Mr. DAVIS. Mr. President, the hill read just is properly and in its order before the Sea ate. On yesterday morning it and all the other orders were set aSide by the request of the honorable Senfrom Vermont [Mr. Foor] to take up a bill upon which he (lCSllOd to express his views. This was done in conformity to the usual courtesy of the Senate, and most properly; and that Senator proceeded to deliver aion and able speech on that measure. e Senfrom Massachusetts [lfr. SF)! Nmt] was present while all this was being done, and intervened no objection. When the Senfrom Vermont had concluded his argument, and it was not then proposed to proceed further with that subject, the honorable Senfrom Maine, [lllf MORRU. L] by my desire, moved to set aside all other pending orders, and tonssign the bill now before the Senate for one oclock today ; and I requested, as a matter of courtesy personal to myself, that the Senate would may c that order. The Senfrom Massachusetts objected, and in such munner as to imply that my appeal to the courtesy of the Senate was not intended to comprehend him; and in this he was ccrtainl correct. There is no member of the Senatew 10so often asks, or presumes, upon its courtesy as he; and there is none so litt e disposed to extend it to other Senators, whether it be asked or unasked by them. On oitiijlecting to my request, he inquired of me if o speech which I desired to make could not be made on another bill that had been proposed to be taken up); and upon my expressing a negative, he had the assurance to refer to still another bill, and to ask me if in speech could not as well be made on one ofv them as the measure now under consideration. I was not surprised by the conduct of that Senator, and do not now. complain of it or feel aggrieved by it. I know that he could not avoidit; that with him such conduct is inevita ble. I never ask a courtesy at the hands of that Senator. But to the Senfrom Maine, for making the motion at my instance, to the Senfrom Illinois, for withdrawing his objection, and to the Senate for allowing it, I do make my respectful acknowledgments. Mr. President, Congress is empowered by the constitution to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever in the DistCol. The object of that provision was to withdraw the seat of the Government of the U.S. from State jurisdiction, and to place it under the control of the General Government to prevent any exercise of power that would molest the persons administerin that Government, or interfere with them in the performance of the ir duties. It was more to protect the Government itself than to give it jurisdiction over the people of the district. The men who devised that arrangement were too wise and practical to have intended that the Sens&Reps of the i aggregated States should undertake by their legislation to regulate all the local affairs of this peole. such a duty can be much more conveniently and wisely performed by every people, acting by representatives which they themseives choose; an it is their natural right, too, to govern themselves by such an agency. The members of the Convention organizing their system on the principle that all legitimate government is founded on the consent of the governed, did not intend to ignore that principle as to this District. Their purposewas that its people should make their own laws and govern themselves; and that Congress should exercise a supervisory legislative power, and control their legislation only when it should be necessary to protect the Federal Government and its ersannel from the action of the distriet aut orities. It seems to me, then, that the propersystem for this District would be for Congress to organize a government analogous to the territorial governments, constitutin" a legislative body consisting of 2 Houses, and an executive officer and courts, to be chosen periodically by such of its people as are now out iorized to vote in its elections; and they also to elect. every 2 years, a Delegate to Congress to represent the interests of the District to that body. The laws passed by its Legislature to take effect from the times therein respectively named. to be submitted to the next ensuin Congress and to continue in operation until isuiproved by it, or repealed by the Legislative. sseinbly of the District. The measure under consideration proposes to confer the elective franchise on every male negro of 21 ears of age, who has resided 6 months in the District, and who shall be able to read the constitution of the U.S. in the English language, and write his name. The maing and writing will be found practically to be no qualification. fi r soon, about all will be able to spell, if not to read through the constitution, and to scrawl their names or at any rate to prove their ability to do both by some American citizen ofAfrican descent and how much more capable will the colored citizen be to take part in the trivial matter of government, after having made such amazing attainments, than he was before? The right to vote is not a natural, but an arti ficial right, as well in our country as all others whereverit has been exercised: and in the countries where it has been most diffused it never was allowed to one 4th of the pee lo, the women and mine rs and many other smnl classes not being permitted to vote underthe most popu lar Governments. From our systems the negro has been always shutout, exec tin a feiv locali ties; and in a majority of them fbra short period only was this mischievous anomaly tolerated. It is probably no exaggeration to say, that from the beginning 60,000 individual negroes, in the aggregate, have not exercised the right of suffrage in the U.S. This District and the adjoining States have been settled by the white man and under his popular government for more than 200 years, and during that period they have had dwelling within them, free negioes, and never have they been suffered to vote. Why this late and strange innovation? By the tables of the census of 1560, the white population of this District was 30, 637; the free negro population, 8, 861: and the slave population, 4, 694; making a total negro population of 13, 055; a very small fraction under one 4th of the aggregate population of the District. What new light has burst upon the world and upon the Senate to disclose the necessity or the great usefulness, of the negroes of this District exercising the right of suffrage in its elections? Is it necessn to bring back the rebel States to their truerloyalty? Cannot the Union be restored to harmony and peace and tlaternity without it? Cannot the men charged with the administration of public affairs in this District, proceed with sufficient security and quietude in the performance of their duties unless they are hedged around bynegro votes? Does some great national object or policy require this enlargement of popular sovereignty at the capital? How man States allow negro suffrage? Massachusetts. Vermont, RhdIsland, and NewYork. All the others forbid it; and, notwithstanding the extreme ucme to which the negro mania has risen in the free States since the rebellion broke out, Connecticut, Wisconsin Minnesota, Nevada, and Colorado have vote against negro suffrage. The States that have passed n on the question, except Iowa, have voted it own byt eir white people. with light majorities it is true, except Colorado; and if the white race of those States respectively, by meager majorities, can vote down negro suffrage in them, wh should not the white race of this District, voting about 200 to one. exercise a similar right? Is it because in Connecti cut there are but 8, 627 negroes to 451,520 whites; in Wisconsin 1, 171 negroes to 774, 710 whites; in Minnesota 259 negroes to 173, 596 whites; while in this District one 4th of the whole population are negroes? Of the States which allow negro suffrage, Vermont has 709 negroel and 814, 380 whites; RhdIsland has 3, 902 negroes and 170, 668 whites; Massachusetts has 9, 602 negroes and 1, 221, 464 whites; and NewYork has 49, 005 negroes and 3, 831, 780 whites, and requires each negro to own real estate of the value of $250 to qualify him to vote. A healthy man may take into his stomach one, or 2, or 3 drops of arsenic without serious detriment to his health but if he were to swal low one 2, or 300 drops it would destroy his life. Negro suffrage is political ar senic. If it is not, why do not the free States open wide their throats and gulp down the grate fnl and invigorating draught? Why does not California give the right of suffrage to her Chinamen; Michigan and many other States to their Indians; and Pennsylvania to her Gypsy angs, that are perpetually vibrating between ier lains and mountains? iy do not the free States adopt the general average principle, and take their prorata. of the whole negro population? That propositionwas made to them a