Mr. SMITH. You cannot ansWer me just now. I must come back. It cannot be denied that members on the other side lmVe risen here and abused the President, abused his policy of reconstruction and almost everything else that he has presented to Congress. The Gentfrom Illinois [Mia Ixosssou] spoke here on last Saturday or more than 2 hours in abuse of the President. New, I want to know why, if they are allowed to speaka inst him, I shall not be allowed to speak in his favor. There is nothing that they can prouse that willrestore this Union. They cannot say I do not want to interrupt the constitutional prerogative of every State, taxation with representatlon. Itisimpossible. It is the fundamental law. But you say that you are the judges of the qualification of Representatives in Congress, and the Senate are the judges in regard to the qualilication of Senators; and so we can decide tlat question. I venture to say that the Gentfrom Pennsylvania [Mr. Srsvnzvs] and all that class of men will vote sooner, especially afler the year 1870, to admit these traitors into their seats than I will; and I dare you to try it. You do not hate the red handed traitors worse than I do, and you dare not go with me on ajury to try them. You would blanch, you would pale, you would sicken, you would crouch, you would forgive before I would, and save these men from execution who have attempted to destroy this Government, and you sa it by your very conduct and by the proposition you make today. Ifyou wantrepresentation byvoting I say so, and let us have a plain proposition. 0w, I know it is hard to make a speech in the Congress of the U.S. without refer ring to the negro, and I thought I would get through a 30 minutes s eeeh without domg it. But my friendfrom Pennsylvania [Mr. KELLEY] could not helptalk about the dar ey and my friend over here talks about him, an my friend over there talks about him, and my friends all around the House bring him in. Gentlemen, open your pocket, open your hand, open your heart, and let us see whether Union men from the southern States, and wherever they are found, will not do more than on will. I hap on to know some of you we have been caled upon for contributions to feed the hungry and c othe the naked, and you did not respond. [Laughter] and I know there were others that did and yet you get up with your loud mouth deelamation and send your speeches over the country advocating the cause of the 00; black man, while the poor black man, with his face turned to heaven, sa 5, “Lord, de liver me from such friends.” [ aughter.] and He will do it, too. [Laughter We understand it, and we know that if teno depend on you for his bread and his O othing, (now, I am not speaking of the Union party, but of their leaders in Congress; the men who clamor so much about the negro) you are the last men on the face of Gods earth that will help him. Because, no matter whether a man is worth $250,000 and owns a rolling mill, or $150,000 and is engaged in petroleum operations, or is worth $500,000 and is engaged in cotton speculations, whenever a poor darkey comes a ong you cannot do a thing; but if there is an appropriation of $25,000 from the Government of the U.S. coming through the ComDistCol, then the darkey gets it. It is put into the hands of the managers of the Freedmens Bureau, and that institution goes along swim mingly and all is well with the negro. There are 2 extremes.