Mr. VANHORN of NewYork. I do. I have no desire to misrepresent my colleague. The whole tenor of his speech accords with all I have said of it, as the lobe will show. These gentlemen are fearful that the action proposed for this District will savor too much of negro equality. They see terrible results which the are sure must flow from this legislation, an they are filled with apprehensions astothe future of this community, and any other where civil rights are extended to the colored population. they assume to be the special guardians of the public welfare, and admit no doubt as to the results which they have declared must certainly follow the action proposed. such was always the cry when slavery ruled the hour from those who, here and elsewhere, have always been its champions, and who, fired by an unholy purposu to make it. so permanent that neither the people in their sovereign power, nor the almighty y His omnipotence, could shake or overthrow it, to secure more certainly their object, struck at the very life of the republic and in the struggle slavery and they fle as shattered and blasted wrecks, and lie as awarning to the present and the future not to crush the sacred and inalienable rights of humanity. What can these gentlemen gain by entering themselves so conspicuously as the apologists of this great crime of slavery and the traitors and treason that have fallen in its defense and to perpetuate it in our land? If such an eflbrt were ever respectable, it is no longer so. Judgment has been pronounced against it and all its defenders, past, present, and future, by the won derful and decisive results of the deadly strife through which we have passed; and to stand up, especially in this Hall, in this high place of the nation, before the whole ople an the world, all of whom unitein the so emu verdictrendered, and defend this horrid crime of the past, and its old supporters as aconsequence, resents a more reckless defiance of the ways of the Almighty than I supposed humanity could gather to itself. This question of negro equality will regulate itself Our society is so organized and our education is such that I have no fears of the results socially of which gentlemen speak. The 2 races will naturally and inevitably be distinct and separate in many respects, while habit, race, and character will keep them socially, as they ever have been, separate and divided. At least it is not wise nor just to refuse to do what every noble and just consideration requires us to do, for fear that some imaginary evil may result from such performance of duty. It is rather wisdom and justice to boldly meet such questions by faithful performance of duty, and provide against actual evil when it does arise. he Gentfrom NewJersey, [Mr. Roesns] after counting the cost of the recent war for the Union, and drawing a vivid picture of the desolation and anguish which it has spread all overthe face of the nation, and declaring that the fathers and relatives of those who thus suffer are the men who suppressed the rebellion, says: “Shall the brave soldiers of our Army be now, by any kind of extreme and radical legislation, put upon pn cgpality with the very men whom they ought to rec Sir, I would give them no rights to which they are not justly entitled. I would let them occupy that position socially,mentally, and morally, which, by a fair share of public favor and a proper and just distribution of privileges and civil rights, they can attain to and hold, by their industry, intelligence, and purity of character. The gentleman himself is more distressed over a contact with these colored men than are the soldiers of the Republic. No soldier who has fought the battles of his country side by side with the black man, or had a part in the same terrible struggle which has resulted in the salvation of the nations life, will shudder over the idea of his being elevated in the scale of being by every possible and just means, and having placed before him every and all incentives to a higher and a nobler life. For such grand results the war was waged in part, and although we did not know at all times what problems were being solved by the fierce conict, still the result has been to us a wonderful revelation. While it has been a struggle between liberty and slavery, it has also been one between the low, the poor, the honest man of toil upon the one hand, and the aristocrat on the other, who, priding himself on his superiority and power, often times usu ed, claimed the benefits of the poor mans toi Without remuneration, and who executed his will by ferce, and by laws he himself had made. The soldier who has aided in crushing out this wicked oppression upon the rights of honest labor, under whatever skin it may be found, and thus established forever in this land by his sufferings those sacred rights, will stand as ever before by the side of every citizen of the Republic, of whatever color, in defense of the rights for which he has fought. Again, the gentleman says this is a white mans Government; that it was intended, as all Governments have been, especially and exclusively for the benefit of white men and white women, and not for those who belong to the negro, mulatto, or Indian race. Our Government is one for all who come under its protection, or of whom it asks obedience and support. The black as well as the white pay taxes to support it, and aid in the defense o its honor and the execution of its laws. Although, as for merly administered, it has been the white mans Government in some respects, and used to crush out the rights of the black man, the great struggle now closed has settled the question that the black man has “rights that the white man is bound to respect.” Just those rights and no more are we bound to defend and protect against oppression and assault from all sources, and see that they are properly guarantied and preserved, which justly belon to him and the altered condition of things emands shall be guarantied to him. The Gentfrom Pennsylvania [Mr. BOY sn] says “the negro has no history of civilization. From the earliest ages of recorded time he has ever been a save e or a slave.” He argues with a good deal o learning and skill to show the inferiority of the black race in every essential particular, and makes it more degraded, if possilglc, than the oppression of ages has made it in fact; but neglects to admit, whmt is aparent to all and cannot be denied, that the ow condition of ignorance, degradation, and, I may say, of inferiority, which it exhibits, has been produced, in the main atleast by the very crushingout process practiced so long upon it by the white race, which boasts of its