few years since by my friendfrom Delaware [ML Savnsnunv, but they all voted against it. They have too much sense for that. At this time more of those States might be willin to confer suffrage on their own ree negroes, but it would be the hoisting of “false colors.” They know there would be no further accessions of that population to them from immigration; and they would expect to be compensated, “some 30, some 40, some 60, and some an 100 fold, ” in some way, for the disadvantage of their incon siderable negro suffrage. But ifthe negro population run upon the white population in tie ffec States in the same proportion as it does in this District and the southern States in some of the in being from 30 to 50, and in SCarolina more than 50%., would any of the free States, under such a condition of things, accept negro suffrage? A successful effort to force it upon them would very speedily inaugurate another rebellion: But, Mr. President, the question whether in few 1,000 negroes of this District shall vote in its elections is of very trivial importance to the people of the U.S., and to that portion of them who are so exercised by it, and who are making such strenuous efforts to bring it about. This contest is but an experiment, a skirmish, an entering wedge to prepare the way. for a similar movement in Congress to confer the right of suffrage on all the negroes of the U.S., liberated by the recent amendment of the constitution, the powerto be claimed under its 2nd clause. It is following up the tactics of the party 4 years ago, when the as sault upon slavery in this District heralded the genera movement that was to be made against it. Mr. President, the people of the late slave States do not intend to make any question upon the effect of the amendment in freeing tieir slaves; they have conceded it, finally and for ever. There is probably now not a negro in the U.S. who is claimed by anyone as property, or who does not exercise the right to control his own movements as a free man. The 1st section of that amendment abolishes slavery, or involuntary servitude, one or both, except as punishment for crime, everywhere in the U.S.; and it does not propose to do anything more. The 2nd section confers on congress only the power to pass such laws as may e appropriate to give o set to the 1st. A negro may be a slave, and he may be emancipated by the special act of his owner, or by a general legislative enactment of the government of the State in which he resides. he slave of a great number has been abolished in box forms, and neither the right to vote, or to give evidence in court, or to serve on juries, has ever accompanied either form of manumission. slavery is the subjection of one person to another by authority o law, and all that is necessary to destroy the slavery is, by an mode, to remove the legal subjection. o abolish slavery, to emancipate slaves, to give freedom to slaves, are fretiluent and familiar phrases to all the people of the U.S.; and the acts on the Ideas imported by them are definite and well to try cases as a uror, are not parts of either, but as distinct from them “ as a hawk is from a handsaw.” The 2nd section of the amendment gives to Congress no pretext of power to invest the negroes freed by it with the right of suffrage, or to pass any law about the freed negro, exec t simply to make practical the destruction of his legal subjection to another. But if Congress were clothed by it with that power in the clearest language, it ought never to confer upon freed negroes, orany classes of them, the right of suffrage. The tranquility prosperity, and freedom of a country dependmnch upon the homogeneousness of its people; and ina popular representative Government it is especially important that the sovereign political power, that portion of the people who choose the officers of the Government, and thus control its legislation policy, and administration, should have no fixe and essential nntagonisms of race. The different branches of the great Caucasian family of Europe, if not brOught together suddenly in too large numbers for a ready, harmonious, and perfect amalgamation, might form the highest order of nationality; because none of the stocks would degrade the others, and all might contribute to the common improvement. But in our country a race of people that is essentiall inferior to the Caucasian race in its physica,mental, and moral structure, and that no cul tivation can bring to an a proximation of that high standard; that has by nature so low an organization as to be wholly incapable of self civilization, or organizing a selfgovernment, or maintaining a civilization and form of government which had been bestowed upon it by a superior peoplea race which could take no i, part in the great business of Government to improve orup old it, but only to obstruct, thwart, confound, and break it up, should never have iniy political power conferred on it. I hold that e negro is such a race; that he is the lowest and the Caucasian is the highest of the races of man, and the others are intermediate; and that he cannot be mingled with the blood, or in the mana ement of the affairs of the white man without o radation and mischief to him. The wor “ negro, ” as an ethnological term, does not comprehend all the black, much less the dusky families of man; it refersto that race which Cuvier describes as being “marked by a black complexion, crisped or wool hair, compressed cranium, and a flat nose. The projection of the lower parts of the face and the thick lips evidently approximate it to the monke tribe.” The great naturalist might have adde, as other distinctive characterirties of the negro: 1st, that his skin exhales perpetuallyapecu iar, pungent, and disagreeable odor; 2nd, that the hollow of his foot makes a hole in the ground.” The aboriginal home of the negro is Africa, though there are other distinct black races, of a different and higher type, that have been and are still found on that great continent, and also in Asia, from the remotest periods. Mcmnon and Sesostris, Hannibal and ugurtha, the queen of Ethiopia who visited Solomon, and Cleo patra, were not negroes, though they were black or dusky. The negroes who inhabit Africa may be estimated at not less than 50,000,000, and they probably are not more numerous now than they have been for many centuries. They are spread over the larger portion of the continent from the interior to many of its seacoasts, an are divided into numerous small tribes, which differ in the dispositions of the people, some bein fierce and cruel, and others comparatively gentfe and humane. The slaves that were brought from Africa to America, were mostly of the Fantees, Ashantees, Kroomen Qua uns, Congoes, Eboes, Fidohs, Coromantines, an dingoes and Caffres, all tribes of the negro race. Agassiz writes: “In Africa we have the Hottentot and negro races in the south and central portions respectively, while the people of northern Africa are allied to their neig bots in Europeuiust as we have seen to be the caseWith the mulogical fauna in general.” Professor Soemmering enumerates 46 understood. To vote, to swear in court, and distinct differences in the anatomy of the negro, selves. from the European race. as he is referred to in Guenbaults Natural History of the Negro Race. Lawrence, in describing the negro variety of the human race, enumerates these distinctive features: “1. Narrow and depressed forehead; the entire cranium contracted anteriorly; the cavity less. both in its circumference and transverse measurements. 2. Occipitnl foramenandeondylas placedfurther back. 3. Large space for the temporal muscles. 4. Great development of the face. 5. Prominence of the jaws nltogeiher, and particularly of their alveolar margins and teeth: consequent obliguiti of the facial line. 6. Superior incisorsslantinir. 1. C in receding. 8. Very large and strong zygouiatic arch, projecting toward the front. 9. Largeniisal cavity. 