Mr. GRISWOLD. Mr. Speaker, if I should feel constrained to vote against this bill, I feel it my duty to state the reasons that occur to my mind for that action. I shall regret to feel compelled to vote against it, because in doing Iso shall be at variance in opinion with those who I believe have at heart the best interest of the whole country. I fully fo.with the object aimed at by this bill. I recognize fully the condition of things existing in these rebellious States, in. iam constrained to believe the rights and liberties of loyal men both white and black, are totally ignored, an I am perfectly willing to concede the necessity for the interposition of the national Government toward the protection of that class of citizens there. But, sir, while I could concede that necessity and appreciate that condition of things, it seems to me that the provisions, of this bill will lead us into greater danger than is justified by the evils we seek to correct. It is, Mr. Speaker, a tremendous stride that we propose to make by this bill to subject to military control ten million people who have once been partners of this common country, and who are to be united with us in its future trials and fortunes. This bill proposes to place all the rights of life, liberty, and happiness exclusively in the control of a mere military captain. Sir, I regard that as a terrible danger to this country. Nothing but a state of war, absolute and unquestioned, can justify a preponderance of the military over the civil authorities of this country. And with all due deference to the learne ntlemen who have discussed this question, I say that the practical sense of the civilized world will not bear out the idea that we are today in a state of absolute war. If that is not the case, then I submit to those gentlemen that we are making a very dangerous experiment when we subject to mere military authority those ten million people with all their rights and interests. if I understand the character of this bill it does nothing more nor less than to declare martial law over all this territory. if I read it aright, it does not recognize the civil tribunals of that portion of the country. It i.provides that the officer in charge may allow the civil authority to take jurisdiction of certain cases; but the action of that civil authority is to be entirely subject to the discretion of the military officer who chances at the time to be the officer commanding that dept. I say, then, that all the civil tribunals of this country are unconditionally and unequivocally ignored and repudiated by this bill. Even the Chief Justice of the SCOTUS, acting plainly within the scope of his official authority, has no right to interfere except with the consent and approbation of a lieutenant, perhaps, of the Army. Now, I appeal to my friends, on the other side of the House, as well as to those upon this side, whether we ought not to be cautious before putting such a terrible power into hands that are so irresponsible. There is to be no appeal from the decision of the military authorities. The decision of the officer commanding the dept is to be final. No civil tribunal can be appealed to to interfere; but a merely military officer is to have the final and irreversible decision of all cases, whether they grow out of o the civil rights, the political the rights of property, or any of the other rights or privileges of these ten million people. I have another objection to this bill, and that is, that by it we are proceeding in the wrong direction. For more than 2 years we have been endeavoring to provide civil governments for that portion of our country, and yet by the provisions of this bill we turn our backs upon the policy of the past 2 years, and at one stride seek to place all that territory under an exclusively military instead of under a civil government. This bill contains no provisions for the establishment in the future of civil governments there. It simply provides that for an indefinite period in the ture a purely military power of exclusive control and jurisdiction there. That is, therefore, to me another and a very serious objection to this bill. I am ready to concede the integrity, wisdom, ability, and sense of justice of our officers of the Army. I yield to no one in my admiration of those men who by their valor and their bravery have carried, this country through these years of terrible danger and strife. But I do not forget that Army officers are still but human; that they are subject to the same influences that other men are; and that the same appliances and considerations will have influence with officers of the Army that have influence with men in other positions of life. And when such power is to be conferred upon a mere lieutenant of the Army as I have indicated will be conferred by this bill, a power which I maintain should be conferred upon no man or class of men, it cannot be said that it is any disparagement of our Army officers if I say it should not be committed to them; the mere fact of their being Army officers certainly is not sufficient to remove the objection on that point. For one, I prefer for the Present to stand by the overtures which we have made to these people as conditions of their again participating in the government of this country. We have placed before them the conditions which the civilized world has indorsed as liberal, magnanimous, and just. I regret exceedingly that those very liberal terms have not been accepted by them. But, Mr. Speaker, I prefer standing and waiting for the development of events to taking a step which I fear may be regarded as being in the wrong direction. I prefer giving those States further opportunity to exhibit a spirit of obedience and loyalty, hoping that in . event of their continued repudiation of the proffer which has been made to them we may devise some measure less dangerous, less liable to serious objection, than the bill now under consideration. Mr. Speaker, regarding the question even from a party point of view I do not forget this one other consideration: so long as the party that now controls the political destinies of this country shall retain its power, so long as the people of this country shall have confidence in the integrity and patriotism of that party, so long, in spite of anything that may be done either at the North or the South, shall we be able to control for the right this question of reconstruction. [Here the hammer fell]