Mr. JOHNson. I guess again, and I was that in friendfrom NewHampshire fivMr. CLARK] as some knowledge of it. The State of Michigan, in 1860, had 200, 474 white males of 20 and upward, and only 1, 808 blacks of the same age, being a ereentage of 8 10thsof 1%. 'Ilhere is no terror in the operation of this clause upon my friendfrom Miielii on, whose State Will have at least as many epresentatives as she has now, even if she stops growing. Ours is to be diminished; here, at least, is to remain as it is, to be changed only by an increase of her population. Every man in Michigan, every woman in Michigan, every alien in Michi n, every rebel in Michigan, (if they have re cls there,) is to enter into the calculation of the number which is to constitute the basis of representation of Michigan. One 4th of our aggregate male po nlation is to be deducted, more than one hal of that of SCarolina and Mississippi is to be deducted. Now, what is it all for? What is the purpose of the exception? Th'ere can be but one. In Maryland we have a contest now gomg on, which, as I judge from the newspapers is supposed by one side to involve the question of negro suffrage, and upon the other side to be wholly irrespective of that question. What is this provision for? Is it not to force negro suffrage upon every State by holding out a punishment, or a provision in the nature of a for fciture, to any State that denies it? Does it not say to the State of Maryland, “You are now represented in the councils Of the nation by 5 Representatives in the House 01 representatives; but you shall in future, when this provision goes into operation, be represented only by four, unless, contrary to your Judgment, contrary to your past policy, contrary to what all parties among you allege to‘be your present conviction, you agree to admit to the right of suffrage your black population who are of the age of 21 years and upward?” The effect, therefore, of the measure which I am discussing and of course its purposefor gentlemen of the intelligence of those who are friends of this measure must be supposed to know what its effect is and to design to bring about in someway or other some change in the polities of the State the effect is to strip the South of a portion of her representation unless she will agree to change her suffrage laws. I do not know that the South wou d adopt I am sure that it ought not to adopt the course which I am about to suggest; but suppose that the moment this provision is adopted they admit their blacks by law to the right of suffrage; then their representation will not be dimin ished. Suppose that when the representation has been apportioned on this basis, they repeal those statutes. The right to do either cannot be denied. The right to do the 1st is conceded by the proposition before us, and the power which includes the right to do the 1st necessarily includes the right to do the other. Are you going to change the number of Representatives of those States just in proportion from time to time as the suffrage may be extended or diminished? If that is the object, we shall be in a state of constant turmoil. Why should it be so? What can the northern States apprehend from having the States of the South represented as the Constitution now provides? What, gentlemen, are you afraid of looking at your own section? What now is the whole number of Representatives? The whole number of Representatives in the other House, under the apportionment made after the census of 1860, in virtue of the act of March 4, 1862, and other acts, is 242. Of that number what were denominated as free States before slavery was abolished are entitled to 157, and what were known as the slave States 85, showin an excess of Re iresentatives on the part of free States over those from the slave States of 72. In other words, if the States were all represented now as they were represented before the rebellion commenced, there would be a clear majority of Representatives upon the part of the northern States of 70 tivo. Then it is an insult to those States, it is to impeach the integrity of their Representatives now in Congress or who may come into Congress at any time hereafter, to suppose that with such a majority as that the respective interests of their States, if such interests shall be supposed to conflict at all with the interests of allthe States, will not be protected. It is to toll the country that you doubt your own ability; you, with 157 Representatives, doubt your power to cope in the councils of the nation with 85 Representatives from the southern States; to tell them consequently that although your majority is a majority of 70 stwo, you are apprehensive that in some way or other the South may get the control of the Government. What a reflection upon yourselves! I was about to say, how dishonoring to yourselves, if such an apprehension is entertained, is such an apprehension. What an imputation it is upon the wisdom and the firmness and the patriotism of your own people. What a strong and starth ng fact will it be considered and be used by those who question the ability of the people to govern themselves, that their representatives upon this floor wish to guard by constitutional amendment their being injured by the efforts of 85 men coming from the southern States against 157 nien coming from the free States. I invoke honorable Senators to be as firm, as decided, and as energetic in defending the interests of their respective States in the coun cils of the nation as they and their people have discovered themselves firm and energetic in defending the interests of the whole upon the battle fields of the late struggle. Do not show the white feather now. Do not, above all, say to your fellow countrymen and to the world, “We are not the equalsof the men of the South when we are roiight together in the councils of the nation.” Egondo not think so, I am sure; certainly I do not think so, and never have thought so; but I invoke you, as a friend, not to interfere with the rights secured to the southern States now by the Constitution which our fathers gave us, upon the pretense, utterly without foundation, that the rights of your respective States will be subjected to the slightest peril by continuing the representation as it stands. Mr. President, I have now said all that I propose to say upon the operation of the 2nd section as it was originally presented to the Senate and as it is proposed to be amended by the honorable member from Oregon, and having upon a former occasion submitted all the remarks that I deem it necessary to submit in relation to the 3rd section of the original proposition, which I do not understand it is proosed to alter