10. Small and flat tenedone nau, sometimes consolidated andrunning into a point above. In all the particulars just enn merated, the nepro structure unequivneully approxi matesto that of the monkey. Lt not only differ from the Caucasian model. but is distinguished from it in 2 resp ts: the intellectual characters are rednced: itnbfoearnioimritny foaturesenlnrgedanil exucircrated.” “The of organization is attended with corresponding inferiority ef faculties mhioh may be proved. not. so much by the unfortunate beings who are degraded by slave. its by every fact in the past history and present condition of Africa.” Nott & Gliddon, in their work entitled Types of Mankind, say: “A man must be blind not to be struck by simili tndes between some of the lower races of mankind, viewed as a connectin link in the animal kingdom: nor can it be rational y affirmed that the orangoutang and chimpnnseo are more widely separated from certain African and Oceanicnegroes, than are the latter from the Teutonic and Pelagian types.” Dr. Wyman, of Harvard University, specifies the differences between the negro an the orangoutang, and adds: “Yetit cannot be denied. however wide the separation, thnt the negro and the crap outanirdo afford the points where man and the rute, when the totality of their organization is considered, mostncarly approach each other.” Charles White, a naturalist, of Birmingham, 60 years since, published a work in which he pointed out 28 distinct difierences between the African negro and the Euro can, in all of which the former approached the rate creation. Co eland, Chain ers, Dr. Moseley, White, Dr. richard, Smith, and Vrolih, of Amsterdam, name many distinctions between the white and the negro race, besides the black skin and the coarse crised hair of the latter; among them are the are of the leg and the want of it in the foot, the receding eel, the dome of the head, the erpendicularity of the vertebral column, a db erent formation of pelvis, low nervous irritability, and others, all of which mark their approach toward the lower form of animals. Camper, Soemmering, Lawrence, Virey, Ebel, and Blumenbach agree that the brain of the negro is smaller; and Gall, Spurgheim, and Combe, that it is so distributed as to denote less capacity for reasoning and Judging than the Caucasian. No wellinformed and candid person can doubt themental inferiority of the negro race. Lawrence says, “the mind of the negro is inferior to that of the Euro an, and l iis organization is less perfect. hese positions ” e says, “are supported not so much by e unfortunate beings who are degraded by slavery, as by every fact in the past history and present condition of Africa.” I Charles Hamilton Smith, who resided ten ears on the coast of Africa and in the West ladies, and who had the best opportunities to observe the negro, and whose sympathies he declares to have been With him, says: “The typical woolybaired races have never in vented n reasonable theological system, discovered an alphabet, formed a grammatical language. not madethe least step in scienceor art. F. Pulszky. in his Iconegraphie Researches, writes of the black races: “Longashistory has mademention of negrces. they have never had any art of their own. Their feature. are recgrdedby their ancient enemies. not by them Hume, in his Essay on National Characters, argues in support of the superiority of the white over every other race, and attributes to it “ all civilization, ” adding: "There are negro slaves dispersed all over Europe. of which none ever discovered any symptomsof an genuity.” L866 241 The Natural History of the Human Species, its Typical Forms, &c., published in Edinburg, says: “In no part of this extended region [negroAfrica] is therean alphabet. n hieroglyphic or evenapicture or symbol of any description.” Knox, in his Lectures on the Races of Man, declares: “Tha grapd qualities which distinguish the man from the animal. the generalizmg powers of urcrcu son. the love of PEIfCCllblllly, the desire to now the unknown and last and greatest, the ability to observe new phenomena and new relations; these mental functions ure deticicnt or seem to be, in all dark races. But if it be so, howcan they become civilized? What hopes for their progress?” These questions are thus answered, casuall, but most pertinently, by a French traveler in the West Indies, Cassaynac: “The frisuds of useful and moral liberty should strive to maintain the supremac of the white raco until the black race understands. oves and practices the duties and obligations of civilized life.” Carlisle thus addresses himself to the emancipated negroes of the West Indies: “ You are not slavesnow. nor do I wish. if it can be avoided. to see you slaves again; but decidedly you will have to be servants to thosewho are born wiser than yoil. that are born lords of you servantsto the whites ifcthey are (as what mortal man can doubt they arc?) born wiser than you. That, you may de pend on it. my obscureblack friends is and wasal ways the law of the world. for you and for all men to ho servants, the more foolish of us to the more wise. Heavens laws are not repealable by earth, however earth may try.” Ifaulding, in his Treatise on Slavery in the U.S., speaking of amalgamation, denounces it as “ a scheme for lowering the standard of our nature, by approximating the highest grade of human beings to the lowest.” “ e have a right to conclu e from all history and experience that there is an equal disparity of mental organization.” “The experience of years stan s arrayed against the principle of equality between the white man and the black.” “All that the black man has ever done is to approachto the lowest scale of intellectual emi nence, and the world has demonstrated its settled opinion of his inferiority by pronouncing even this a wonder.” In a letter from Dr. Morton, another learned and impartial northern man, there is this passage: “lt makeslittle difference whether themental in feriority of the negro, the Samoyede or the Indian is natural oracquired: forifcv er they possessedequal intelligence with the Qaucasian they have lost it, and if they never had it they had nothing to loss. Oorriigoipnaarltlyy would arraign Providence tor creatingthem different, another for placing them in circumstances by which theybecameinevitably so. Let us find out the truth and reconcile it afterward.” The testimony of Judge Conrad is, that “The negro in the North has equal, ifnot superior. advantages of the poor white man.” " It cannot, however. he boasted that his intellectual character has boc nmaterially elevated, or his moral nature greatlyimproved.” George H. Calverts Scenes and Thoughts in Europe teaches that "At oneend of the human scale is the black man at the other the white: between them the brown an the yellow. The white mannever comesinto contact and contiict with the others that he does not conquer cm. The French philanthropist, Pynode, coneludes: “We no longer consider no canas devoted to the hatred of God. but we hold t icin, generally, almost universally. as our inferiors by their own nature.” Levasscur, another French writer on this theme, premises: “In times past. as now. itscems that thonegro race, ifleft to themselves, cannot arrive at civilization.” Even Prichard, one of the few writers on the natural history of man who does not frankly concede the inferiority of the negro race, admits that “By the animality or degradation of the forms of the pelv1s. peculiar to and “ the hottentot, is tihmopnlipegdrcasnsaanpdprtohaccBhutsohwmaardn the forms of the chimpanzee and the orangoutang. ". Gibbon, in. reference to the absence of continued, sustained, and persevering efforts of the negro race for its own improvement, observes: “The inaction of the pegroos does not seemto be the effect either of their virtue or of their pusilla npiamssi iotyn. S They indulge. like the rest of mankind. their and their appetites, and the adjacent tribes are engagedin frequent actsof hostility. But their rndei ornnce has never invented nny effectual weap ons: ticy appenrincapable of forming any extensive plan of government or conquest and the obvious in eriority of theirmental faculties has been discovered and abused by their ncighbors of the temperatezono.” Pudendorf asserts it to be a law of nature that when the negro "Has the fortune to live in subjectionto a wise director, he is, without doubt fixed in such a state of life as is most agreeableto his geniusand capacity.” Mr. Jeffersons passionate denunciation of slavery has been often and exultingly quoted by its op orients: yet this is his testimony asto the capa ility of the negro race: "Never yet could I find that ii black had uttered a thought abovethe level of a plain narration: never stancyen an elementarytrait of painting and sculp Theodore Parker, as quoted by Nott, in his work, Types of Mankind, declares that “ The Caucasiandidersfrom all other races. He is humane. he is civilized, lie progresses. It is intellect. after all. that conquers, not the strength of mans arm. The Caucasian has o been temasterof other races, never the republics are Cau ensian. All the greatr cof aucasian origin. All inventions are Can. Literature and promance come from the somestock. "Mr. President I could array many other authorities, European and American. to the same effect, but it would be a superfluous work. There has been brought to the attention of the Senate enough of this sort of evidence. But there is other testimony of a different nature, and of such volume and weight that it will compel all men of common understanding, and accessible to truth, to accept the proposition that the negro is inferior to the white race. We have spread before us the authentic history of the negro on the continent oXlmerica in the U.S.; and his life