Mr. JOHNSON. It failed in conference finally, but it was understood to be very distaleful to the then President and very distasteful to a great many members of this body, and the bill failed. Now, let me ask the Senate, as statesmen. as sensible and unprcjudiced men and I certainly assume that that is the case with all whom I address where is the necessity of incumbering this bill with a measure which may be provided for in a distinct hill just as operat ive to effect its purpose, if it can be passe, and without subjecting the particu Iar bill, an appropriation bill as impOrtunt as this, to the deihy, and perhaps to the defeat, which may be the result ofincumbering it with aprovision of this description? Suppose your postoffices are stopped. You know as much of the Presidents purpose as I do; but suppose he comes to the conclusion that you have no right to interfere with what he believes to be his constitutional power, and the hill is lost, what willbe the issue before the country? The postoffices all to be closed, the mails arrested, communication between the several sections of the country put a stop to. You will say it is the Presidents fault; but what will the President say? “I stood upon the ground assumed by Madison in 1789 and never afterward departed from; questioned once or twice, but no measure ever proposed to chan c the question of power.” Do you not thin that the people Will concur with the Preside t, that the fault is with us? If you should replyiwhen you are called to account for having closed the postoffices, that you were compelled to do it, the answer. that could be and would be given to you would be considered as atriumphant answer, “ Where was the necessity of clogging an appropriation bill with a measure of that dese rition? Why did you not put it in a separate ill and let the issue go before the country whether you were right or wrong, if the Egfsident thought propernot to sanction that i? I have no particular desire, provided there be a difference of o inion between Congress and the POTUS, to remder aid and comfort to Congress just at this particular uncture; but I tell them, and I tell them in alI sincerity, that I think I am giving aid and comfort tothem when I appeal to them not to incumber this bill with aprovision of this description. They will give to the President a power before the country that he does not now possess, provided you can carry it through both Branches, and provided he vetoes the bill, and the bill shall be lost on that account. As I said in the beginning, Mr. President, it is not my purpose to discuss the differences, whatever they may be, existing now between the POTUS and congress. I am willing, more than willin, to admit that if there be such differences, cacti: of the parties to the difference thinks that he is right; but I think I may say I know I may say that those who differ from the President ought charitably to conclude that he just as firmly believes that he is right as they believe that the contrary policy which they pursue is right. There is an honest difference of opinion, if there be any difference of opinion, and it is material to the interests of the country, in myjudgment, that that honest difference of opinion shall be healed as speedily as possible. Let it break out as is suggested by tie member from Missouri, speaking upon the authority of some Illinois paper; let it be carried to the extremity recommended by that paper, and what will be our fate? God forbid that it. should come to that result; but the more threat of such a result is calculated to weaken the Government in the estimation of our own people and in the estimation of the world at large; to break down the credit which We want in support of our finances; to unsettle that which I lad hoped the triumph of our arms had achieved: to bring about not a restored Union, but a Union more distracted and a Government in infinitely more peril than it was during the worst period of the civil strifc out of which, as far as arms could accomplish it, we have so gloriously emerged.