Mr. TRIMBLE. The Constitution and the Union. SPEECH OF HON. L. S. TRIMBLE, or KENTUCKY, in HoRep, June 16, 1866, In Committee of the whole onthestate of the union, on the President's annual message. [The SPEAKERstated therewere severalgentlemen wowished to speak. but were preeludej by the closing of the debateon the state of the Union and if there were no objection they could hand their speechesto the reportersto be printed in the globe, There wasno objection and it was ordered accordingly] Mr. TRIMBLE. Mr. Chairman, I had not intended to trouble this committee with any remarks upon this message. But when I hear, day after ay, such flagitious calamnies hurled at the fame and memories of the departed heroes and statesmen of the Revolution by gentlemen whose great learning and exerieuce as statesmen have been developed in this war, by their cries for blood, by the violence and viiidictiveness of their natures, sharpened by confiscation acts, illegal proclamations, suppression of speech and the press, and who now gloat in their revenge upon unarmed men, IUDO‘ cent and defenseless women and children, I feel that to be silent under such circumstances would be criminal and recreant to every principle of honor and manhood. It must be a source of profound regret to every votary of republican and representative government, that t ie dominantor revolutionary party now upon this floor, professing to represent the people of this great Government, was elected to the places they now hold amid the most terrific, cruel, and bloody civilWar over waged since the morning of creation; elected upon the paramount and distinctissuc, as they professed, to preserve, protect, and defend the gonstitntion and the Union. But, oh! how shamefully they have violated, and are today violating. all their solemn resolves and pledges; trampling beneath their unhallowed feet the Constitution they have sworn‘ in the presence of God to support, protect, and defend. Charity would probably lead for them, in much of the legislatingdone lierc, that they are acting under the inspiration of a Constitution they are going to make, which is to be odorous with the fra rance of their recently emancipated allies and friends, the negroes, who are, as the say, so preeniinently qualified to govern an control this great country, schoole as they have been in that great school of slavery by cruel and in human masters. With such high Christian results accomplished by these southern people, on lit you to lose the services of such valuable an eilicient teachers of Africans? I shall not be surprised to hear next that a fleet of Yan kee ships are on the way from the land of Africa or some other country, with a new supply of Congoes, to be elevated to the high estate of voters and American citizens by and through servitude and slavery. Of one thing Ifeel as sured, ifthe past be any criterion for the future, they will take good care to be aid in gold, as they were paid for those the orth sold to the South before the suppression of the slave trade. The people of the South are not alone responsible for the institution of slavery. Did not the NewEngland and northern ship owners and capitalists receive rich and solid tribute from this trade they then so zealously protected, and now so unanimously denounce and condemn? If their avaricious schemes aided by the Freedmen’s Bureau had not been frustrated by the timely interference of the veto of President Johnson, the unfortunate negroes of the South would today be under the most galling and despotic slavcry the world ever saw, with only a change of masters, with none of the care and responsibilities of that humane but much abused class in the South. Sir, this Republican party must entertain the hope and beliefthat there is no hereafter; that an outraged. oppressed, and tax ridden people will never again be free. You deceive your selves when you lay that flattering unction to your souls.“ We do not despair of the Union and the Constitution. That glorious era of law and of order, of freedom to the white man, cannot long be deferred. In defiance of bastiles and guard houses and the minions of tyrants who would enslave them, the toiling millions cannot and will not long be enslaved. They will burst the chains that bind them, and in their just and righteous indination hurl from power these tyrants and revolutionists who are today sowing broadcast the fatal seed for another rebellion or revolution. Pause, I beseech you, in this career of force and of madness. If you, from this Capitol, force upon the people of the States, North and South, without their consent, your dogmas of negro equality, of negro suffrage, the Freedmen’s Bureau, and kindred measures, with the tyrants and nsurpers that must followin the very nature of things; these measures must and will produce, in my judg ment, alienation and disunion. War will be the inevitable result of such sectional, unjust, and flagitious legislation, if God in His mercy does not avert it. We have had enough of war, carnage, blood letting, and assassination to satisfy, it seems to me, the thirst for blood of anyone, even a hyena. The white people of Maine and of Texas, of all the States, are of right free, and