and history here, for more than 300 years, bear lniiily and conclusively upon that question. “he actual observation and experience of avast number of intelligent, living people, demonstrate to them, anifthrongh them to the world, the proposition that the white race is superior to e no proto be immutably true. ifhc 1st authentic history of negro slave in Europe, in modern times, dates in 1442, whon some Moorish prisoners to Portugal purchased theirfreedom by givinga ransom oi negro slaves. In 1503, while the great discoverer, Columbus was viceroy of Hispanioln, afterward named sandomingo, the 1st on oof African slaves ever brought to the New world were landed in that island. So soon as the Spaniards had formed a settlement, and as they continued to form them, on islands and mainland, they enslaved the native Indian, and comelled him to the severest labor in the mines an the fields. The Indian was of a fragile and sensitive organization, and nothing could mitigatehis fixed aversion to labor. The consequence was that the destruction of Indian life in Spanish sla very became frightful. The chroniclers and historians of that day inform us that sandomingo when it was discovered had an Indian population of about 2,000,000. It is hard to believe that an area of country. not a great deal larger, could have sustained such a teeming population of savages; but the soil of sandomingo was of extraordinary fertility, its fruits and vegetables abounding, spontaneous, and perennial, and its climate mild and salnbrious. We are told by the some authority that in 1495 an army of 100,000 natives was assembled by one of their chiefs to drive the Spaniards from the island, and that Columbus, with loss than 300 Spanish soldiers, struck that hostof savages and with the force of a tropical tornado swept itbefore him. Within fittv years from the discovery of the island its Indian population was reduced below 20,000. It was to save the aboriginal race from the weight of a servitude they had not the strengthto endure, and from aparent speedy annihiation, that the monk, Las asas, procured the Spanish Government to order the importation of the African negro into all its American colonies for the purposes of labor. His constitution was found to be well adapted to the tropical climate and the labor of its cotton and sugar fields under avortical sun. He had strength and endurance, wasdocile and imitative, submitted readily to the large tasks imposed upon him, and soon learned to perform his simplelabors. Instead of ining an wasting away ike the Indian, the African, with the facility of his nature, accepted his new condition. He became contented and cheer ful, was healthy and strong, ca able and willing to perform what was exacts from him, and was the greatl preferred laborer of the tropics and the low atitudes generally. One negro was deemed to he the equivalent of 4 Indian slaves. The natural increase of the negro race in this slavery was very large, and it was augmented by heavy annual importations from AF ricainto all the European colonies of America for the 300 years succeeding its discovery. In that period of time it has been estimated that 30,000,000 African negroes were brought from their native land to slavery in the American colonicsb the ships of all maritime Europe. No imaonation can compass the ag cgate horrors of such a vast slave traflicl owhere was the increase of no proslaves more rapid than in the island of Sanomingo; nowhere the product of their labor morelargely remunerative. The area of this island is a traction under 28,000 square miles. In the latter part of the last century about 2/3rds of it were under the dominion of Spain, and the other 3rd was a possession ofFrance. Alison in his Histo of Inurope says that before the revolution by which the negroes acquired the mastery of the island “In the French portion the inhabitants consisted of about 40,000 whites, 60.000 mulattocs, and 500. o negro slaves. This French colon was immensely productive,enceedingall the britis islandstognthel. ts experts. including the Spanish portion., cre 18. 400,000 and its imports 10,000, 00soterling. He adds: "The following table contains the comparative Weltlth.:l0dllct and trade of sandomin o before 3789. up in 183d, after 40 years of nom all free om: 1780. 1832. Population. 600.000 280.000 Sugar exported. pounds. “011100 nono (lotlee exported. pounds., 789.000324110. 00) ship s employed. 1 680 1 Sui ors. 16! Export: to France. nonc Imports. 9, 890.000 none The mulattoes and no cos of the French portion of the island revoted in 1790, and the freedom of the slaves in this and all the French colonies was proclaimed by the National assembly, June 3, 1793. The same historian continues: “By the expulsionof the French from sandomingo it has been nominally independent: but slavery has been far indeedborn he" g abolished, and the condition of the people an in but ameliorated by the change. Nominally ree. the blacks have remained really enslaved. Compelled to labor by the tenors of military discipline. for a small part of the productsof the soil, they have retained the severity Without the advantages of servitude. The industrious habits, the flourishing as act of the island. have disappeared: and the inhabitants, reduced to half their former amount, and bitterly galled by their republican task masters have rela sed into the indolence and m activity of savageli e.” Thus writes the great historian Alison, and since then time has thrown no illumination over this dark picture of historic truth. Who, in 3 quarters of a century, has done nothing toward the further development of the still dormant resotirccs of one of the most exuberant and salnbrious islands of the ocean? Nothing still further to advance its population, arts, or civilization? Who has failed to conserve the population industry, production, commerce, wealth an social order to which part of the island had attained under French rule? ho devastated its 1,000s of sugar plantations, and gave to the flames its residences of luxury and refinement, With the accompaniments of libraries and letters n nd the arts and all the tlO phics of wealth, cultivation, and taste? Who annihilated its sugar production of 672,000,000 pounds annually, and reduced its annual growth of coffee 54,000,000 pounds? Who swept from the seas its root fleets of merchantmen and tens of 1000s of sailors? Who cut of wholly its $92,000,000 of exxaorts and $60,000,000 of imports annually? ho reduced its population more than one half, and notwithstanding that population 1st rose in 1790 to assert by force of arms itsown freedom, and this boon was assured to it by the National Assembly of 1793, amidst the frenzy that executed Louis XVI as a state criminal, and was confirmed by the overwhelming numbers of Toussaint an Dessalines, and the more fatal climate of the island, to the armies of France, who still held this poulation, nominally free, to real servitude, an by the be out forced it to the performance of grievous tas s for small remuneration? Who was it that swept industry, plenty, opulence, law, order, peace, and security from the island, and introduced in their stead passion injustice, violence, ra ine, mur dei universal desolation, bloody an ferocious civilWar, the abandonmentofall business and industrial pursuits, the reign of all the fierce passions, and the perpetration of every revolting crime, the subversion of the entire fabric of civil society, and the relapse of the whole population into the inactivity, indolence, and sto lid listlessness of savage life? Who was it but the negro that brought this manifold and terrible woe upon the fairest and richest island of the seas? and what people did he bring it upon? Not those who ha enslaved him, for they generally had escaped to other lands; not upon a stranger people, but upon his own race, his own kindred, upon himscl. He had driven 1 out the white owners and had appropriated their possessions to himself, after having most wan tonly des oiled them. He had been brought there by the master race when he was an igno rant, helpless savn e, and but little above the brute creation. e had been made a slave and in slavery he had learned and acquired all he knew. As the white mans slave, instructed by and imbibing from his master, he had general y acquired much practical and useful knowledge, and in many cases had been educated to a lim ited extent. He thus had no uired an enlightenment and civilization to which hisfreenncestors, in their own count, had made no apreach. The efliciency which this knowledge, this civilization, imparted to him, added to his over whelming numbers, enabled him speedily to drive the white man from the island, and to become its sole lord and ruler. For more than 60 yearsithas been the theater of hisefforts for sel government, ofhis statesmanship, ofhis capacity to conserve and