Mr. HOWE. The Parliament of James H. The question there was whether the Catholics should be admitted to a share in the Government. The question here is, whether the rebels shall be admitted to a share in the Government. I do not know whether the hostility of the nation to the rebels is as strong as the hostility of the English nation was to the Catholics or not. I am inclined to think it is. That was the question in that case. I have stated the question in this. Mamulay says:.“The sanction of a Parliament was necessaryto his system." And I judge the PreSident thinks that the sanction of a Congress would be convement to his. “Thesanction of a freeand lawful Parliament it was evidently impossiblo to obtain; but it might not he altogether impossible to bring together by corruption. {’mtimidation. prero by violent exertions of alive y frpudulentfiistortionslof law. an assembly which might call itselfa Parliament and might be willing to register any edict of the sovereign Roturning officers must be appointed who won d avail themselvesof the slightest pretense to declare the King‘s friends duly elected. Every placeman.from the highest to the lowest.must be madeto understand that if he wished to retain his officohemust.at thisconiuncturc.supportthothrone by his vote and interest. The high Commission. meanwhile.would keep its eye on the clergy. The boroughs, which had just beenremodeledtoserveone turn. might be remodeled again to serve another. By such means the King he ed to obtain a majority in the House ofCommons. be up or House would then be at his mercy. He had unoubtedly by the power of creating peers without limit. an tlahwis power he was fully determined to use, But there was no extremity to which he was not prepared to goin caseof necessity. When in a large company an 'opinion was expressed that the peers would prove intractable" As it is sometimes suggested the Senate may‘ 0h. silly.’ cried Sunderland turning to Church ill. 'your troo of guards shall be called up to the House of Lord " And I think I have heard such intimations thrown out about the treatment to be bestowed upon the Senate. “Havin determined to packa Parliament. James set himscli‘ enerseuqnlly and methodically to the work. A proclamauon appeared in the Gazette. announcing"A change of the postmasters, collectors of revenue, assessors, and district attorneys, substantially. "A proclamation cing that the king hamppdeeatreerdmi9th eedt Gazette."a1nonoo0unn missions of peaceand of lleutennncy and to retain in public employment only such gentlemenasshould be disposed to supporthis policy." If the wanted to eat the King’s bread and butter they must support the King's policy. "A committee of 7 Privy Councilors sate at. whitehall for the purpose of regulating such woo the phrase themunicipal corporations.” I do not know exactly h0w ma.ny members compose the Johnson club, which is, I believe, nothing essentially different from a committee of“Privy Councilors. In this committee JetTreys alone represented the Protestant interest. o wisalone represented the moderateRoman Catholics. All the othermembers belonged to the jesuiticul faction. Amongthemwas Petra. who hadiust beensworn ot the council. Till he took his seatat the board. his elevation had been :(cpe ii grofoundsecret from everybodybut Sunder an. o. Macaulay goes on at length to describe the efforts which were made to pack the Parliament; but after all they did not succeed. It seems wonderful that they did not. The King had absolutely unlimited control of all patron age, all appointments. Parliament did not disl pute that with him. Congress does not yet agree that that power is in the hands of the President. But whatever power the Kin hiid he had for life. It is not certain that the resident has the power vested in him today for life. Mr. President, how were these elforts received by the people of England? The historian says that Anrey deVere, Earl of Oxford, the noblest subject of England, when called upon to acquiesce in the policy of the King, answered: “Sir. I will stand by your Maiest against all eno uiios to the Instdro of my blood. at this in matter nf conscienoe and cannot comply." He was at once removed from. his lieutenancy. A similar demand was made upon the Earl of Shrewsbury, and a similar repl given, and similar treatment was administered; upon the Earl of Essexwith like results, and upon a great number of the most distinguished nobility of England; and one after another they went their way, as our postmasters. collectors, and assessors are going now in these days. Mr. President, history has taken note and has preserved down to this day the names the fumes, and cherishes yet the memory of] those men who would rather be right than to be lieutenants of counties; and history for a great many years to come will cherish the name and the memory of those men who in thae days dare to be right rather than be postinasters or collectors. Among the expedients resorted to for the purpose of securing the election of the right sort of representatives was this: “The catechism by which the lords lieutenant had been directed to test the sentiments of the country gentlemen o0n!!!l0d of 3 questions. Eve magistrateand deputy lieutenant was to be ask. 1st.wliether, if heshould be chosen to serve in Parliament. he would vote for a bill framed on the principles of the DeclarIndep; 2nd ly. i whother.as an elector.he would support eandidates I who would engage to vote for such a ill; and 3rd ly. Kwihnegt'sher.in his private capacity.he whoulda did the benevolent designs by lying in friendship with peopleof all religious persuasions.” A pretty close catechism there.