should he treated as free men. They are taxed, and should be entitled to vote, with representatives here. They ought to he treated With kindness and justice. Friend ship and union, to be lasting, should be recip rocal and founded in equality. Why not deal gently with them, as God has dealt with you? ent teat you to avoid the further shedding of blood. This can be accomplished by us in acting as behmes Christians and patriots, uniting our whole country in the bonds of union. justice, and mercy, thus makingthe U.S. truly a refuge and asylum, not only for our own people, but for the oppressed of every nation and eve clime. In the district which Ir have the honor to represent, the 1st Kentucky, this remorseless and despotic party have, by their minions and miserable satellites, robbed, pillaged, and plundered the citizens to enrich themselves; burned their houses and their homes, turning innocent women and helpless children homeless to the wintry blast and cold charity of a fi iendless world, and today are repudiating just claims for preperty consumed by the Army and destroyed by order of military commanders. They have held our elections, driving from the olls loyal and legal voters at. the point of the pay onet; issuing and executing illegal and infa mous military orders; imprisoning loyal citizens for no cause except they refused to make war upon the Constitution; ordering our loyal judges to dismiss cases and enter up decrees to serve the iirposes of tyrants and criminals; imprisoninglbyal and law abiding citizens for no crime except opposing crime, lawlessness, and vice. Hear the following summons and return: TIMCommonwealth Kentucky, To theSherryof McCracken (Imam, greeting. You are commandedto summonColonel James N. McArthur. Colonel A. M. York and the owners of the steamboatcharmer and A. M. deSouchot, the masterand part owner thereof.to answer on the 1st day of the next Qctober term of the MeCracken circuit court. a petition filed against them in the said court, by R. Saunders and warn them that upon their failure to answer.the petition will be taken for confessed, or they will heproceededagainstfor contempt; and you Wlll make due return of this sum monson the 1st day of the next Octobertelm ofsaid court. Witness.B. SMALL.elcrk ofsaid court.this 20thday ofScptember, 1565. B. SMALL. A copy. Attest: B. SMALL. 0. M. C'. C. Hmn UABTERS DISTRICTWssr (ex recur. PADUCAK, Ksn'riicsv. Septembe2r3, 1865. Respectfully returned through the sheriffof Me Crncken county to13.‘Small.clcrkof the circuiteourt. The civil authorities had no power to summon u. U.S. o ilicer, no hrave theyanyjurisdiction toward the military in a State or Territory where martial law prevails. Nor have they any jurisdiotion overofficersor soldiers of the U.S.Army in any State or Territory where the writ of babes: coAunrty“ has beensuspended. further prosocution in this caseor any other caseof this character Will subjecttheparties to arrest and imprisonment. Bycominiind of Colonel {amesM. McArthur, commanding district of West lxontuck and 2nd bri gade. 1st division, de:irtinentof Kentucky: SAM EL WATSON. A. A. G. Acopy. Attest: B. SMALL.0. H. 0. C. This was long after the surrender of the last confederate soldier, when we should have had peace with law and order. Another specimen. I will read one of the said orders, published in McPherson’s book, page 313, upon which there was a return of “fully executed by the military, August, 1863, ” to wit: disruler or Cowniius. HEADQUARTERS Six'rn Division Six riiizs'rii ARMY Conrs. Cotunnus. Kssruexv. July 29, 1883. That no further doubt may exist as to the intent and meaningof Special OrdersNo.159. dated headquarters 16th Arm corps, July 14.18%, it is orderedthat no icrson shall bepermittedtobevoted for or be a cam idate for officewho has been or is nutotweruinngderarrestor bonds.by proper authority. for disloyal languageor sentiments. conntyiudires within this district are herebyor derod to appoint asiudges and clerks of the ensuing August electionson y such personsas are avowedly and unconditionally for the Union and the suppression of the rebellion, and.are further orderedto provokennd recall any appointment of judgesor clerks alreadymadewho arenot such loyal persons. Judges and clerks of elections are creby ordered not to place the nameof any'gcrson uponthe poll books. to be voted for at sai election, who is not avowedly and unconditionally for the Union and the suppression of the rebellion or who may be opposedto furnishing men and moneyfor the suppICSMOHof the rebellion. Thofollowiiiiz oath is prescribed and will be administered by judges of electionsto voters and to such candidates as reside within the district: dosolemnlyswearthat I have never entered the service of the socalled confederate States: that I havenot beenengagedin theserviceof theso callod 'pr'ovisional governmentof Kentucky.’ either in a civil or military capacity: that I have never.either directly or indirect!, aided the rebellion againstthe Governmentot‘tho U.S.orthestate of Kentucky; that I am unconditionally for the Union and thesuppression of the rebellioiun nd am willing to furnish monand moneyfor the vi orousprosecution of the war againstthe rebellious ea a known as the ‘oonfoderatoStates.’ So help mo od." Any voter, judge or clork ofclect ons, or other por so n.whomag evade, neglect or refuse compliance with this order. will be arrested and sent beforea {nillit‘iliry commissionassoon asthe factsaresubstan lfl. e By order of Brigadier General Asboth: T. 11.HARRIS. Auislanl Ail/Want General. This, with some 12 others, with the “ bas tile, " wasused in 1863to elect one L. Anderson to vote in violation of the known wishes of the people of thatdistrictto amend the Constitution, arrest a citizen and candidate without cause, then make his arrest cause for striking his name from the poll book, and disfranchising and imprisoning his friends; which was done in this instance, as the records show. All of which was done in plain and open violation of the constitution and lawsof Kentucky. 0 shame! where thy blush? This is the character of appliances brought to bear by a venal and desperate party to maintain the constitution and the Union. No; not Wmain the Constitution and Union, but to overthrow it and the liberties of the people. The vote on the 13th amendment stood 119 to 56, not a majority even of a full Congress, much less 2/3rds. I regret to say it was carried by the votes of men from border slave States. A change of 3 votes would have altered the result. Without the vote of this bayonet Congressman, L. Ander son, and the aid of 2 others elected by like means we would have today the Constitution as our fathers made it, with union, peace, and prosperity. This is the way our Constitution wasamended: robbing Kentucky and the South of $4,000,000,000 of property. But shall this dominant party claim that numbers are the great element of free government when they are really a majorit of a mine irty, if you estimate the whole iv iite voting population of the U.S.? Defiantly we are told that such a majority is infallible and omnipotent; the divine right of kings to rule is only transferred to this malignant minority. have been taught that one of the objects of constitutional and well regulated Governments was to restrain excited and revolutionary majorities; to protect the weak. A Constitution to the self constituted dictators in this House is but unrighteous inventions restricting liberty. No Constitution ought to exist, but that we Democrats should bow to the great Sanhedrim of the saints, admit that the are the saints, whose 1st dut is to free all the negroes in the South, and made them voters, to keep up the republican or disunion party. Then enslave an disfranchise the white people there, and take their property that they have not already taken; they to meet in caucus and keep up their organization; to bring out their flats in defiance of President, people, and Constitution. I will give you a specimen of this immaculate party’s tactics and documents in the cam paign of 1864 in my district: Hsxoqum'rsns DISTRICT Wizsrizus Kizxrocsv. Psnuexu. Seznrmber o, 1864. Mr. L. S. Truman: You are licreb notifiod to up car at the countia room of B. G. rnzelton. in the city of Paducii. within ten daysfrom this date, and pay over the sum of 5,000 dollars. the amount of an assessment levied on you to reimburse Union mon for irotpertty taken by rebelsin thoirsoveral raids in this is no. Byorder of 11rigadier General 13.A. Paine. Commanding district of Western lumtiickyi, W. M. STARKS. M. REDD B. a BRAZELTQN, Commissioners Officehours from 2 to 5 o'clock u. in. 1866.] Brazelton denies this act. This was executed upon me by delivery at my office in Paducah, Kentucky. This is but one of 100s issued by that incarnate fiend Paine, by which 1000s were imprisoned, robbed, pillaged, and plundered. Kentucky, with all her sufferings and wrongs, inflicted by those who profess to eher friends, has remained as true as the needle to the pole to the Union and the Constitution. Still she is taunted by upstarts as disloyal. You won der that Kentucky complains at the treatment she has received at the hands of the Federal Government. She does complain with just and holy cause. Every promise and pledge made to her was made only to be broken; every right and privilege, however dear and inalienable to her under the Constitution, has been trampled under foot with scorn and contempt. Can you wonder she complains? It is the consequence of your own infliction of wrongs. "The blood will follow wherethe knife is driven, The fleshwill quiver where the pincertears." Your friendship to her has been worse than hostility. She feels its embrace by the pressure officrfetters. lain only amazed that she submits to such tyranny and usurpation. Forbearance will ere long cease to be a virtue. She has petitioned respectfully in time of war; she was told to wait until the war was over: that was not the time. We now petition in time of peace to make and execute our own laws. We are told the war is not yet over. Our remonstrances were 1st mocked and construed into treason, then into impudence and audacity. Why do you by your legislation draw invidious distinctions between Kentucky and her loyal sister States of the North? Was it because she refused to be precipitated into revolution and join her kindred and friends of the South, hilt adhered