yet further advance a civilization which had been conferred upon him by the white race. From nowhere has he been thwarted or interfered with in those efforts; on the contrary, he has been aided by residence with him, for the whole period, of many intelligent and friendly white persons, and by daily commercial intercourse with the most enlightened nations of the earth, all anxious for his greatest success; and so far from his moving onward and upward, there is too much ground for the apprehension that all the knowledge and civilization which be attained to use slave he will lose as a free man. Internecine, bloody, and desolating wars of the mulatto, negro, and white races of this island have continued toconvulse it from 1790 for the succeeding ten years, and then between mulatto and negro to this day. The chieftains, yellow and black have been a legion. Oge, Jeannot, Rigaud hlrancois, Beauvois Toussaint, Chris tophe, lilessalines, Clervaux, lPetion, Boyer, GO mar, Richard. Soulouque, and others since have been the actors in this long and terrible drama, and each one, throughout his part in all the shitting scenes, were a sword reeking with the blood of the murdered cople. The last act has come not yet, and still the movement is on ward in a relapse toward that ignorance and bar barism whose black pnll has hung immovable and impenetrable for unnumbered centuries over the abownal home of this negro race. But Mr. President, it is sometimes said that these horrible disorders were the natural fruits of the long slavery of the negro peole, and of their deliverin themselves from it by ores and arms. nce or some centuries had been about as much debased and oppressed as sandomingo, though ina different orm. Herupheaval threw ptl the long accumulating weight and scattered it with the strength and fury of avolcano. Her frenzy passed away, and with renewed ener gies she moved off in the further development ofintellect, and in the noble achievements of a higher civilization. But while the worst J acob inisrn was raging in Paris, a spark from that infernal magazine lit upon this devoted island, among an inferior race, who had no recuperative forces; and the ruin which it spread a remained irremediable and hopeless. When the subjects of Christophe, goaded by the bloody oppressions of that negro tyrant, in 1820rose against him and transferred the northern portion of the island to BO er, and thus made him its sole ruler, no people ever had a more favorable opportunity to repair the rav ages of war, to enter upon a new and brighter career of national progress; but the Creator of all races of men had not made the negro equal to such a work of regeneration. When the horrors of sandomingo were presented to Europe, Bonaparte, then 1st Consul, exclaimed that the association calling itself “the friends of the ” the abolitionists of that day, who devi hideous byiplay of the French Revolution, “should ved itself in black.” But the abolitionists of that day, and of this day, have no remorse or shame, none of the workings of the true principles of justice and philant ropy. The negro race has passed through the probation from slavery to freedom in other conditions, under different circumstances, and by another system. The Parliament liberated, by its own imperial act, the slaves of the Britis West India islands. The owners there, and everywhere, who made profit and wealth by the labor of slaves, of their own free not never did nor ever will liberate them. The preparation for this measure was the operations of half a century, in Parliament and out of Parliament, of Sharp, Clarkson, Wilberforce, and other true and noble philanthropists, for the destruction of the barbarous slave trade, and their final success in 1825. Their object for many years was limited to laws of Parliament, punishing this traflic as piracy; and as they were cheered by increasing pros ccts of success, the naturally enlar edit to teliberation also of the slaves inal the British colonies. In 1823 asociety was formed “for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery throughout the British do minions.” Laws were passed forbidding the use of the lash, and making other meliorations in the treatment of slaves, and requiring the children to be schooled, all looking to their ul timate freedom. At length, in 1833, Parliament passed an act liberating all slavesin the British Vest Indies, and appropriating20,000,000 as compensation to their owners. It provided, also, for their apprenticeship by classes during 2, 4,an 6 years; but the negroes behaved so badly as apprentices that the planters voluntarily gave up to system, and at once conferred upon them absolute freedom. J amaica, the largest english island, contains about 6, 400 square miles, as great fertility, and the name was given to it for the abundance of its springs of the purest water. Under all the depressing influence of the long agitation to emancipate the slaves, when that measure took effect ere were upon this island 15, 776 whites, 293, 125 blacks, and 68, 527 mulattoes. This English emancipation had the orisons of the world, and it was confidently vaunted that it would brin up the negro race to the level of the proud aucasian, and under its regener ating influence the population, productiveness, and wealth of those islandswou d soon leave far behind the utmost limits they had ever previously reached. These islands continueto be English colonies, protected by the power restrained by the guardian care, and guide by the enlightened and firm statesmanship of the imperial Government. The enfranchised negro there became “equal before the law, ” and the peer of the white man his late master. They were associates in o itical power, and alike eligible to all the o ces of the locality. In this state of freedom the natural indolence of the ne resumed its dominion over him, and he regsZd to labor in the fields to such an extent as to greatly decrease the productiveness and prosperity of those colonies. Jamaica, in 1809, imported to the amount of 4, 068, 807, and exported 3, 033,234; and in 1510 she in: oned 4, 308, 837, and exported 3, 303, 579. tiring those years she was a slave colony. In 1863, 20 years after her slaves had been emancipated; her imports were 864, 094, and her exporm 837, 276; and in 1864 her exports were 403, 620, and her imports 932, 816. From the period of her slavery to her freedom her imports fell off more than tenfold, and her exports nearly fourfold; and this notwithstanding her: negro population had increased 48, 002, her mu lattoes 12. 520, and there have been introduced from the East Indies tens of 1,000s of cool ics to take the place of the freed negroes who had abandonedllier fields. The white poulation, however, fell otf 1, 960. The the cay in the material prosperity of J amaica is made more striking by the facts, that during the period between 1832 and 1847, 605 sugar and coffee plantations, containing 356, 432 acres of land, and affording employment to 49, 383labor ers, were entirely abandoned; and from 1848 to 1853, 678 other plantations, of 391, 187 acres were totally or partially turned to waste, an this in an island of less than 7,000 s uare miles. These astounding facts are verifie by Carey, and a statement made by the West In in Association of Glasgow, and appendentdocumenta. Bigclow, in his Notes on Jamaica, says: “ship ping has deserted her ports; her magnificent plantations of sugar and coffee are running to weeds; er private dwellings are falling to decay: the comforts and luxuries which belong to industrial roo perity have been cut 00, one by one, from her in ab itants and the day is at hand when there will heno oneleft to represent the wealth, intelligence, and hos pitality for which the Jamaica planter was once so distinguished.” But by far the worst phase of all in relation to Jamaica, is the recent murderous insurrection of her negro population. Liberty,equality of rights, an abounding, eaceful, an perfectly protected home; proucts of a most fer tile sml and a climate whose creative forces never sleep; all the tro hies of the arts, the sciences, and letters; tedignity, influence, and power of Office, position in society, wealth and ame, and religious culture, were all spread out before the negro of Jamaica, and gratui tously offered to iis acceptance by the white man and yet, after being the object of such benefactions for 30 years, and every pros pect of their long continuance, he has risen upon the few resident white people to expel them from the island, or to 00m them to a bloody extermination. He has added another to the 1,000 testimonies that he is a savage who may be tamed, but that his cruel nature cannot be eradicated, and only sleeps, and that when the occasion and the exciting causes arise he is ready to rush into the carnival of blood. There he ree nacted the shocking excesses of