Mr. Bates says: "In discussing this cabinet. it is a misleadingerror to fall tomark thenatura and characteristiedistinc on between political rights and plitical powers. a former belong to Ill citizens I. the and cohero in the vervnaine and nature of citizenship. The istter participation in the powers of government by voting an exercising othee does not belong to nl citizensalike, nor to any citizen. merely in virtue of  citizenshi. His power nlwnys depends upon extraneous acts and supomddedqualifications: which facts and qualifications are commonto both citizens and aliens." and Mr. Bates says further: “I The Constitution of the U.S., M Ihnve said. Does not define citizenship; neither doesit de clnre who may vote. nor who may hold ofllce, except in regard to a few of the highest notional function tries and the several States, as for as I know. in exercising thut powernct independentLv and without any controlling authority over them, and hence it follows that there is no limit to theirtpower in that particular but their own prudence and iscrction, and thereforewe are ntsur irised to find that those fuc cities of voting rind holding officeare not uniform in the different Statesbut are made to depend upon a variety of factspurely discretionary, snchnsuge, sex, race color, property, residencein a particular place and length of residence there." “And as to volin and holding oileo. nothat privilege is not cssontiu tocitisenship, so the deiflvntion of it by law is not it deprivation of citizens ip. K0 moreso in the caseofn negrothan in case of nwhite woman or child." Mr. President, if we had the power by legistive action to regulate suffrage in the States I should vote for extendin the right of suffrage to the black man with a in heart, soul, and reason. I had hoped to be able to deduce the power from the provisions of the Constitution so that I could vote for it according to my {udgment and conscience; but I cannot do so. f the Senfrom Illinois or any other Senator has come to the conclusion that he has the power I cannot object to it; and if the Senate and the country arrive at that conclusion I shall not complain. I have labored in public and in private ife for 30 years for teemancipation of this nice and r their elevation and improvement. I believe that suffrage to them is a weapon of self protection and that it ought to be granted. If after having called 180,000,000 men of the colored race, nativeorn American citizens, to fight our bottles, after the and they have given us, after they refused to take the musket for the defense of the conibderac when the confederacy appealed to them to o it, if we refuseto extend to them the sufrage, the weapon of protection, it. will bring upon this nation, as slave brought upon it, the curse of an offended Go. I believe in the years to come we shall be punished for it as we have been punished for 4 weary years with fire and blood and death for 2 centuries of oppression. I will go as for as he who goes furthest in every practical measurethat can bring about negro suffrage. I do not see the power in the Constitution as it now stands; I do not believe that Congress or uny body in Congress thought the power was given when we adopted the antislavery amendment; I do not believe the States thought so when they adopted it. I do not find the power there. Iabandon, then, all be.e of accomplishing the object by legislation O Congress, at any rate for the present. Sir, we have various propositions for the amendment of the Constitution. A prosition is made by the Senfrom Missouri Mr. Hnsnnnsox] that in suffrage there shall be no distinction on account of color. I am wedded to that idea as a principle and I would vote for that amendment and senit to the people if I believed the people would adopt it. I cannot think, however, there is any hope for its adoption afterthe indications of the last 6 months atter what has been done by enlightened Chris tian States. These States summoned the black man to light the battles of the endangered country, put the musket in his hands, gazed with beaming eye upon his glittering steel, and heard the inspiring music of his tramp as he moved away to fight, bleed, die, that the notion might live, and saw those men come back maimed and wounded. These States know that. 1,000s of them are in their graves, for within 5 miles of where we sit 6200 black soldiers sleep in their graves and yet, after all the fidelity and heroic conduct of these men. prejudice. parly spirit, and conservatism, and all that is base and mean on earth combine to deny the right of suffrage to the brave soldier of the republic. God alone can forgive such meanness; umanity cannot. After what has taken place, is taking place, I cannot hope that the constitutional amendment proposed by the Senfrom Missouriwill receive a majority of 3/4ths of the votes of the States. I therefore cannot risk the cause of an emancipated race upon it. In the present condiion of the nation we must aim at practical reso ts, notto establish political theories, however been tiful and alluring they may be. In regard to that question I feel as I do in regard to the question of legislation by congress. I do not believe the cause ought to be risked upon that uncertain proposition. Icare too muc for this question of enfranchisement to risk it on any theory whatever. I cheese to meet it on the pmctical facts that are before me todn.Ihave to answer to God for my vote, and cannot justify myself on any mans theo ries; but I must act on the facts as presented to me in the exercise of the best judgment I have on those facts. Then there is a constitutional amendment Broposed by the Senntbr from Wisconsin [MP oonrn u: basing representation upon voters. I do not commit myself against it. but let us look at it for a moment on see what it reall is. suppose it were adopted, it leaves the blue men in t cSmith just where the pending amendment leaves them. They are there at the mercy of those States. There are no differences between the 2 propositions in that respect. I know no objection against the ending amendment that does not apply with equal force to this amendment so for us giving suffrage to the black man is concerned. But suppose, Mr. President, the rebel States give the negro the right of suffrage, then they would stand in power just where they stand now. How is it with the loyal States? It throws out of the basis at least 2 and a half millions of unnaturalized foreign born men and women, and by this we lose at least 15 Representatives in the other House and 15 presidential electors; and they do not go from the East to the West, but from the North to the South. Under that system Massachusetts would lose one or 2 Representatives, not because of her excess of women. The western States would gain, perhaps, in the aggregate not to exceed 3 or 4 Representatives from NewEngland and the central States, by having more mice than females; but that is n trifling matter. A great result of this proposition would be to cast out of the calculation of the basis of representation 2 and a half millions of persons who are now included. In 1860 there were in the loyal States 3, 856, 628 unnoturnlized persons of foreign birth, and in the rebel States 233, 651. I estimate that Massachusetts would lose one Representative certainly, and probably 2, by this chnn e; that NewYork Would lose at least Pennsyl vaniu 2, Ohio two; and other States would lose in their representation. It maybe best to make this sacrifice, to take 15 Representatives from the loyal States and add them to the strength of the rebel States; you may be able to go before the people and prove that it is right; you may go to the great State of NewYork and get her to agree to a constitutional amendment busing representation on the number of voters by which she will be unable to count half a million of uniintiirulized foreigners for whom she now has 4 Represent lives in Congress; but I appre hend that it will lend to discussion, to division, to opposition, if it ever passes; and if it is done I apprehend it will be whis red in the cars of the immigrants from the Old World that for the sake of the negro We have counted them out of the basis of representation.