nnfalteringl to the Union and Constitution, offering andysacrificing upon every battle field her heroic and gallant sons that the nation might live? Is this the justice you would have meted out to you? Is it justice? Nay, sir; it is base ingratitude. The faith that has been kept with Kentucky has been only Punic faith. The Government by solemn enactment of law agreed to pay the loyal States for the slaves which voluntarily enlisted or were forced into the Army. Under this law Maryland and Delawarewere artially compensated for their lost property y. nt Kentucky has never been pai to this day. The late President forbid the appointment of commissioners to adjust the claims of citizens of my State; and notwithstanding there are millions of dollars in the fund set apart for tjiis nrpose, she has not been paid, and never will 0 in my opinion, if the majority here shall remflln Ill Lio‘ver There have been inan things done in Kentucky that I do not in orse, that never were indorsed by a majority of her people. But throughout this entire conflict a majority of her noble and gallant sons have heroicall and defiantly stood by the principles of selggov eminent so indelibly impressed upon them by the teachngs of her immiortal and patriotic sires. She was the 1st born of Virginia, that mother of States and of statesmen, which contributed more to establish this Government than any other State. Virginia gave to the U.S., in a spirit of patriotism and undying love for the Constitution, an empiretho Northwest Territory now comprising the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, represented on this floor by 56 Representatives, in the other end of this Capitol by ten Senators. By this act she have t iat ric and valuable country to the U.S. Little did Virginia then dream or believe that the children of her common country, aided by her bounty and enjoying the richest legacy ever enjoyed by any people in the world, would se soon and so far forget their duty to themselves, their country, and benefac tor, as to now turn upon her with assion and malignity to drive her, mutilate as she is, from the Union and the Constitution of her fathers, levying onerous and uneual taxes upon her charred ruins, denying ier representation as a coequalState. Honor and justice revolt at. sueingratitude. This fell spirit would drive your mothers from your houses and homes, making them wanderers and outeasts, with no place to lay their weary, devoted heads. The dominant party here treat with scorn and derision the ( declared policy of the President and the people of the North and South. They have placed the Government of the constitution in abeyance, and its legislative and executive functions are usurped by arcvolution ary cabal who, in obedience to caucus, govern the nation through the forms of a directory. The right of each State to regulate the ualilications of its electors is denied, the wiil of the Heople of the DistCol is overrid en; and by an almost unanimous vote they are for according to the negro equal political rights with the white man. The initial step, in my opinion, to a war of races has been taken, and a consolidated Government looms up in the future, if it. be not already accom p islied. Sir, if the rights and powers claimed by the majority here for the Federal Government be not restrained, then, indeed, have we become a grand military centralized despotism, with no restraint upon the fury of passion or venality of party warfare. If you have a right by constitutional amendment to take my private property without compensation, either for pubhc use or not; if you have the right, under your Freedmen’s Bureau bill, by despotic a ents, to invade the States in times of profoun peace, take my land, arrest. fine, and imprison me, denying me the right of suffrage, the writ of habeascorpus, trial by jury, or bail, then I fear indeed the Union is gone, our liberties forever lost. If they have authority thus to act the can with the same imunity create titles otynohility, declare Butler king or Fred. Douglass emperor, repudiate the public debt, abolish trial y jury. What may they not do? We are told by the majorit in their fury and frenzy that President Jo nson’s infrac.tions of the Constitution in England would have cost him his head. They should remem her and ponder upon it well, and not forget that they have heads also, and that history often repeats itself. We are informed that some instances have occurred when the gal lows and guillotine were used contrary to the wishes of the inventors for the execution of the builders and makers. I know of no better guide for the future than the past. While we adhered to the Constitution we had peace, wealth, prosperity, and happiness, challenging and commanding the respect and admiration of the world, our commerce whitened every sea, our proud tlag waved honored and respected in every port. Why is this not so today '1 The war is over. You can trace all our troubles and trials to this one source disobedience to our own Constitution and laws. Sir, when we demand that our Constitution and laws shall be respected and obeyed, ought we not to respect and obey them ourselves? You have whipped SCarolina and the other seceded