sandomingo, giving the white race to indiscriminate slaughter sawing in twain the bodies of the men, 1st violating with brutal lust and then murdering the women, severing the heads ofhelpless infants from theirbodies, audbearing them on pikes in front of their armed bands, as the ensigns of the infernal war they were wag in against the race of their benefactors. The military authorities of the island have punished by summary execution, as the newspapers in form us, from 2 to 4000 prominent actors in this savage and murderous outbreak; and We cannot suppose that this retributive jus tice, whatever its extent, was too severe. What caused this terrible nprisin g of the negro Population? The 2 races, in fearful disparity of numbers though, were living together on this island, and notwithstanding the essential and irreclaimable inferiority of the negro, in full equalit of legal and political rights. But the laws man could not change the order of oreation. The negro had been daily confronted for a generation by maxim of race which all his efforts were i ient to equal; and at. length he looked up at the white mans emi nence in he eless despair. Heat 1st imitated, then envict, and at length hated it and its possessor. He contemplated hisown vast numbers, and resolved to drive the white man, with his ineffaceable image of superiority, from the island or utterly to destroy him. It was the negro who made this savage and unsparing war on the white man; but if the war were mutual, or had been made by the white man, it equally proVes that war between the races is inevitable, and will continue until one of them extermi nates or enslaves the other, or until they are separated by inhabiting different countries. Still another solution is now contemplated, misccgenation. But, Mr. President, there is another West India island upon which has been cast the fate of the negro, Cuba, of which I will take some no tice. We all know that Cuba continues to be a Spanish slave colony. Its area is about 85,000 square miles. I will presents statement of its pulation and exports and imports for several lferent years: Whilea. Slaves. Free. 1827. ". Imports. Total revenue. SenttoSpain. 1853. It is thus seen how prosperous Cuba, a slave colony, has been, and how rapid the growth of that prosperity. I have presented the case of sandomingo as a French slave colony, and as an independent negro island; Jamaica as a British colony, 1st slave, and then with her negroes liberated and “equal before the law;” and Cuba as always a slave colony; and the facts which I have brought forward need no argument to prove the great superiority of the slave over the free islands. This superiority of development and condition was the result of the dominating mind and energies of the white race, and is proof of the inferiority of the negro. Another great fact to the same effect is, that the negro has been enslaved in every age of the world of which there is any memorial; and that he has been the slave of every other race, and has never been able to enslave anyone of them. While many negro tribes are fierce and intractable, others have much natural docility and are especially imitative. From these latter tribes the favorite negro slaves that a pear so often in history were doubtless derive. he Jews in Solomon s time, and long before, the ancient Egyptians, India, centuries before Alexander broke over its confines as a conqueror, the Assyrians, the Medes and Persians, teintellectual and polished Greeks, the conquering Roman, bot under the republic and t ic empire, all had the negro slave and held him as property. Hewas the chattel movable, or fixed. to the realty throughout the middle ages; and in modern times Portugal, Spain, France, England, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, and the maritime States of Ital, and all the Americas, hunted the negro in is aboriginal and savage home, and dragged him a slave away into distant lands. In his new and strange home he soon forgot kindred and country, formed new ties, adopted simple astimes, and became contentedan ha py. This easy adstation resulted from his power organism may e diim docile and pleasant, and everyw era a favorite slave., Wherever and whenever the negro was enslaved he became more or less educated and civilized. Among a scholarly people many, no doubt, were to some extent schooled in letters, in the elements of the lower sciences, and even in some of the fine arts. All imbibed some knowledge of the useful arts and the necessary practical information to enable them to perform the simple duties of their respective positions. Take the whole mass of the negro s aves of a country, particularly in the primitive and ear lier ages, when they were appropriated so largely to household service, and it roliably often hada respectable aggregate of pivgization and the concomitant acquirementsquite enough to have enabled an appreciating and capable race both to conserve and perpetuate what they had mas tered, and also to proceed on in an indefinite career of progress. All the great nations of antiquity with whom negroes lived in slavery, and from whom they acquired knowled e and civilization, ran their long and eventfnl; careers, and passed away, leaving ahistory behind them. The remaining fragments of their nationalities and races are accounted for; they are found among the constituent elements of the new States which rose upon the ruins of those that preceded them; but the negro slaves, as separate and distinct and insoluble almost as Jew and Gypsy, what became of them? Whether they remained with their overthrown masters, underthe conquerors, or wandered back to the home of their fathers, or migrated into other countries, they perpet uated themselves not, they made and wrote no history, they left no distinctive monuments. None but an inferior race could thus have passed into oblivion, leaving " not a wreck liehind.” The other races of man have sent forth from their hives into distant countries conquerin armies or overrunning hordes. They plante primary colonies, some of which sent out off shoots; or the original colonists sojourned a while in a strange land, and then made a new start for a still more distant and desirable home. But not so with the negro, whether rimitively barbarous or partially civilized. ere is no record that he ever lanted a colon, or built up a State, or formed) a wellorders Government, either in his own country or anyone to which he had been carried as a slayc; or made any extended conquests, or war on any grender scale than the barbarous incursions and conflicts of contiguous and etty savage tribes. But, Mr. President, this is a subject about which we have learned, not only by history and the statements and collation of facts by others, but also from our own experience and observation. We have had slavery in our own country, until esterda more than 200 ears; and the old 13, as Colonies and States, clung to it for a longer period than a century; and if the 15 slave States had not been coerced by military power slavery and property in man would have lingered, at least in the cotton, sugar, and rice fields of those States, for centuries. Negro slavery will still abide there, and abide thereforever. The great products of the warm latitudes have become the necessities of the world. The white man will have them. They can be produced only by the labor of hu man hands; and in the localities where they grow and flourish the air is charged with diseases fatal to the white man, but against which the ne rd is protected by a natural coat of mail. The white man will not labor in those fields, but he will put the negro in them, and make him cultivate them, too. This war drove the southern planters from their richest fields, and thousan s of northern men rushed to take possession of them. How man northern men entered those fields as toil in aborers? Not one. They all sought to on tivate them with the slaves of the refugees. Individual property in the African slave may have ceasedpforever, but his involuntary labor, his slave, in some form, in the fields of the South, is is destiny. IThe God of nature hath so ordained, and man cannot thwart it. The degradation of the negro in our country is known to and acknowledged by everybody; but his eulogists attribute it to the beni ting and debasing influence of his long ens avement. Who and what was the negro when he was 1st bronght into slave in America? He had no written history. e had never elaborated any systems of science or discovered their simplest principles; never designed any harmonious order of architecture; never produced one of the fine arts, or invented any machinery or useful arts of the least complexity. He had neither eloquence, nor painting, nor sculture, nor poetry, nor a reasoned theology. e had no modes of calculation constructed no principles of music or musical