Mr. Bi?OWN. Mr. President, I do not in tend to enter into any discussion of the constitutional amendment; nor do I propose to enter at this time into any general discussion of the merits of this bill, but shall confine what I have to say distinctly to the amendment which is before the Senate for its action. The Senfrom Ohio has plead very strongly for what he calls jo to these people. I say, sir, that I will do justice to them when they do justice to others. He claims for them the right of representation and self government. I say that I will give them that right of representation and self government when they give it to others who are equally entitled to it, not and a moment before. I do not, so far as my feeling goes, have any especial desire to exclude this new State of Nebraska from coming and taking its place in our Union. On the contrary, all of my predilections, all of food my sympathies, would carry me to oxid it hand to that if?nt State; all of the interests that tie together those western Commonwealths would induce me to go far, very far, to do all in my power to aid that State in accomplishing its admission into the Union. But, sir, I am not prepared here today, in order to accomplish that result, to do what would destroy my own self respect, and to do what I should always feel would be a violation of my duty as an American Senator, commissioned to protect the rights of freedom in this country. Therefore, not for any purposes of delay, not as . militating against this entering into the Union, but in order that my action may be consistent with my faith, in order that I may stand clear on this record of freedom and not vote today for what I voted against yesterday, I have introduced this amendment, which, so far from defeating the admission of this State, will, I believe contribute more to bring it in and to render, it permanently a free republic than any other action that we could take. It has been said that this was imposing unu sual and unheard of terms upon the State of Nebraska. I deny it. I represent here a State that had the same terms proposed, though not with the same object, upon it when it was admitted into this Federal Union. I say that the same character of a proviso which is now offered was placed upon the Missouri bill as a Missouri restriction when Missouri was authorized to come into this Union. I will refer to the action at that day: “A resolution providing for the admission of the State of Missouri into the Union on a certain condition.” The constitution of the State of Missouri contained a clause which prohibited free colored persons from coming into that State. It was held that that was an invasion of the rights of men in this country and of the rights of citizens, and the Congress of the U.S., therefore, before they would admit that State into this Union, passed the following resolution: “Resolved by the Senate and HoRep the U.S.A. in Congress assembled, That Missouri shall be admitted into this Union on an equal footing with the original States, in reapects whatever, upon all the fundamental condition that the 4th clause of the 26th section of the 3rd article of the constitution submitted on part the of said State to Congress shall never be construed to authorize the passageof any law, and that no law shall be. in conformity thers to, by which any citizen of either of the States in this Union shall be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such citizen is entitled under the Constitution of the U.S.: Provided, That the Legislature of the said State, by a solemn public act, shall declare the assent of the said State to the said fundamental condition oni" haf transmit to the POTUS, on or before the 4th Monday in next, November receipatn authentic copy of the said act: upon the whereof the President, by proclamation, shall announce the fact; whereupon, and without any further proceeding on the part of Congress, the admission of the said State into this Union shall be considered as complete.” I hold that there is an instance in point which justifies the action which it is now proposed to take. The men of that day who represented the States of the North and it was by their vote that it was carried felt that these rights of citizens had to be protected, whether the constitution of the State which offered to come in violated them or not, and finding, as they deemed, a violation of them in the constitution of the State of Missouri, they declared that the State should not come in until that was obliterated. Now, sir, what else I do propose here today except to say that this State of Nebraska, when she does come in, shall come in upon the explicit ground that there shall be no denial of the rights of citizenship on the ground of color? Is that any unfair requisition upon this infant State, that it shall do justice to its own citizens, that it shall not rob them of rights that are just as dear as your rights or mine? And, sir, after having passed yesterday an act which was pred icated i.on the right of all men to this suffrage, with what propriety can we come in here this Friday morning and sanction by our vote that which declares that those of a certain color shall be excluded from the suffrage? I ask you, furthermore, after having cast this vote for the admission of Nebraska, with what propriety could I go back to the State of missouri and engage there in a canvass to strike out the same clause, perhaps, from the constitution of my own State? Would I not be met on every stump in that State with the assertion, “Why, here, when you had the power, when Congress was legislating for the Terri tories over which it has exclusive jurisdiction, you refused to strike this clause out.” The argument would be unanswerable, and I would not dare face the people of Missouri on any such issue. Mr. President, I do not believe that this amendment, if adopted, will delay the admission of this State for 60 days. I am advised by those who profess to know the feeling and the temper of that people that they are desirous of adopting a clause of this kind, that they would readily sanction by their vote a clause of this character as a proviso to their constitution. I say that it is perfectly feasible that that vote shall be submitted to them within 30 days from this time, or within any brief period that shall be sufficient to accomplish the preliminary legislation of car rying this bill through Congress. I say therefore that it is no argument, except the argument that you will do everlasting injustice rather than wait for 60 days. That is where the argument stands flat and square. I propose in connection with this amendment, which was drawn somewhat hastily, to modify it hereafter before it comes to a vote so as to indicate precisely the day on which this sense of the people shall be taken there in the State of Nebraska, and the day on which the return of their vote shall be made. That will obviate the last difficulty and the last objection that can be made on that score. I do not see how the American Senate, having voted, as I say they did yesterday, the principle of the right of every man to self government as exercised through the forms of suffrage, can refuse to vote it again here today in regard to the infant State of Nebraska. Mr. President I shall insist in regard to the State of Nebraska, which professes to come here as a free State, as a State that is guarantied to all the essential rights of freedom, upon the same terms that Ij in regard to the readmission of every one of these southern States. I never will, so help me God, vote for their readmission into this Federal Union until they shall blot from their constitutions the distinction which excludes the black man from the right of suffrage. And, sir, I think we might as well begin our reforms at home and in our own family; we might as well begin them in our Territories, where there is no question about the right of Congress to control this matter. I think it would be well if Senators would consider in advance where they may be placed by their legislation on this subject if they shall refuse to exercise the undoubted power which they now have. I trust, sir, that the amendment will be received with favor by the Senate.