Mr. MORRILL. On that I will make a statement of the character of the bill. The committee instructed me to report against the House bill, which was abill to amend the act of 1864 which created a Bureau of Immigration in the State Dept, or rather was interpreted by the State Dept to create a Bureau of mmigration. It did not do so, in fact. In fact, the bill of 1864 authorized a Commissioner of Immigration, but it was construed in the State Dept to be a burenu. This bill from the House, it will be seen, is a bill to amend that act by enlarging its powers. The committee, of course, considered the whole subject, the act of 1864 as well as the one before them from the House, and came to the conclusion to recommend the repeal of the act of 1864 which authorized a‘ Commissioner of Immigration, and of course to refuse to concur in the bill which came from the House. Now, I will state, if the Senate have any interest in this subject which I very much doubt by the attention which I see they propose to give me, what that measure is. In 1864 Congress passed an act, as I have said, creating a Commissioner of Immigration. He was to be under the direction of the SecyState. He was to have one clerk here, an he was to have a superintendent of immigration to reside at NewYork, who was also to have a clerk. His duty here was one of supervision; the duty of the superintendent at NewYork was One of supervision 'of immigration at the city of NewYork. They had a right to make rules and regulations, and a right to authorize contracts to be made for the importation of immigrants from abroad, which contracts by this law were declared to be valid and should be enforced in the courts of the U.S. The 1st thing that Occurred to the committee on an examination of this subject was, why should the Government of the U.S. establish in the city of NewYork, or anywhere else, a Bureau of Immigration? On what principle is it that this Government can enter into the business of importing foreign labor? The Senate will see at once that it is a novel feature in the transactions of this Government. It smacks so nearly of that trade which was this side, to actual slavery. African, and was forbidden in the Constitution of the U.S., that we objected to it at 1st on that ground. Then it was so closely allied to the Coolie bpsiness that the committee was astonished that the Senate ever gave it amoment’s consideration. It is to establish a bureau to import labor. We import almost everything else, and we have now come to the importation of men. If you look at the bill of 1864 you will see that they were to be imported under circumstances and rules and regulations which were of such a character, or might be of such a character, as to create an apprehension in the public mind that it was another species of slavery; and so it is provided. It was overlooked, I suppose, by the Senate, when it was passed; but there is an actual provision in that bill that the rules and regulations under which these importations may be made shall not be regarded as reducing these people, when they are landed on But the bill itself did authorize this Commissioner of Immigration to make rules and regulations to enforce contracts which anybody might make abroad, and to pursue those contracts all over this country an where where these imported persons should go, and enforce the contracts by impounding their labor. maintain, and the committee came to the conclusion, that that was a species of slavery; it was a species of servitude which had never been allowed or countenanced in this country. I submit to the Senate whether, with the understanding of the character of that bill, it can ever be conceived that the Government of the U.S. intended to enter into the business of importing men into this country. By that bill they were authorized to make contracts, they were authorized to send agents abroad into the cities and by ways and lanes, and make contracts and advance the expense to bring over this labor, and then the Government'ot the U.S. was to be a party to enforce those contracts and impound the labor and pursue the laborer, the immigrant, where ever he might go to enforce the contract and recover the expenditures. For these reasons, briefly stated, the committee were opposed to the whole system. By way of illustrating the workings of this system I will read, from a para hlct published last year for our instruction whion a similar bill was sent to the Senate by way of amending the act of 1864, the interpretation which those who favored that bill put upon it themselves.' By the way, I on lit to remark that the State of NewYork ha 'for many years a board of immigration, and there is m the city of NewYork now a company of immigration whose business it is to import forcivn labor. They import them on contract. The impert them for any bod who desires the in or. Nbw, sir, all on earth that this Bureau of Immigration has done since 1864 is to act in harmon and in subordination to that emigration ai society or company incorporated by the State of NewYork and doing business at the city of NewYork. The Commissioner or Superintendent of Immigration has held his office in their office. He has cooperated with them. They have made the contracts, and he has sanctioned the contracts. The have made the contracts for foreign labor an sent out for foreign immigrants, and he has ratified those contracts. The not provided that the Commissioner might have power to make contracts with railroads and canals when these passengers should have landed, for carrying them to remote tarts of the country. This company has may c those contracts and the Commissioner has ratified those contracts. He, then, paid by the Government of the U.S., as done nothing else, and the report shows that fact, but to cooperate with the immigrant company in NewYork, to reader that company ctficient, and enable them, through the power of the General Government, to enforce the contracts which they make in foreign countries for the importation of this labor. I submit that it is not a very dignified business for the Government of the U.S. anyway. I submit whether we are disposed to establish a Bureau of Immigration here at and open a subordinate office at NeWYork was to act in harmony with and subordinate to a company whose busmcss it is to import for ei labor. [‘0 show you that I am not mistaken on the subject, I hold in my hand a pamphlet which is a sort of dissertation on the whole thin, coming from this emigrant company, addresse;, not to the Senate, but addressed to a committee of this body last year, in which they set out the defects of the act of 1864, in which they say what its defects are, how it ought to be amended, what they are doing, and what they could do if this Bureau of Immicration were made as effective as it ought to be, and then would act in harmony and cooperation with them. They say: “It should be premised that the American Emigrant Company is a corporation of high character and abundant means, organized for the purpose of importing laborers (skilled and unskilled? upon orders of employers who advance the expenses and pay a small commission for the service." That is all verywell; but what have we to do with that? Now they ask us to come in and throw the shield of the General Government over it, authorize these contracts and 'enforce the contracts which they thus make. "The system adopted is very complete, involving agenciesin all parts of Europe and an cflicient administration here: and so far it works well. The company now asks for no hcl from Governmentbe ‘end the furnishing cfrensoua)IO facilities which will cost the Government nothing. The law of last year which aimed to do this has provedin its practical application defective, and hence the necessity for the further legislation requested. It may also be premised that the company have no interest in this matter which is not entirely coincident with the interestof the country." I read this to show you that the legislation here asked for is suggested by this company, which is established in NewYork a private enterprise for the importation of labor. That is a commercial transaction. I have no objection to that. An company has a right to import labor as wel as anything else; but what iiive we to do with it? Why should we put our fingers in it? Why should we go to their aid and authorize agents to go all over Europe to import labor? Following what I have read, this is what they want us to do, this what they desire the Government to enact into a law: “Tur:Rizurnv. This is l. By making the laborer forfeit double the amount remuiiiing an aid of the expenses advanced by the employer. 2. By enabling the employer to follow him and impound his Wages and other dues wherever he findshim." That is to say, this company go abroad, make, a contract, import1,000 laborers, land them in NewYork and then they want the Government of the U.S. to put agents on their track wherever they go, to Minnesota or the West, follow them through those agents and impound the laborer, to the end that this company, which is engaged in, the business of importing laborers shall not lose the expenses of importation. That is the dignified business in which the Government of the U.S. proposes to be ended by this bill. p Then further: gag "3. By compelling any new employer to elect whether to retain or dismiss the man; and if the former to assume and pay to the importing employer his unpaid bill of advances taking it afterward out of the wages 'of the workman." That is to so and I will come to that by and by this bill provides that we are to send eats all over the country wherever these people go, and if these men, scattered broadcast, do not pay the expenses of their passage, and they are found in your employment, sir, [turning to Mr. Seasons] an agent goes to you and says “Pay over; you must pay over or dismiss the man, ” so that he can put iim to service to pay the expenses of his importation. That is exactly the character of this bill.