Mr. ASHLEY, of Ohio. Unless the members of this Congress who represent the loyal people of this country approach the proposition before us, providing for the restoration of the late rebel States, in a properspirit and with mutual concessions, I fear we shall fail to accomplish the great work committed to our hands. I desire to approach its consideration with charity for all and malice toward none. I know that I approach" it in a forgiving and with a thankful eart. With thanspviirfiutl ness, because the din of war has been hushed and the national conflagration extinguished. In a forgiving spirit, because I know how much there is to be forgiven if we would reunite dissevered and broken ties, secure the peretual unity of the nation, and bind up its miliions of bleeding and broken hearts. In all the votes which I have given or may give on the propositions for reconstruction, in all I have said or may say, I shall keep steadil in view the one great desire of my heart, which outweighs and overshadows all others, and before which the petty schemes of parties and of men dwindle into insignificance and appear to me criminal. That desire is to see the States recently in rebellion restored to all the rights, privileges and dignities of States of the American nion at the earliest day consistent with the national safety, and upoh such termsas shall secure the power, unity, and glory of the Republic. How can this most desirable result best be accomplished? In answering this interrogatory the 1st question which presents itself to every reflecting mind is this: has the Government of the U.S. as at present or nized the constitutional power to deman or exact from the people in the late rebel States any conditions prior to the recognition of their recently reorganized State governments and the admission of their Sens&Reps in Congress? If so, is it expedient to exact of them the terms or conditions proposed by the committee of 15, or such conditions of a like chnracteras may finally be agreed upon by the 2 Houses of Congress, as conditions precedent to their resumption, as States, of all constitutional relations to the national Government which were severed by their acts of rebellion and war? I claim that we have the power, and that it, is not only our right but our duty to demand such conditions as the majority of the loyal representatives of this Congress may deem I requisite for the safety and security of the nation. I believe we have the constitutional power, because l believe the States represented in this Hall during the war and now are the Government. If I did not believe this I could not vote for any of the propositions before the House or any proposition of a like character. From the 1st have held that when the people of the late rebel States abolished their constitutional State governments and confederated together in violation of the national Constitution and organized hostile State governments and a national confederate government, and maintained those governments by force of arms until the rebellion became so formidable as to claim the prerogatives of a national defacto government, and to have conceded to it by the U.S and the great Powers of Europe belligerent rights, that from that hour constitutional State governments ceased in each of the States so confederated together, and until governments are reorganized in each of them in subordination to the national Constitution, and recognized by this Congress, there can be no constitutional State governments in such States.