Mr. SMITH. The relations that Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky, and Missouri bear to the Government of the U.S. at this time are very different from what they were in 1860. They then here the relations of slave States, and they were regarded and represented here as slave States, with certain rights under the Constitution and under the laws. The amendment of the Constitution abolishing slavery has been passed, but not with the consent of my State, Kentucky. She has persistently refused to do it. Yet she has had 225,000 slaves taken from her people by law. Who did that? Who made that radical change in the condition of the State of Kentucky? Was it the people of Kentucky? That State had an or amze State government, and was never regared out of the Union, however hostile some of her authorities may have been. Yet the strong arm of the Government, through the law, has changed her relation to the general Government and these other States have altered their relations to the General Government, 1st, by war; but they have resumed their relation by peace, and coming back into the Union alpd adopting the rules we have laid down for them. But, in the few minutes I have remaining, I wish to be distinct] understood that, in m humble judgment, the great party to which belong, and with which won d always wish to set, when I can do so consistently, is making one of the mostimportant mistakes thata grea party ever did make. I have no doubt that they are seeking toingraft into their political creed something which will result in great injury to the Government, and which will expose it tomore danger than any we have ever beenex posed to heretofore. I You may speak of the rebellionasyou choose, and I will consent to all that you may say. You may denounce all those who were engared in it as bitterly as you please and I wi I say “amen” to every word. You may exclude from participation in the Government those who have used their efforts to destroy, for so long a term as you please, and I shall not mur mur. But I beg that the Union party, having the ascendency in this House an this Government, as it has today, will not go too fast or too far, will not undertake to do too much; It is a wonderful spectacle in history, one which the world has never before seen, that in a country likc ours, ncknowlednin and upholding slavery, 4 million people should have been emancipated, their shackles knocked off, and their freedom achieved within the short period of 4 years. It was a grand and a rapid stride, as I trust and believe, or the civilization of the world and for the extension of liberty to all men. I would maintain the freedom of these people here and everywhere to the extent of my tumble ability. Nay, further, I would teach them to be intelligent, to he virtuous, to be Christian to enjoy all the advantages of civilization. I would insure to them all their rights of property, liberty, and life. I would guaranty to them the rights enjoyed by any other man. I do not believe in the doctrine that negroes should be witnesses only in cases where they alone are interested. I believe that the negro should be permitted to go into the courts to ving dicate his honor, his integrity, his rights of prop erty. But you must not ask me to go so far at this time as to declare that these negroes are all entitled to the right of suffrage and that it should be extended to them universally through out the U.S. I say to members oft is House, the negroes of the South do not today demand that O you; they do not ask you to give them the right of suffrage at this time, because they know the danger to which it would expose them. I am the friend of the negro race. I will do as much as any other man on this floor for the advancement of that race. I have already done a rent deal more in this respect than many oft ose who are listenng to me todny. I affirm that the negroes themselves are, with few exceptions, afraid of the future in reference to this question of universal suffrage. You may amend the Constitution ifyou please, so as to bring this question of negro suffrage directly before the States, cutting off a part of their representation, if they will not allow the black man to vote; but by such attempts you but irritate and excite the 2 races, the one against the other. Having been born in the South, having been reared in the very midst of the system of slavery, I believe that the effort to bestow the right of suffrage upon the negroes throughout the country is not calculated to promote their advancement or secure their est interests. In my own State, I have never met more than 2 or 3 of these people who asked to be endowed with the right of suffrage. I received the other day a letter from a ue prowho in 1862 was my property; and in that etter he urges me to resist this effort because of the prejudice prevailing in this country against his race. It seems to me that justice and hu manity to these people require that we should not force this thing too rapidly upon them and the country. I go further, and reiterate the sentiment uttered by me at the last session of the 8th Congress, that I am utterly and eTnhtiirrtey op osed to this doctrine