The Clerk read as follows: “This freedman who was killed by Dr. Watson was a servant of one of his neighbors, whose name I do not recollect. He was driving the family of his employer to church on, Sunday o; Dr. Watson's family were also being driven to church at the same time by another colored man, neither gentleman being present. This colored man attempted to drive the carriage of Dr. Watson's family at a point where the road was narrow and it was difficult for the carriages to pass each other. In the attempt to pass the carriages came in collision, the spoke of one of the wheels in Dr. Watson's carriage was broken. Probably his family were somewhat endangered, but no one was injured. The carriages were extricated and passed on to church. One, two, or more days afterward Dr. Watson called at the plantation of his neighbor, where this colored man was at work in the field, saw the employer and other members of his family, and, told them he had come to family chastise his negro for the insult offered to his He went into the field where the negro was gaat nweo, arskking and commenced caning him, with a small him at the same time why he ran against his carriage, or something of the kind. The negro started to run, the doctor called, upon him to halt, which I believe he did at 1st, the doctor pursuing him, however, as if to continue his caning; the negro man ran again; the doctor then drew his pistol, snapped the cap, which exploded without igniting the powder, and pulled the trigger again and fired, killing the negro, or rather wounding him so that he himself i, thanind aaldsoaygootratnwoot;heHr ephaytsteicniadned to the exanmeginreo him. As soon as the wound proved fatal, he presented himself to a magistrate, and was bound oyer to appear before what was called an ‘examining eourt' in some small sum of 500 or 1000 dollars. He appeared before that court comof 5 magistrates. The facts were developed pretty much as I have stated them, I think; by witnesses before the court. The court decided to discharge him, which discharge, under the laws of Virginia proseciustiaonn acquittal and a bar against any further or trial.” I do not select these because they are worse than numerous other instances. They are not. The records of the Freedmen's Bureau is full of just such cases. An enormous number of murders have been committed during the past year in those States. Probably not less than 12 to 1500 soldiers, freedmen, and Union men have been killed. It is almost incredible that in any part of this country such a condition of affairs should exist. But it is nnoiat lworth while to indulge in sentimental de when the facts are so well authenticated. The select committee to which I have referred, in the exercise of the power conferred on them by the House, called upon the dept commanders to state to them the condition of affairs within their respective commands. These States are divided into 4 depts: the Virginias are under General Schofield; the Carolinas compose GenlSickles's dept; General Thomas has Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi; and GenlSheridan Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas. 3 of these gentlemen and General Baird and General Wood, who formerly had commands in those States, have been before the committee. Their testimony agrees in these important particulars: 1. Justice is denied practically to Union men and freedmen, and offenses against them go unpunished. There have been several instances of the murder of soldiers, but no punishment has been inflicted. 2. That o to this time there has been no change for the better since the suppression of the rebellion, but rather worse. 3. That unless substantial justice is done to the laboring classes hereafter, and to the Union men and northern men who desire to go there to engage in business enterprises, no improvement in the state of affairs can be expected. 4. The courts cannot be relied on—neither magistrates nor jurors can be expected to deal justly in cases between whites an freedmen, or between those who engaged in the rebellion and Union men. 5. So far as they have expressed an opinion the dept commanders favor a law like that now before the House. These gentlemen have had such excellent opportunities for observation, and are so far removed from temptation to partisan exaggeration, that I call the attention of the House to some extracts from their testimony, and ask gentlemen to determine for themselves whether the state of facts they exhibit does not call for immediate action on the part of the General Government. General Schofield was inquired of in regard to the punishment of crimes committed against freedmen in Virginia. an Question. What is the difficulity posisitiiotn in of the earmreesnt who try them2 Answer The difficulty is in the disposition of the and jurors. Where it is a civil question alone, a question of money, uninfluenced by any other question,;I think they most always do justice to the allegation ubpuotn where that is affected by any the part of white men of insubordination or disrespect or, insolence upon the part of the colored men, that allegation will justify him in the opinion of the local magistrates or jurors for inflicting upon the freedmen any punishment he may see, fit; either by driving them off the plantations without wages, or, as has been done in some cases, shooting them. Practically if the employer on a plantation chooses to drive a colored man off without his wages, alleging that he was, insolent or insubordinate or neglectful of his duty, he is without remedy. The same question was put to General Thomas. Question. What is the difficulty; is, it in failing to arrest the offenders, or in their trial? Answer. A failing to arrest unless their attention is called to it, and then the trial is generally slurred over. Question. Does that observation, pertain to all the States you have designated equally, Georgia, Mississippi Kentucky, and portions of Tennessee Answer. The practice is about the same in each, The sentiment of these different localities is thesame; the prejudice against Union men and freedmen about the same. Question. From your knowledge what should you say would be the probability, if a murder was committed in that State (Georgia) by a white man upon a freedman, of his being brought before a jury and convicted 2 Answer. I do not believe there is much chance of convicting a resident or citizen of Georgia for murder if the victim was a Union man or a negro. If the murderer was a Union man or n negro they would convict him very speedily, or if the man had moved into Georgia since the war and was known as a southern man or north a Union man. Can you suggestany remedy for this state of things' Answer. The remedy I would suggest would be the establishment of some supervising authority in States, those with power to advise and insist on the impartial administration of justice, accompanied by a sufficient force if necessary to induce the people to that the authority feel is sufficient to enforce its advice or instructions. Question. As time runs on, and ordinary justice is denied to a large share of the people of theseStates, is there a fair chance of the state of affairs then improving 2 Answer. I think not, because enterprising people, knowing that state of affairs to exist in that country, would be discouraged from going there and entering into business, I do not think the people themselves have either the energy, or the disposition to under take legitimate enterprises; that is, sulting enterprises re in the improvement of the condition of affairs in the State and bringing wealth to the country. Question. You think there must be a substantial basis of justice to accomplish that? Answer. Yes, sir. GenlSickles is still more emphatic in his testimony. He says it will be impossible to maintain our garrisons in the South unless additional authority is given to the Army to arrest and punish offenses against soldiers. GenlSheridan's opinion is forcibly expressed in his report to GenlGrant in December, in which he says the trial of a southern man for the murder of a negro in Texas would be a farce. General Baird and General Wood, in their testimony before the committee, concur with General Thomas in his statement of the present condition of affairs and the nature of the remedy to be applied. Aside from Anitarian considerations, I urge the House to consider that it is the wisest political economy to protect labor. A Government that allows its laborers to go without remedy for the non-payment of wages, and even to be shot with impunity for demanding them cannot expect.should not have material prosperity. God never has so dealt with any nation, and newer will. But a higher consideration, than this is that these men so persecuted and destroyed were our friends in the great battle for the life of the nation. These Union men of the South, white and black, are now hunted and destroyed because they are our friends. The Government by means of this assistance emerged from the contest victorious, but it now refuses, and up to this time has refused, to extend its pow erful arm in protection of these humble allies. At the close of our revolutionary war GreatBritain sought out the loyalists of America who had suffered for adhering to the mother country. A commission was appointed, and after careful hearing the sum of $15,000,000 was distributed among the losers. That sum at that time would be at least equal to $50,000,000 now. Shall this Government triumphant be less liberal than GreatBritain defeated? If we do not make up the losses already suffered, in God's name let us see to it that hereafter every Union man of the South of whatever color shall have the fruits of his labor and not be stripped of them whenever a brutal employer may choose. This bill will do something toward so desirable an object. Let it be passed as speedily as possible. Government of Insurrectionary States.