instruments had no i alphabet, or characters, or hieroglyphics. He was almost without language; had but the feeble glimmerings of reason; had achieved scarcely anything since he came from the hands of his Creator and had continued to be the lowest connecting link with the brute creation. All the other races of men were also once be nighted savages; but thgy had been created with a higher an more erect organism, and endowed with superior acultiesandpowers. More excellent in complexion, form, action, and in nate grace; the nicest sensibilities; deep reflection, With long forethought, exhaustless invention, the most complex ratiocination; an active and insatiable desire for procss and perfectibility; the workings within impof a higher divinity; a readier freer and closer communion with nature and God, lifted him up and propelled him from his primal and ignoble ignorance and destitution to the achievements of his present civilization, which, grand and affluent as they be, are but the prelude of his vast and incomprehensible future. But during the long period in which the other races have been moving on with their wonderful creations, almost a continent of negroes have been fixed as a fossil under the weight of the barbarism and ignorance of untold centuries, because their Creator had not endowed them with the faculties and energies to emerge from it. So He made the rogenitors of our negroes, the freedmen of the U.S., and they can never break awaifrom the essential nature of their parent stoc. But I will present a picture of the negro as he now is, and as he is likely to be forever, in his country, sketched by may to Brun; “The slavecoast of Africa consistsof severalpetty States, which are all under the despotic sway of the King of Dahomey. This barbarian monarch chooses to have women for his bodyguard and his palace ll surrounded by 1.000 of these amazons, armed with javelins and muskots. from whom he selectshis special military aids and messengers. Bis ministers when the comeinto the royal presence, are obliged to leave t cir silk robesat t cgatesof the palace and approach the throne walking on all fours, and rolling their headsin the dust. The ferocity of this African despot almost surpassesconception. The road tuhis residence is strewed with human skulls and the walls are adornedand almost coveredwith jnwbones. public occasions the sable monarch walks in polsmn Hempover the bloody headsof vanquished priiicesor isirracedministers. At the festivals of the tribes, to which all the peolo bring presentsfor the kin. he drenches the torn s of his fathers with human by good. dead bodiesare thrownaround theroyialso ul cher and 50 heads displayed on poles. be h good of thesevictims is presentedto the ng. who dipshis fin ersinto it and icks them. Human lood ismixed with clu to build templesin honor of doccased monarchs. e royal widows kill one anothertill it please: the newsovereignto put anendtothe slaughter: and the crowd assembled at their mostjoyousfutivals applaud such scenesof horror, and delight in touring the unhappy victims to pieces.” such is the king and court of a group of African tribes, and from this a reasonably accurate idea of his subjects may be formed. The difference between them and the negroes of the U.S. has been reduced wholly by the slavery of the latter. he religious congregations and missionary societies of Europe and America have been for a centu expending millions of money and the energiesand lives of devoted men and women, to Christianize and civilize the heathen negro of Africa, and the fruits of their long efforts are scarcely discern ible. But upon tesame stock, slavery in the U.S. exhibits four. million negroes with a larger amount of physical comforts, in tellience, civilization, hristian instruction, and appiness than ever fell to the lot of that number of this race in any a e of the world. We have often heard slavei enounced in this Chamber as “the sum of a l villmniesf but, Mr. President, there is one more enormous vil lainy, and that is the manner in which slavery has been broken u. The premature liberation of several 100,000 negroes, the unmeasured and immeasurable amount of misery and suffering consequent upon it, both to the living and the dead, and all that is yet to flow from it, Will help to demonstrate this great and reckless wrong to the truth of history. The deed, however, is done, and as I believe most foully done; but whether fairly or foully, I would not, if I could, undo it. It was oncof those difficult, erroneous, and greatly mischie a0 THE coneRnsSIONAin GLoBE. JQuarry; 1 6, vous movements, which, though it were better not to have been made, to reverse it is impracticable, or if practicable, the reversal won d produce still more of mischief than good. Mr. President, our country has just passed through a great revolution; 4 million negro slaves have been made free, and to effect it the constitution and laws of the U.S., and of all the slave States, were, for the time and the occasion, subverted. The insurgent States have submitted to the fortune of war, and have abolished slavery by provisions in their respective constitution s, and have adopted the amendment of the Federal constitution by which it is forever pprohibitedin the U.S. These were conditions imposed by the conquerors, and they were accepte, because of subjugation and the dread of a grinding and indefinite military despotism. The submission has been univer sal, complete; for the numbers resisting none was ever more so or in better faith. Irrespective of constitutional injunctions and obligations, magnanimity to the South would now be the truest policy of the nation. But there is an extreme faction which ariogates the largest share of the merit of this great triumph, as it is certainly chiefly responsible for the man enormous infractions of the constitution an liberties of the people of the U.S. at tending the supression of the rebellion. That faction, astonis ed, bewildered, and intoxicated by the reatness of the revolution that has been e ecte, is now striking for another much more bold and atrocious. More than 30 years ago there were 2 systems of polio propounded to the people of the U.S.t at were in some aspects antago nizing, and others friendlyone by Massachusetts and the other by SCarolina. The 1st aimed at the destruction of negro slavery throughout the slave States by a pea sto public opinion, and if it could not bee ccted, then the dissolution of the Union by the withdrawal of the free States from it, and the organization of a union of those States exclusively. The principle of the other was for the slave States to secede from the Union and toorganize a confederation in which all the States should be slaveholding. Both systems were in derotion of the Constitution, both treasonable and, 1revolutionary, and they both contemplated contin eutly a resort to arms. Both actively sowed iscontent with the Union among the people, alike embarrassed the Government van desiIred public disturb ances and COHVUiSlOD, hoping at such a state of atfairs would forward their respective objects and to that extent they were cooperating an allies. SCarolina contemplated to essay a peaceahle secession; but if that was not conceded to fight for it. Massachusetts intended to effect the overthrow of slavery by any prac ticable means, and to work for the adoption of whatever would promise that result, without any regard to its justice or legality. The aban donment of the Union by the free States, although she had determined upon that, was to be her last card. If the slave States could be involved in war with the General Government, and opportunity could thus be made to crush them and their slavery, that me she was determined should 1st be playe. SCarolina was the less cool, more recipitate, and she played her game rushly, an it has been lost by wager of battle. Not that any principle of our GOvernment can be lost or won by war or its issue. Secession was no less unconstitutional and ine perative, and it was no less the duty of the Government to oppose and defeat it before the war than it now is. SCarolina and the southern States have been vanquished and have submitted; and the decisiveness of the victory and the completeness and rectitude of the submissionequally challenge the admiration of the world. lgoday SCarolinaeven, and all the southern States, have a truer fidelity to the constitution and the Union, to the form and spirit of our blended system of overument, an the liberties of the people, an would be incomparably more trust worthy as their defenders, than Massachusetts. SCarolina was once, and for a long time, true to our system of government and all its principles; Massachusetts never. In 1787, when the constitution was being born into life, Massachusetts was in a state of insurrection against the U.S. In 1806 she factiously opposed the policy and