of negro suffrage believe that God Almighty never intende that the white people and the black, 2 distinct and antagonistic races, should be copartners in the management of civil government. Whether the negroes have been in slavery or not, the same rule, in my judgment, equally applies. It is useless for man to attempt to accomplish what nature has determined shall not exist. Mexico is suffering today because of the wonderful amalgamation of different races among her people. Governments under which differ cut and distinct races become commingled politically and socially cannot in the very nature of things endure. Now, here is the plain proposition. I care not how humble or ignorant or poor a white man may be, when he settles in this country, with his family around him, everyone of the same class of people recognizes the fact that at some future ay the little child that totters at his knee may grow up to be full the equal in social and political position of the wealthiest, the most exalted man in the land. It is a part of natural law. It was so intended by the Creator; and you can never bring any man who wishes to maintain himself as an Anglo Saxon willing to consent to any such thin. Now, what does voting do? It brings a out most social relations, more than any other kind of intercourse in the world. A Representative must talk to his constituents; he must receive them in his house; he must receive them with open house and with politeness; he must do all these thin s. A constituent has the right to come into is house, and sit down in his parlor, and there talk about the business of state and all matters connected with the Government. As the Representative and constituent sit and talk over the affairs of state, the children of the Representative, layin around, would see this intercourse and hear a 1that was said. In that way there would be such a social relation as was never intended, and which I believe would be detrimental to the Government of the U.S. say this as an argument to an port my position against negro suffrage. I db not believe that it would be wise on the part of the Amer ican people at this time. ll at may be done in the future I am.not able to say. What may be done 25 years from now I am unable to foresee. But, Mr. Chairman, the inconsistency of gentlemen here is a fruitful fact. Men sit on this floor, lar ely in the majority, from the various States, wh0 ask that universal suffrageshallbe imposed on all that section of the country where slavery abounded and where the blacks are so large a part of the population, while, in their own States, where they have onlyafew blacks, and those educated, they have persistently re fused for 27 years to grant to that class of their people the right of suffrage. The Pennsylvania Legislature, now in session, has just passed by one branch of its body a resolution instructing the Representativesin Congress for that State to vote for the bill granting universal suffrage in the DistCol. Why do not the people in Pennsylvania call a convention and so amend their constitution as to allow the 20 or 30,000 educated nc roes in that State the right to vote? They will not do it; not a bit of it. They will not do it in Illinois. They will not do it in Indiana. They will not do it in Ohio. They will not do it in an of those States; but when they come to us wh0 have been as 1011las they have; who have manifested our loyalty as earnestly as any of them, the say it must be as a punishment on those who have been in the rebellion. If it alone affected those men I would not have anything to say; but while you punish 50,000 men in Kentucky who were rebels you punish a larger number of the other side who never were rebels and never for one moment did anything against the U.S. If you wish to punish men in the South because they were rebels, why do you not go to. NewYork, Pennsylvania, and even Massachusetts, and punish those men there who gave aid to the rebellion and prayed for the overthrow of the Government? It ought to be done. legislation to be just on ht to be equal. lgl hear a great djeal said in both branches of congress about the condition of the ncgroes Sout and their inability to secure their own rights. I believe that to be true in part. I believe whatever legislation is necessa to give them their rights ought to be passed. believe that this Congress would be diarelict in its duty if we did not give that people whatever legislation is necessa for the purpose. If we did not we would be eld responsible before God, who looks upon us every day. We would be held responsible in the future if we did not give them all the protection they ought to have. But let me remind you that throu bout that section there is a class for whom we have done nothin. They have not as yet received any sympat yupon this floor. There are white men and white women there who are poor, poorer than the negroes, who have been owntrodden and cruelly treated from the commencement of the war because 2f their love to the Government. There are those who lay hid in caves for weeks and months, and raged for the return of the old flag; men who have risen and wept that they did not see the glorious folds of the