Mr. STEWART. I will answer the Senator very frankly. For m self, I think there is too much dangerto rant e risk of giving them the power an I propose to retain it and not take the cance s. The 2nd section of the constitutional amendment proposed by the committee can be justified upon no other theory than that the negroes ought to vote; and negro suffrage must be vindicated before the people in sustaining that section, for it does not exclude the non-voting poulation of the North, because it is admitte that there is no wrong in excluding from suffrage aliens, females, and mine rs. But we say, if the negro is excluded from suffrage he shall also be excluded from the basis of representation. Why this inequality? Why this injustice? For injustice it would be unless there be some good reason for this discrimination against the South in excluding her non-voting population from the basis of representation. The only defense that we can make to this apparent injustice is that the South commits an outrage upon hu man rights when she denies the ballot to the blacks, and we will not allow her to take advantage of her own wrong, or profit by this outrage. Does anyone suppose it possible to avoid this plain issue before the people? For if they will sustain you in reduciii the represe iitation of the South because s to does not, allow the negro to vote, they will do so because they think it is WU)“; to disfranchise him. Why, then, I ask, will they not sustain you in I prefer not to be interstopping the wrong at once? Why license the South to out: 6 equal rights for the small compensation O reduced representation? You do not license murder.Wby not? Because it is a crime. Why should you barter away human rights and authorize oppression? Is that no crime? It is most evident, sir, if we gain a victory at all it will be because the people are satisfied the black loyalist ought to vote; the verdict will be for suffrage. But the verdict will be surplusage. No judgment can be entered on it in favor of human rights. The issue in the pleadings is too narrow. The relief sought cannot be granted. The rebel State governments with all their local machinery, must at once all into the hands of the enemies of the Union, and both the black and white loyalists must then be turned over to the tender mercies of a fierce people smarting under 1,000imaginary wrongs and burning with unuench able vengeance. But you say you will (disfranchise the rebels, and the lan of the committee propoaes continuance O test oaths, disfranchisernents, exclusions from Federal office, die. The accomplishment of this involves military despotism and the utter destruction of republican institutions in the South. This only aggravates the evils, adds to the calamities of our common country; for, instead of liberating 4 million blacks, you will have enslaved 8 million whites. The POTUS will become Dictator its well as President Dictator of 11 States, President of 25. Since it is evident that we must either have disfranchisement and military des potism or enfranchisement and liberty, there can be, no doubt of the verdict of the American people. They have had more difficult questions to decide, and have decided on the broad principles ofhuman rights. The united voice of the loyal North demands the opportunity to settle every question that can again disturb the peace or endanger the liberties of the people or the perpetuity of the Union once or all. The patriotic sentiments echoed from the mountains of Switzerland are recclioed from the loyal American heart. Grant impartial suffrage and universal amnesty, and the great. work is accomplished. I ask the Secretary to read the Swiss address.