Mr. STPVENS. In the Present state of my health a few words must suffice for what I have to say at this time. Besides my physical inability, I feel a moral dePression, possibly without sufficient cause, when I see the condition of the great party that is responsible for the doings of this Congress, and to which I belong; to see it, in my judgment, about to destroy itself, to place itself in a condition which ought to destroy it. For the last few months Congress has been sitting here, and while the South has been bleeding at every pore, Congress has done nothing to protect the loyal people there, white or black, either in their persons, in their liberty, or in their property. Although we are insensible to it, the whole country is alive to the effect of the supineness with which this Congress has conducted itself. I of course have no right to reproach anybody. I do not reproach anyone. I simply grieve that such is the condition of the country, one which is not realized apparently by the House, and especially that part of it which is responsible to the nation. We are enjoying ourselves in a tolerable way, those of us who have health and spirits, while the South is covered all over with anarchy and murder and rapine. The President has sought to establish what he says will effect the union of these States, if yielded to by Congress. The Congress has declared that the President has usurped powers which do not belong to him; that all that he has done is void in the face of the law; and that Congress alone has the power to protect these oand to create governments, and yet we sit by and move no hand, we sit by and raise no voice to effect what we declare to be the duty of Congress. I know not how other gentlemen may view it, but so far as I am myself concerned I charge none else with it I view it as great dereliction of duty. We are asked by gentlemen why we who arq upon the JtCom on Reconstruction have not Presented some plan upon which Congress could act. We have been asked it with some acrimony by the Gentfrom Ohio [Mr. SchENck] and others on this side of the house; we have been asked it with more propriety by gentlemen on the other side. Now, it must be remembered that during this session of Congress we had no opportunity of acting until after the holidays, and since that time we have had but little over a month. It must be remembered that when the holidays had passed and Congress had again assembled there was a plan, whether good or bad, presented to this House for consideration, upon which a debate of 3 weeks took place without any attempt to amend it. And then there was a course of action pursued on the part of a gentleman, [Mr. BINGHAM, who, it seemed to me, in a most unparliamentary and discourt edus manner took charge of that bill when it had been reported, before the author of it had anyo to make any motion in regard to it; and with a vigor, an energy, and, if I may say so without offense, with a doggedness which would have done great credit to Stone wall Jackson in his palmiest days. Although appealed to, time after time, he refused to.the bill to be open to amendment. It will be remembered that I asked that the motion to recommit should be withdrawn, to give an opportunity to the House, if they did uot like the bill in its then condition, to go on and perfect it. But it was defiantly refused; and inasmuch as this House sustained the refusal I of course have nothing to say. I accept the position, as the rebels do, because it cannot be helped. But we have been told that we do not offer anything. I do not know whether that bill was good or bad; I thought it was a good bill; I had labored upon it in conjunction with several committees of loyal men from the South for 4 months, I had altered and realtered it, written and rewritten it 4 several times; and found that it met the approbation of nu merous societies and meetings in all the southern States. It was, therefore, not altogether my fault if it was not so good a bill as might be found; but I did think that, after all, it was uncivil, unjust, indecent not to attempt to amend it and make it better, to see whether we could do something to enable our friends in the southern States to establish institutions according to the principles of republican government. I warned the House that if that bill should go back to the committee it must die. My vigorous friendfrom Ohio assured us that such would not be the effect, that the bill would come back here fresh and blooming in the course of a couple of days. Where is it now? Why have we not something in lieu of it that suits the gentleman? for I may say that this bill came from that same committee, after careful examination, with the unanimous consent of every member of the committee belonging to this side of the House except one. It came here with a perfect understanding that if it was to pass and become a law it must pass without amendment. It was not intended as a reconstruction bill. It was intended simply as a police bill to protect the loyal men from anarchy and murder, until this Congress, taking a little more time, can suit gentlemen in a bill for the admission of all those rebel States upon the basis of civil government. But, sir, this bill encounters precisely the same obstacles as the other, and is met in precisely the same spirit. There are in it some words in regard to which there is a difficulty about the spelling. Several of my friends cannot accept the bill because adverbs are improperly placed; and while on this side of the House gentlemen do not pretend to object to its main eatures, yet they do object to its particles and its articles; and what is worse than all, for I have tried to alter the language to suit my friends around me, they have with a pertina cious determination taken every possible step to pledge this Congress to what we are pleased to call a constitutional amendment, as a finalty, so that its adoption by the South shall secure their admission. Gentlemen on this side have maintained that these conquered districts are States; and my friendfrom Ohio [Mr. BING HAM] declared this.;with proper exultation that he had succeeded in passing through this House a bill which uses the word “States” precisely as the President uses it in his theory as to the right of admission of those claiming to rePresent the rebel States. But, sir, the gentleman's announcement was no news to me. It was only in accordance with what I have seen all winter. I saw it in the magnificent peroration of the gentleman in the last discussion with regard to the bill to which I have referred. It is now proposed to pledge Congress in advance to that to which we have no right to pledge them the admission of those States when certain things shall be done. Why, sir, are we to pledge future Congresses?