Mr. DIXON. Mr. President, the Senate has been addressed since the recetion of the veto messzwc by the Senfrom Illinois, [Mr. TRUMBLLL] the Senfrom Maine, [M12 as SENDEN] and the Senfrom Ohio, [Mr. Snsnunsf] in speeches which, as specimens of arliamentary ebating, are seldom surpassed in this Chamber. With many of the opinions expressed by the Senfrom Ohio I entirely agree; and while I shall differ somewhat from the other 2 Senators, I admired in common with the entire Senate the spirit and tone, not less than the ability, whicht ey brought to t,discussion. It was interesting to notice how the emotions which excited the minds of both these Senators suppressed and subdued, yet not entirely concealed, added new vigor to their language, a fresher coloring to their ideas, and the energy and ardor of controlled and subjected passion to their manner, reminding us of the volcanic fires pent up and smothered in the breast of the mo ntain, which stimulate and invigorate thelnxuriant growth on the surface. Both these Senators were deeply excited by the position taken by the President. They are not m7en quietly to brook opposition, yet they both s okc of him in measured terms of respect. he Senfrom Maine, in particular, used language which I gladly quote: try“.I bIeblieelvieevtehathtattbePresideutisafrieudof hiseoun— be isa patriotic; devoted citizen: that he would do pothing to injure any of its institudtioomnsguitn,doefrwahnaytChireewumassdtaoninege.i"f he was aware,while Yet, when I heard these words from the lips of the Senator, I confess that I felt that they were not much for him to say. I thought it was not much for that Senator to so of him who, when the rebellion broke out—then a member of this body—stood alone of all his southern colleagues faithful among the faithless; who, without any possible hope of other reward than the approval of his own conscience, turned away from all the temptations which beset and over powered almost every other Union man in the oath, who, when the war raged in Tennessee, left these seats where we reclined at ease, and in the midst of rebels and murderers, sulfere for his country in mind and in body, by himself and in his famil, all that man could sulfer and yet live; Isay thought it was not much for the Senator to say that such a man was a friend of his country, that he was “ a patriotic, devoted citizen” “who would do nothing to inure any of its institutions while aware of what he was doing." No, sir, it did not, when I heard it, seem much for the Senator to say. Yet, when I consider when and where it was said, the time, the circumstances, I acknowl edged it was much. When I reflect that it was said, when a leader, made such by his party, in another place, was declorin that the veto, the constitutional return of the Freedmensbill with the Presidents objections thereto was an act of usurpation; when I remember that leading journalists were denouncing the President as a deliberate and dishonored traitor; when I recall the fact that a distinguished Senator had, in consequence of the veto, thought it his to introduce a resolution proposin an amednugyment to the Constitution of the U.S. rendering the President ineligible to a 2nd term of office, I felt that it was very much for the Senator to say, contrasting, as I did, his calmness and candor with the unbridled passion elsewhere exhibited. In viewof this expression of confidence by the Senfrom Maine in the President, in which I most fully share, I desire to say a few words on the sub ect of the resolution now beforens; but beforel do so I wish to imitate the example of the Senfrom Maine in expressing my sentiments on another subject. He took occasion, while discussing this resolution, to allude to the veto message itself. I shall say a few words upon that question; but before I do so, permit me to remark that I felt very much in regard to the Freedmens Bureau bill as the Senfrom Maine said he felt. I voted for that measure, but I voted for it with some de gree of reluctance. I thought it liable to objections; but I yielded my objections as I have often been in the habit of doing and probably again shall be in the habit of doing, to those in whose judgment I have more confidence than I have in my own. But, sir, I never looked upon that measure as a principle. I looked upon it merely as a measure of detail, a mode of doinv a certain thin desirable to be done. When I voted for itI did not suppose myself voting for any principle; I thought was saying that as a measure it was proper to be adopted. But when I found that the POTUS, who was to execute that law had himself such objections to it that he could not sign Iit, was willing to yield my judgment to what I thought might be his better jnd cut. I had, sir, another reason which I will rankly state. It is my belief—right or wrong—that what is known as the policy of the President for the restoration of the late seceded States in this Government is the correct policy, I believe it is the only safe policy.