States into obedience under our Constitution and laws. We require them to pay taxes, we require them to do more in the way of tribute to the Government than we require from. NewEngland. What do you give them; in return? nothing but insult, cruelty, and oppression. You declare them aliens and foreigners. You pass 'Tinjust laws to impoverish, degrade, an finally destroy them as a people. By the resoiution passed by Congress and by this House on the 22d day of July, 1861, it was solemnly asserted by the Congress of the U.S. that the war was prosecuted not to oppress, nor to conquer, nor to subjugate, nor to overthrow, nor to interfere with the rights of the States, but to defend and maintain the Constitution and 'preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired. When accomplished, the war ought to cease. On the 6th of February 1863, President Lincoln apthorized Secretary Seward to make the followmg important nvowal, among other things, in reply to an offer of mediation between fire U.S and the confederate States made by the French Government: “ We havehere, in the political sense, no North and South, no northern an southern States."Tho. Congressof the U.S. furnishes a constitutional forum for debate between alienated parties. Sens&Reps from the loyal portion of the people and others already, frocly empoweredto confer; and seats also are vacant and inviting Sens&Reps of this discontented party, who maybe constitutionally genttherefrom the States involved in the insurrec long These declarations contain the whole gist of the policy, not only of President Lincoln, but of the Government, as declared by the 3 great depts, legislative, executive, and judicial. Does the Government stand by these solemn iledges made to the North, South, East, and Vest, and to the world? Did not Congress and Mr. Seward, the organ of the Governmen hereby and herein declare that we accepteld the war to make good and defend the constitution and guaranty the State governments with all their dignity, equality, and rights unim aired? Was this resolution an odicial eclaration issued to deceive and inveigle into the Army the true men of the country who held the principles therein contained? Was this a deliberate falsehood or a solemn farce, to be changed with new scenery in another act, or were they high, holy, and national manifestoes to the people of the States and the world of the purpose and object for which the war was waged? I must weep for my country if she, when reason resumes its throne, shall then repudiate and renounce these solemn pledges thus expressed, and turn the whole power of the Government upon one section, and crucify States and State institutions, which cost such fearful sacrifices of blood and treas ure, and which she undertook to protect and save throu by all time. It is sai the States of the South seceded and formed a new socalled government. The did, and we declared these acts null and voi. They appealed to the sword so did we and submitted the question to the nrbitrament of war and the Go of battles. The result is before the world and a part of the history of the country. The decree should now be rendered that the Union is saved, the Constitution is saved, the States are saved, with the rights of every citizen in this land preserved, with the 11 stars of the South upon that glorious old flag shining with renewed splendor and loi'y. Desecrate not that flag, I entreat you, fiy mutilation or by tearing from its folds 11 or one single star; let it continue to greet the breezes of heaven as the ensign of 36 coequalStates united by a just Government, she ding its blessings upon all like the dew. of heaven. Let there e one refuge secure from tyranny and oppression; let that glorious refuge be here in the U.S.A. s I have ever believed and sincerely bolievo today that the only way or hope to save this Union and preserve the life of the nation will be to preserve inviolate the Constitution. Tell me not that you can preserve my life after you have torn out my heart; it is as idle to talk of preserving this nation by overthrowing her constitution. Under no circumstance conceivable by the human mind have I or would I ever violate that Constitution for any purpose. I will cling to it as the last hope of freedom, as the bond of unity in the past, as the only prac tical bond of union in the future, the onlyland lifted above the waters to which the ark of the Union can be moored. From that ark alone will 0 out the dove, which shall return bringing the habeascorpus and the olive branch of peace. The Union was originally formed by the exercise of a spirit of conciliation and compro mise; to restore and preserve it the same spirit must prevail in our councils and the hearts of the people. Who will assert that ourances tors would have formed this Union with the people of the North if the feelings and opinions now existing among them had then existed? When the Constitution was framed there was then no hatred, no sectional strife, no negro snifrage, no Freedmen’s Bureau, no military despotism, no high tariffs, no taxation without representation to enslave one section of the country to carry cut the Black Republican negro policy to the detriment and disgrace