superiority whileit has its footu on the neck of its subjuted fel low. Ageso crimc, Ofo pression and espotism have passed, and we open wonder at the slow progress of revolution and change in working out and developing thesublime destiny of the hu man race, and fixmg beyond a doubt and irrev ocably the sacred and inalienable rights of hu manity; but, in the applarently slow progress of events great changes have nevertheless been wrought out from time to time, and now and then there has been wrested from the tyrants as a guarantee of privilege and right. So in testruggle which has just clos in our count. During the 1st years of the conflict the colored race within the power of the rebellion, whom gentlemen declare had not energy and manhoo enough to impel them forward to strike for liberty themselves, were repelled from us by every demonstration of power and phys ical force, and driven back to our enemies. We only became powerful, and I may say successful, when we ccame just toward these 00 ple; and as soon as we werejust, and lifte the envy hand of power from their crushed forms and still more crushed spirits, they arose as one man to the rescue, 1st of the Government which had always denied them their liberty, and 2nd, to assert, in the fiery shock of battle their manhood and their claims to freedom and its immunities. The result of this struggle is another demon stration of the fact that the “world moves, ” and, as one after another the iron bands of despotism are broken and the bound and fettered are let loose into abroader sphere of activit to work their way u ward to a higher and nobler destiny, that ere ong the record will not stand as now declared by these gentlemen, but in every particular accord with t leadvanced spirit of the age, civilization and impartial liberty. We should be the last people to plead the legitimate results of our own crimes against the colored race in our own country as a justification of our prejudices and our acts toward them, while we should be the 1st to note the indications of Providence in their behalf, and at least allow them to be at on trial and see if they can sustain their claim to our consideration and favor. My friend and colleague [Mr. CHANLER] devotes his hour to showin that there are no elements of character in the colored race that will justify us in iving it civil rights and privileges as proposed. 1 am sorry that so many good qualities as my friend. possesses should be immed in part, at least, y his determined opposition to the inevitable and logical results of the great struggle of the 19thcentury which has just closed and whose deadl shock of battle have made the world to tremb e, while thrones, despotisms, and tyrants everywhere, have felt the earthquake and been shaken to their very foundations. Why cannot he see as well as others that the old ways are closed, and that a new way has been Opened to our people to walk in, where justice and truth should go 1866; 285 hand in handa highway broad and equal, with no obstructions to impede their regress Save those that God has ordained an plaped upon them, and in it. according to His own immutable purposeand sovereign Will? Thus fart ese coole have shown much obe dience to law antforder, and demeaned themselves as properly as could be expected; and in the field, under our flag, have exhibited rare traits of character, and given the most conclusive evidence that while they desire liberty and cod government, they are ready to do and to die to secure the one and crmanently establish the other. The facts o past history are in man instances against the reasoning of these gent emen, while the present stands out a complete refutation of their whole argument and policy. No class of people, asking for a reco ition of what they eem to be their rights, having shown themselves worthy by the greatest sacrifices, loyalty, and atience, should be denied a fair chance to ving icate themselves before the world and determine the question, as in the case before us, by a practical solution of it. The President, in his message to this House and the country, speaking of the general subject of the treatment of the freedmen, resents the idea I have suggested truthfully and properly when he savs: “We must equally avoid hasty assumptions of any natural impossibility for the 2 racesto live side by side in a state of mutual benefit and good will. The experiment involves us in no inconsistency: let us. then. go on and make that experiment in good faith and not betoo easily disheartened.” “ If they fail and soperish away, let usbecareful that the failureshall not be attributable to any denial of Justice.” These words were made with reference to the question of labor as connected with the freedman and his rights to the proceeds of his labor, which he insists must be protected and guarantied, but have application alike to giving him a fair trial to show himself a man and worthy of the privileges it is proposed to confer upon him. Vhen will there be a better opportunity than the present to try the experiment of impartial su rave and where the place so appropriate as thismistrict? Here we have supreme control, no constitutional difficulties in the way, and should the experiment prove a failure, as I do not believe, but as time will determine, we have the remedy in our own hands and at our control to correct all the evils that may result from it, and can appl it without delay. Sir, a measure of this kin is just, because it will give to a large class of persons, intelligent, upright citizens of this District, enterprising, energetic business men, who hold property and ay taxes, obey and aid in the execution of the aws, the right to be heard in the making of such laws, and a voice in the selection of those who are to execute them and diseasejustice in the District. It is expedient fort e reason that as loyal citizens, by their devotion to our common country, they have established the fact be yond controversy that they know how to, and will appreciate civil rights and privileges when conferred, and demean themselves properly and with decent regard for the public interests. I learn that a largeportion of all the taxes aid into the national Treasury in this District is paid by colored propertyholders and business men; some of whom pay taxes on sums as high as $25,000; whose enterprise and business thrift go very far toward giving this Districtits present advanced condition of prosperity, and whose high moral character, as a class, does not suffer by comparison with any other, when we take into account the favor with which it has been treated by those who have been superior g th in point of priviledge.