Mr. WILLEY. Mr. President, this phrase “manhood suffrage”, sounds very well, and I am sure I have no objection to it; but I am particularly desirous that my amendment shall prevail so as to incorporate in this bill the qualification of intelligence. Sir, what is man hood suffrage? Does “manhood, ” considered in its political acceptation, consist.". in physical power, in arms and feet and hands and face? Does not the manhood that should be demanded as the basis of the right of suffrage mean something more than this? Does it not mean intelligence sufficient to appreciate the duty to be performed? Does it not mean some degree of moral character and standing? The pauper is a man and yet you exclude him. The convict is a man and yet you exclude him. Our sons under 21 years of age are a portion of the common brotherhood and manhood of the country, and yet you exclude them. Our wives and our daughters are in the same category, and yet they are excluded. So then the question involves some principle by which it shall be regulated; and it does seem to me that the true interests of a free Government, and the wise establishment of a free Government, require the great andfundamental qualification of intelligence, when we propose to extend the fundamental right of suffrage to any of our citizens. I know how hard it is to provide any rule that shall operate equally. We have provided a rule as regards age, and how unequally does that operate Yet it was necessary. 1000s of our sons under 21 years of age are much better qualified to exercise the right of suffrage than 1000s of our fellow citizens 50 years of age. We must have some rule, and we have fixed 21 years of age in that respect as the wisest and best rule that could be propounded. Now, it strikes me that, looking especially to the qualifications of the class of population in this District to whom it is proposed to extend the right of suffrage; looking to their antecedents; remembering who they are but a short time taken from the worst and lowest type of barbarism in all the world; reflecting that they have been recently slaves; that they inherit and still have in them the instincts of slavery; that they are ignorant; that it is impossible for them (it is no fault of theirs; it is their misfor tune) to have a correct appreciation of the duties devolving upon a man who exercises the of suffrage to understand fully the principles of our free Government; I say, under all these circumstances, it does seem to me that wisdom dictates to us the propriety, if possible, of fixing some rule by which that great right shall be protected from abuse, some rule by which we shall confine its exercise to those who are competent to use it judiciously. I am not particularly anxious that this principle.in amendment shall prevail; but I have thought that perhaps as this is somewhat of an experiment, we might try it in the DistCol. It cannot operate very harshly upon the freed people of this District. You say that they cannot read and write; but this does not impose any prohibition upon them acquiring that faculty. It is rather a reason and a motive to stimulate them to the acquisition of knowledge, to acquire the ability to read and write; and in that respect it would operate as a distinct advantage to them. I think perhaps, Mr. President, in our eagerness and desire to be liberal in this direction, we are in danger of going too far, and that we ought to take counsel of some discretion at least, and in this, our 1st experiment, require some condition that the exercise of this great right shall be confined to those who may be expected to have some reasonable apprehension of what it means and how it ought to be used.