Mr. HOGAN. I am very much obliged to the House forthis consideration. I have not troubled the House much, and I do not want to trouble them much now. This is probably the only speech I shall make on this subject unless you provoke me pretty badly, and I am not very easily provoked. I was saying, sir, that you feed these people at the public expense. What is the result? Here is an honest colored man who has for lgears toiled and labored to support himself and is family and who works now. Here is another colored man who has just been freed by your action, and who also has a family to support. B your laws you take this man, feed im, clot ehim, educate him, and doctor him. You pay him. You leave the other man alone. Vliat is the legitimate consequence of it? The man will say “What is the use of my toiling? Why cannot the Government take care of me as well as the other man?” You will then realize the old adage you make it a truism as well as an adage“There is only a six pence ditierence between the man that works and the man that plays, and the man that plays gets it.” You take away all incentive from all of these people to labor and to accumulate. You deprive them of all means; you hold out to them no inducement to labor and beside this you virtually deprive the country of the advantage of that large amount of labor, and to its extent you prevent the early and satisfactory recuperation of that large portion of our country in which these people lived. But I leave this point. I care it to you alone. You have the power to do it. You can saddle upon the American people millions and millions of taxes for the purpose. You can say you will spend millions and millions for the colored people, and you will pileup more taxes upon the people of the country, who are now taxed almost on everything. taxed almost to death. You will saddle another 50 or 100 millions upon the Government to feed people who ought to be made to work as well as white men. I tell you, Mr. Speaker, as the Gentfrom Pennsylvania [Mr. Stevens] said in reference to another matter, you will hear the rumbling of the earthquake ere long. The people will not stand it. I wish to turn the attention of the House now, leaving this point, to another matter. I wish to call attention to another question; and that is the disruption of the Union. gentlemen on the other side have told us over and over again that 11 States are out of the Union; that they are dead States; that they were de stroyed; that they have no existence as States. Let me refer briefly to some of the gentlemans own doings in the past. Let me show their own action on this matter. In 1861, when this Government was in danger: in the summer of 1861, when on the other side of the Potomac was heard the thunder of the cannon of the rebels; when the flag of the foe floated almost in sight of this Capitol; when the people of the country stood appalled at the terrible disaster of Bull Run; when hope had almost sunk in the hearts of our people; when our Army had been defeated; and when it seemed as though the rebellion was to be triumphant, what was the action of Congress? On the 22d of July, 156], this House resolved “That this war is not waged on our part in any spirit of oppression nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those states. But to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the men with all the dignity. c nality and rights of the several States unimpaire.” That resolution was passed by this House on the 22d of July, 1861. Who voted for it? I find in looking over the list of yeast&nays I 82? 4 leveral of the gentlemen on the other side now. [ will name them so that they may read the resolution now in the lass of history. Who were they who recordeg themselves on the 22d of July, 1801, for that resolution, when rebel arms were thundering at the gates of the Cap itol, and when it became necessary for congress to sustain the Government. Here are some of them, and these are still members of this House: J. B. Alley, P. Baxter, F. C. Beamnn. S. Colfax, Mr. Conklin, H. L. Dawes, H. Grider, A. Hardin, P. Jo nson, W. D. Kelley, J. K. Moorhead, J. S. Merrill. F. A. Pike, T. M. Pomeroy, A. H. Rice, J. H. Itice, S. Shellabarger, R. E. Trowbridgs, B. Van Horn, K. V. Whaley, and William Windom. What becomes of that when these same Gentlemen declare that these States are out of the Union? That is but one of the circumstances connected with it. You will find the record with the yeas&nays on pages 124 and 125 of the Journal of that year, under date of July 22, 1861. Now, sir, was the Union dissolved after that? We all know that the POTUS declared that there was no intention to dissolve the Union; we all know that Abraham Lincoln declared positively, “Soion as I am President the war shall be car rie on for the sole purpose of restoring the Union.”