolish and stubborn differences between the legislative and executive Depts, our complications may be serious. The President insists upon an unconditional indorsement of hisplan. congressstandsmute. The country knows it is dissatisfied, and yet it will not speak. Congress is losing in public estimation because of its hesitancy. Atlastthe committee of 15 s oaks, and gives us a guarantee in the shape of) a constitutional amendment, whether the only one to be given I do not know, and asks us to adopt it as a security for the future. What is it? I will read it: Anions. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union according to their respective numbers counting the whole number of persons in each State. excludin Indians nottaxed:, That whenever the e cctive franchise shall be denied or abridgedin any Stateon account of raceor color, all persons therein of such race or colorshall beexcluded from the basisof representation. The distinguished Senfrom Massachusetts [Mr. SUMNER] is dissatisfied with this proposed guarantee, and offers a substitute in the shape of a JtResolution of Congress, a simple act, which may be defeated by presidential veto, or which, if signed, maybe repealed by this or any subsequent Congress. It is in the following words: Be it resolved by the Senate and HoRep, of the U.S.A.in Congress assembled That in all States lately declared to be in rebellion thereshall beno oligarchy. aristocracy. caste, or monopoly invested With peculiar privilegesand pow eprosli.taicnadl, there shall be no denial of rights, civil or on account of color or race; but all persons shall be equal beforethe law, whether in the court roomor at the ballot box and thisstatute, madoin pursuance of the Constitution shall be the supreme law oftho land, anythingin the constitutionor laws of any such State to the contrary notwithstanding. Feeling that I had a right to berdissatisfied with both propositions, I have presented as a substitute for the latter measure, a resolution of amendment to the Constitution in the following simple words: Aaricns l4. No State.in prescribing the qualifications nrsetqauniysipteefrosor neolenctaocresotiuienrtooifnc, shall discriminate It will be remembered that the clause of the Constitution relative to representation and taxation, as it now stands, is in the following words: “Representatives and direct taxes shall he apportioned among the several Stateswhich may be included Within this UnionI according to their respective numbers, which shall bedeterminedbyaddingtothe whole pnmbsr of free persons, including those bound to servmofor a.term O ycais and excludingIndians not taxed, 3/5th s of all other persons.” This is the text of the Constitution as it now stands; and of course unless amended the entire population of the southern States, after the next census, will be reckoned in the basis of representation; that is, while the war made free men of the slaves against the will of the southern whites, it has also the effect of increasing the political power of the seceded States, both in the lower ranch of Congress and in the colleges for the election of President. The very natural feeling of the country rose against this state of affairs. The desire was rather to re strain or limit their power than to increase it; but the necessary result of leaving the Constitution as it is, is to give the increased power. The prejudices o loyal men are naturally excited against the rebels of those States, and the conduct and character of the new organizations, now asking admission, are not such as to greatly diminish those prejudices. The er sistent refusal to recognize the negro, who ad been the friend of the loyal men, as entitled to any political consideration whatever, and scarcely to the commonest rights of the civil society created a new disgust at their conduct, and induced a desire to force upon them the abandonment of what is thought to be an unfounded prejudice, and at the same time to force upon them a greater respect for those plain and fundamental rights, which lie at the foundation of all good government, and a denial of which had recipitated upon the country the late drea ful war. I am not at all surprised at this general feeling. I am only surprised that the committee of {teen gentlemen of such distinguished abilities generally so tenacious of the right and so rea y to a prehend it could have satisfied themselves with the proposition offered either as a means of accomplising the desired security for the future, or as a measure sanctioned by that justice and equality, now de manded by public sentiment, throughout the country. At an early period of the session the prevailing sentiment, coking to the object I have indicated, was in favor of a simple constitutional provision by which representation should be ased on voters qualified as electors under the respective State constitutions and laws. This, it was thought, would force the South to acknowledge the political rights of the negro. Indeed, it had no other object. I am not dis guising, nor will I disguise, for party purposes, the object had in view in this or other measures. It is no time for disscmbling. The questions are too great, the interests at stake, too large for dissimulation. Any attempt now at concealment is absurd. Is it not worse than absurd? Is it not criminal? This proposition, at least, had the merit of being equal. It at no brand. no stigma upon any State. It ett each to determine the franchise for itself. Those who were thought worthy of the ballot in the respective States were made the representative basis in Congress. It stimulated the broadest republicanism, the most extended suffrage by giving it the rewards due to such liberality. The more the voters in the State, the greater was to be the political power of that State in congress, an the greater its Weight, in the choice of President. No one seemed to doubt that this proposition would secure the largest possible negro vote in the North and South consistent with the peace, and good order, and propei government of the respective States. I refer to this measure, its former popularity, and the strange and sudden disfavorinto which it fell, to warn Senators against the danger of sectional or selfish considerations in the settlement of the great questions now before us. Absolute justice seemed to be stamped on the face of the measure, and Representatives were ready to accept it, as they would accept a demonstration of Euclid. It was fair, would apply to all the States alike, and its great merit was that it secured beyond doubt the great end desired he prosuffrage in the southern States. The politica penalty attached to its denial was too heavy to be borne. Just at this moment a youn and talented Representative from Maine gMr. MINE] thoughthe would examine the gums, (they never eceive.) He betook himself to the census, and found the proposition Would not do. It suddenl became unjust. Why unjust? Because, if adopted, the eastern l and Atlantic States would lose power compara Itively with the West. The active and enter rising, but poor young men of those States are in the habit of emigratin West. The women are left, but the men seek their fortunes in larger fields of adventure. He discovered that in 1860 the entire population of California was 879, 904, and that out of that number, 273, 337 were males and only 106, 657 were females. He discovered, also, that Illinois had 898, 941 white males and only 805, 850 females, an excess of 93, 591, enoug to give Illinois an additional member of congress under the contemplated rule. He discovered also that Louisiana had an excess of males over females of 22,000, Kansas 11,000, Iowa 34,000, Indiana 48,000, Missouri 63,000, and other western and southwestern States in like proortion while Connecticut, NewHampshire, NewYork, l RhdIsland, Massachusetts, and the Atlantic States generally have a large excess of females over males. Hence whi e this rule might coerce the southern States to adopt negro suffrage, it would at the same time wca enterepresentative power of the East; in other words, while it mig teoerce the South to admit negro suffrage, it might drive the North and the East to woman suffrage, for which they Were not prepared. The very moment Mr. Baum: made some 6 ures on this subject and laid them before the HoRep, that proposition was dead forever. perhaps it ought to have died. But if so, it should have died of another reason. You cannot eufran cliise everybody in the States, and it may be asked with great power, why should not the civil, instead of the political society, he represented in Congress?