Mr. HIGBY. Mr. Speaker, a great deal of argument may beothis question by a simple statement of facts. The Territory of Nebraska has come here with a State constitution asking Congress to admit the Territory as one of the States of this Union. The fact cannot be denied that in asking this of congress they ask it without possessing a population which, under the apportionment of 1860, would entitle them to one member of Congress. I admit, however, that that is not an argument against the proposed action of Congress, for Territories have been admitted as States when t.h.ei.r !population was much less than that reby the apportionment of Representatives; but they are here asking a concession at the hands of Congress such as has been the case in all other instances where Territories have been admitted with a less population than that required by the apportionment of representatives in Congress. Mr. Speaker, it is but a few days since the House voted upon this very question, and that, too, not upon a local bill, but upon a general law for the Territories of the Union, providing that the elective franchise shall not be restricted to the white male citizens of the territories, but that restriction will be taken awa by this bill if the House passes it and the President signs it and it becomes a law. This House stands today committed to that principle, from which it cannot go back, and today Nebraska is one of those Territories in regard to which this House is committed to that principle as much as it is in regard to any other Territory within the limits of the U.S. Päss this bill, with either the Senate provision or the amendment offered by the Gentfrom Massachusetts, [Mr. Boutwell], and, according to the argument of my friendfrom NewYork, [Mr. HALE] and also of my friendfrom Ohio, [Mr. DELANo, ] we restrict the elective franchise so far as the principle which we have declared by our votes on this floor is concerned. Now, it is claimed that it is not entirely a stretch of power on our part, but it is such a use of it as is not sanctioned by good judgment and discretion, for us to attempt to dic State to Nebraska who shall vote or who shall not vote within her limits. Sir, let me call the attention of every member of this House to one thing: we have made some advance since the last session of Congress. At that session the Colorado bill came here from the Senate, and it passed this House with the same restrictions that were in the Nebraska bill before the 3rd section was put upon it in the Senate. But we have progressed somewhat since that time. It is very doubtful from the indications given out by the present debate whether colorado, Nebraska, or any other Territory which comes here with a constitution containing the word “white” can receive for its admission a majority of the votes upon this floor. Dur:ing one year of time this body has made good progress. ow, I would call the attention of this House to this point: while gentlemen are talking about the exercise of power here, I ask gentlemen in what direction is that power exercised? It is not exercised for the purpose of restricting the elective franchise, but of extending it. It is on the road to liberty and to right and to equal and impartial justice. And let no man on this side of the House get up here and pretend to argue this question of power, when it is exercised on that road and in that direction. No man can argue that question in sincerity and in integrity who is ". loyal to his country. I say that every step which we, as the national Legislature, take to extend impartial justice, impartial right, and impartial suffrage is a step in the right direction, and is the exercise of a power which we should exercise. No member upon this floor will rise and tell us that we are obliged to admit one of these Territories as a State. It is within the discretion of this Congress whether it will or not admit any Territory as a State. When a Territory comes here and asks to be admitted as a State let it come here with clean hands and a pure heart, especially when it comes with a less population than is required to elect to this a member from one of the States of this Union; let it come with impartial justice written upon its constitution, or let it keep away from these Halls. The people of Nebraska, and those here who urge us to vote for their admission as a State, ask us to take a step backward in our course for the sake of their own advancement for the time being. Now let our course be onward; and if the people of any Territory desire anything at. our let them fit themselves for the present condition of affairs in our country, and not ask us to go back upon our course. At the last session of Congress we passed what is popularly known as the “civil rights bill, ” and it became a law. By that law every native born person in this country, without regard to distinction of race or color, was declared to be a citizen of the U.S. And yet it would seem that my friendfrom New 3. [Mr. HALE] is as much an old fogy as he was before the great rebellion through which we have just passed. I think he must have forgotten how many of the noble men of this nation have been buried beneath the sod during the struggle for the preservation of this Government, and how many billions our country is in debt from carrying on the war for the preservation of its existence and the liberties of its citizens. Sir, it is said that the right to vote is a privilege which we enjoy. I did not know that it was simply a privilege which I enjoyed. If it is a privilege, then I would like to know who extended to me that privilege; I would like to know the origin of the power to extend it. It has been claimed that the people of the U.S. possess the sovereign power in this country; and if you make any distinction by reason of race or color, it is because might makes right, and on no other ground.