of all. Then they were onequalStates, protected alike, acknowledged by this Government and the world to be sovereign and independent States. By the Constitution certain duties were imposed upon the several States, and the exercise of certain of their powers was restrained, which implied their continued existence as States. But to remove all doubt an amendment was added which declared that the powers not delegated to the U.S. by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States. are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. The reserved rig its of the States have been treated as nullities, not worth the aper on which they were written. The finances of the country demand our immediate consideration. If we would avoid bankruptcy and repudiation our taxes should be equal and uniform. The wealth of the country should bear its just proportion, whether in bonds, stocks, or anything else. The rate of interest should be reduced, the debt scaled whenever there was fraud or want of consideration. All just claims should be paid. We should settle fair. When we go into court for equity we should do justice ourselves. Sir, it has been said in this Hall and elsewhere, by distinguished leaders of the radical party, that the Constitution and Union should never be restored as it was before this terrible civilWar. Disunionists may and will object, but patriots would glory in such aresult. Would to (mod I had it in my power, I would issue a general amnesty and let the captives free. I would open the ncw made graves from the Rio Grande to Gettysburg, restore the dead tolife, the widows to their husbands, the orphans to their fathers, and the charred ruins and desolations of the South to all their original splendor. Sir, I would restore the maimed, the halt, crippled, and the blind with a reunion of frien s and of States under the Constitution, with the ardent prayer that God in His wisdom and mercy should never again scourge a people as we have been. But, sir, that is impossible. But we can and ought to do this for the 1000s who have upon each side, in the dischargeof what they considered their duty to their od, their country, their homes, and their firesides who havegene from the bloody fields of war to that undiscov ered bourne from whence no traveler ever returns we should throw over their graves and memory the mantle of charity, foster and protect their widows and orphans, and, if 0881 lo, save for the living and posterity the constitution unamended by tinkers, and which I trust will yet bless uswith the best Governmentever vouchsafed by God to any people since the morning of creation. Let us act with charity toward all and malice toward none; save, re. store, and protect what is left from the fires of war to the living and those)vho are to come us. We are told by the action of congress the southern people are disloyal. Will t ie taxing of cotton, the adoption of the various amendments submitted here and to the States, crushing out the last vestige of State rights and the liberty of the citizens, make them loyal? They were told, “ Ifyou will abolish slavery, g iveu 4,000 millions of property guaranties to you by the Constitution of the U.S., and yours by law until confiscated by legal process; if you will ratify the amendment and repudiate your war debt for the payment of which the faith of your States were pledged in many instances, it will be evidence of your loyalty and submission to the Federal Government; you will be entitled then to return to the house of your fathers.” They did all this with an alacrity and unanimity never displayed before by any free people. But now it is soughtto enforce other more onerous and degraing conditions. The pound of flesh was nominated in the bond. but not one jot of blood. Suppose the southern people could be so lost to honor and manhood as to accept the terms proposed by the radicals or revolutionists would their abject obedience to your unlawful behests fit them in any sense to become free American citizens? The people of the South say we have thought 5 years’ residence was necessary to fit the intelligent foreigner for citizenship, soasto acquire knowled e of our institutions, yet Congress willadmitt at the negro, even though in besotted ignorance, is better than the foreigner, equal before the law with ourselves. Eufranchising the negro by congress. will that make the South loyal? 'lheim position of such an act, its acceptance or non-acceptance does not change their position. Whatis the test a great nation should make of loyalty other than submission to the Constitution as it is and the laws passed in pursuance thereof? Does any gentleman here pretend a necessity for any other test? Does he apply any other test to his own loyalty, or ought he in justice? I fear there are some among us who care less for loyalty than power and plun der, and nothing for justice, but more to spit out their venom an wreak vengeance on a brave and chivalrous people whom the fortunes, of war have prostrateg at our feet. Nationalize our people; obliterate alL sectional feeling by national, just, and humane laws. Every man should be proud of his State when its people have adorned their manhood by deeds of