old flag reflecting back the rays of the morning sun. Why should we not afford relief to these good Union men who are to be found in the valleys and mountains of the South? they were bowed down for 4 years and rejoice gladly who; the Union was restored: Why, sir go with me to Tennessee. I love to talk about it. When GenlBurnside went to the relief of Knoxville the roads were so bad that his teams could not follow him. He said he inustgiveit up. “ But, no, ” said the Union people in this mountain State, “ protect us;” and they came like the people ofo d, with their corn and their meat and their bread in their la s and poured them down at the feet of your soldiers and ten or 15,000 were fed around the city of Knoxville by these people, the war, down trorhlcn and abused Union men an wo men, who, by this magnanimous act, left not a morscl in their houses to eat, their children cry inyglpiteously for bread. Who speaks for them? ll O writes anon mous letters to Washington city for them? who fills up the newspaers with letters from the South about these people? You find them in Alabama, in Louisiana in missouri, in this city, and everywhere. You find them everywhere, without arms, without legs, without eyes, without property, without a home, without bread and meat; and yet no sympath goes out from the national heart in their behal. The go annually to their great cities of the de, created so suddenly and so wickedly by a desolate war, and they water the sod that covers the noble brave with their tears. They go to those places where“On fanieseternalcampingground, Their silent tentsarespread. ml glory ghardswith solemnround The bivouac of the dead;” and the pay their tribute of gratitude to the memory of those people for bringing back the days of eace. An yet what are we doing for them? othing. They send 11 their representatives here and say, “ Will you let us have a voice in the national council? Will you allow the philanthropists and patriots who stood n for us, and wept for us and did all they couldJ for us, to come and take a seat in Congress and assist in your legislation? Will you allow Taylor and Cooper and the rest of our friends who went to the North, and by their advocacy of the very principles we now advocate today, gave you success in elevating your Chief Magistrate to his place; will you allow them to come and take part in your councils and advise with you as to what is best to be done for their interests? Will ypu let the 29,000 men of Tennessee who shouldered their guns and marched to the front who went where you dared not go will you allow them a voice here as to what their rights are? Will you let a voice come up from the dead all over this land saying that these people have rights to be represented?" No, no. Wh? Because, as the Gentfrom Maine [.Mr. Lvscu] remarked the other day, they were like Travellers?, in bad company. 4 Sir, if thatis the case, if we are all to be tested by that rule, there would not be many of us here to day. ForI presume there is not a district in the whole country that has not what on believe to be bad men copperheads, so cal ed, rebels at heart. Therefore, if these men by being in bad company are not entitled to seats, neither are you, and you ought in consistency to retire. But strange things come over us. Some men say that revolutions never go backward; that this is a progressive age; and that we are to march on in our career. I, too, believe that revolutions never go backward. But my judgment is, that sometimes a party that has been successful as a revolutionary party, socalled, may go so fast and so far that they themselves become the obnoxious revolutionists and do the wrong. There is the daiigerl apprehend. We haven great and good Union party in this country. There are differences O opinion between us upon some points; but is it not wise, is it not proper, that we should so legislate and so act that we keep that great party toflether? If you do keep it toget ier; if you do legislatev proper]; it you do your duty, it will not, it cannot break or divit e, while you will rejoice in the expression that revolutions never go backward., But, gentlemen, you must remember that the longer you consult, the longer you trifle, the longer you disregard the sentiment of that loyal people, the greater the danger of making them enemies of the Government of the U.S. Where are these men to, o? Whom are they to look to? What must hey do? “They are not in the Union” “they are not out of the Union.” Some of them are entitled to representation; some of them are not. What are you going to do? When are you going to let them in? When you haven guarantee, on say, that they will send good men here. they say “We have no objections." But they may senbad men. Well, suppose 15 years from now you say you will adinit them. The then send good men. But who can say that t cy will not the very next year send bad men? You say you will fill up the country with emigrants and create a large loyal population who will keep in Congress loyal men and not rebels. But they too may send bad men; indeed some of the loyal States have sent bad men to Congfiass, and they occupy seats around us. {Inserted from Appendix}