chivalry and valor. Has anyone here looked on a returning regiment from the war, belonging to his own or native State, who has heard of its valor on the field? He sees its ranks thinned, and knows these veterans are battle scarred; he sees that flag which was presented to them brought back, but in tatters, for it has home the storm of battle. Who is there that does not feel a pride for these men, and for the State that gave them birth, North or South? Shall the people of the South be denied this poor privilege, and if you please, to weep over their fallen braves, shed tears for departed friends? Nay, sir, let her fair women decorate the lonely graves of their loved ones and strew flowers upon the cold clay that covers their mortal remains. There is no treason in this. Do you fear dead men, or would you crush this feeling of affection that has commanded the respect of the wise and good of all ages? The issues which divided the Democrats and Abolitiouists before the war are, as Mr. Lincoln predicted, again upon us. The democratic party are unanimously in favor of restoring the Union with the rights of citizens uuimv ired the Republican party is against it. Then the cry was “ No union with slave holders." Now it is “ No union with rebels.” What further punishment do you propose to inflict on the South on your own country men? Do you wish to prey on them as Eng r land has on poor Ireland, or crash then as the Kaiser did the Hungarians, or obliterate those States as Poland has been blotted out from the map of Europe by the Russian Czars? Sir, ifyou do not intend to have a Union upon terms of equality, you had better at once let the South go in peace, for no brave people ever did or ever will submit long to such taxs and oppression without representation. Our fore fathers fought for representation. They establilshed the principle by the otfering of their lives and their by cod that representation and taxation should go together. Is that principle less dear to American free men today? o, sir; it will continue to low and burn until again enshrined in the carts of every true American in this land, and woe to the man or party that stands in the way of this inalienable right. 11 States are kept out of the Union as subjugnted provinces. 22 senators are denie votes in the Senate in plain violation of that provision of the Constitution (article 5 that you admiteannot be amended except bteconsent of the State deprived of her equa voice in the Senate. NewEngland had well pause and survey the ground this procedent establishes; it may some day deprive her of her arrogance and power. AsAmerican free men and Democrats we will raise the banner of the Constitution and Union, emblazon upon its folds taxation without representation is unconstitutional and tyrannous, and resistance to tyrants is obedience to God. Upon this issue we will appeal from Conggess to the people, the source of all power. ho can doubt the result, aided as we will be by AndrewJohnson, the patriot and pea le’s friend, and by every lover of law and or er? In this contest we do not seek partisan advantage; we are battling for the rights of all. We are determined that freedom of speech and of the press shall be unimpaired, although they may be used to denounce us and the Constitution. We intend that rights of conscience shall be protected, although mistaken views of duty may turn the temples of God into theaters for partisan denunciation. This Congress will not save the Union. It has, by its vindictive legislation, by displays of hate and passion, placed obstructions in its own pathway which it cannot.overcome, and has hampered its own powers of action by illegal and unconstitutional acts. But if Congress will not save the Union the great constitutional Democratic party can. Congress has placed many thin s above the Constitution; we put it 1st of alfiThey think amendments to the nrganic law are worth more than Union and peace; we demand no conditions for the res toration of the Union. We are shackled with no prejudices, no hate, no passion. We wish for fraternal relationship with the people of the South. We demand for them what we demand for ourselves, the full recognition of the rights of States and every citizen thereof. In the coming elections the people must decide with which of the now great political rties they will net. But as they value their iberty, vote for no man whose position is doubtful. If they wish for Union, peace, and liberty, they will act with that party which does now and did love and reverence the Union of ouarlwfaatysers. If they wish peace, they will act with those who sought to avert the war, and who now seek to restore good will and harmony among all sections of our common count. If they care for their rights as persons, an the sacredness of their homes, they will act with those who stood up to resist arbitrary arrests despotic legislation, illegal proclamations, an the overthrow of the judiciary, the last hope of justice and liberty. I have yet faith in the patriotism and intelligence of the American people. To them must be submitted this nio mentous question. To them I shall look With an abiding confidence for the triumph of the Constitution over all enemies.