measure of our Government in the acquisition of Louisiana, because that vast country, being formed into States, would lessen her power and influence relatively in the Government and Union. In 1809, when our nation was youn and feeble, and the British cruisers, under ordersin council, wereboarding our ships in ever sea, tearing our flag from the masthead, and tagging our sailors from their own decks to be impressed into the service of our enemy, and our Government, to avoid war, resorted to an embargo to constrain England to desist from those wrongs, Massachusetts condemned our own Government, denounced the embargo as invalid and ine perative, and disregarded it, continuing to trade with the public enemy, preferring to accept the outrage and degradation of the Government and people of the U.S. to the loss of her gainful traffic with England. These wrongs were persisted in and multi plied by England, and as the dernier redress our Government declared war against her in 1812. That Massachusetts was then false and disloal to the U.S.; that she gave not only er sympathy, but aid and comfort, to the enemy, and committed the crime of treason against the U.S. in many instances throughout the war and that she was bought to these crimes by the gains of her traffic with that enemy, is matter of public history. When ilorlda was acquired by treaty with Spain, factitious and disloyal Massachusetts condemned the acquisition, and the Government for negotiating the treaty, which her Legislature solemnly resolved to be without authority, and that that territory was not thereby annexed to the U.S. On the admission of Texas as a State the government of Massachusetts passed resolutions declaring the measure to be void, and she was not bound by it. The constitutionality of the fugitive slave law of 1850 was sustained by the SCOTUS and all the Federal and State courts before which the question was made; notwithstanding, the legislaure of Massachusetts passed a law to nullify it; and her pooplG organized an armed rebellion to resist, and did resist, its execution; and in making that resist ance, Batchelor, aU. S. marshal, who was in the performance of his duty, was killed, and this double crime of treason and murder is yet unwhipped of justice. The 1st aniiunciation of the ends of waging the war for the suppression of the insurrection made by President Lincoln, and almost unanimously by the 2 Houses of Congress, was strictly constitutional and proper. It was simply to coerce obedience to the constitution, ws, and authority of the U.S.; and when that was effected the revolted States would resume their position in the Union and the Government, an the and their people would have all the rights of e other States and their eo ple. It was to comel obedience only, and there was no power in the government to require or to do anything beyond that. But, as the war continued, the purposes of those who waged it on behalf of the U.S. were enlarged, and they transcended the limits of the Constitution. It was assumed by them that slavery was the cause of the war, and must therefore be eradicated from the U.S., as well to prevent it from producing future wars; and that when slavery should be everywhere abolished, and there was no longer. a slave in the U.S., and all the reels had submitted to the constitution and the laws, the war was then to terminate and the Statg were all to resume their respective positions in the Union and the Government. “1 is was the 2nd programme, and it has been fully executed and now comes up Massachusetts and her allies with a 3rd programme, and what is it? To confer on the negroes recently freed the right of suffrage, and to introduce the miscegenation of the races in the southern States. Let us examine both branches of this new enterprise. The freed negroes number about 4,000,000, and the male adults between 6 and 700,000, scattered over 15 States. Kentucky, with 250,000 slaves of all ages, has about40,000 men over 21 years. In our country, it has been the course of events for political parties to rise and fall every few years. the party in power have been guilty of flagrant general administration, and consequently has a large and fixed o position to it in the adhering States: and in those that revolted, the white population are about unanimously its mortal foes. It would not belong after the southern States had resumed articipation in the polities and government of the country, that the domi nant part would have to surrender the seals of officer uness they can make some great accession to their numbers. It is neck or nothing with them, and what power is to save them? It is the negro alone, but he can serve and save them only by voting for them. It was that party which gave to the negro his freedoin, and if he is permitted to vote, to it he will also owe that. privilege. Massachusetts tit Co. may count certainly upon being able to comman the entire negro voteit Will always and promptly obey their behests. For that power to be enthroned in Boston, and by its imperial will to direct how more than 600,000 negro votes, spread over 15 States, should be cast in every election, is a great stake, for which a bold and desperate game is being layed; and if won, it may save the fate and ibrtunes of the daring political gamblers who are playing it. With the aid of their he reallies, constituting more than half of the whole vote of SCarolina and Louisiana, nearly halfofthat of several other States, 40,000 in the State of Kentucky, and a heavy proportion in the remainder of the late slave States, and possessed of the Government, and wielding its vast powers and patronage singly to their own cm s, they would be omnipotent; and standing in the name and according to its forms upon our subverted constitution, they would be the absolute masters of the people. But their aim is to embody the miscegenation of the races in the southern States as part of their system. They have noted the permanent national degenerac and weakness produced in other countries by this blighting curse, and they contemplate similar results in the southern States. Without those results the know that a regenerated South would soon reak away from the base thralldom with which they are seeking to envelope her; but with misccgeuation and those results they might make the vas salage of the South to the North permanent. By the census of 1860 there were 4, 427, 093 negroes in the U.S., of whom 225, 929 were in the 19 free States, and 4,201,164 in the 15 slave States, being 20 to 1. The negro revels in a warm climate, because tohiin it is both salubrious and indolent, favoring long life and large natural increase, requiring but little clothing, and furnishing him much of his food in spontaneousvegetables and fruits. Massachusetts dz Co. know that he has invincible aversion to the cold northern States; and that eveufreedom, and some social and political privileges which they held out to the slave negro could not allure many of the m to go there. They know that so soon as the few negroes resident in the northern States have the option the most of the m will flyback to the sunny South. White labor is greatly the best for the border slave States, and especially Kentucky. with her nonpared blue grass; economy and interest. will push the negro from those States and he will go South, and the process will be expedited by the vexations and injustice of the “ freedmens Bureau.” The cotton, rice, sugar, and coffee lantations are the theater to which the negro aborer has been allotted by nature; everywhere beside he will be met and vanquished by his white competitor, but there this meeting will never take place. From all these causes the aggregation of the mass of the negroes of the U.S. in the southern States will progress rapidly. Miscegenation would be encouraged bylarge numbers of the 2 races inhabiting the same country, and every law and regulation in favor of the white being broken down; by the white race becoming poor and broken in spirit, and cut 05 from position and office and political pewer; and thle negro race bein elevated as the other is depressed, and becoming the ruling power of the country. The white man is to be riven from his lands, and they are to be given to the negro and the negros ardian angel, the Yankee. The white man nds the malaria of the country fatalto the no o it is innox ions. The one can laborin the glds if he will; the other it would speedily transfer to the grave. But wherever money is to be made there is the omnipresent Yankee. He steps in and forms associations with the negro; he engrosses the cotton and rice and sugar lands; and by the agency of the Freedmens Bureau, and often with its officers as his secret partners, seduces the negro laborers from the employment of the resident landholders, if any of that class should be left, and himself monopolizes the entire labor of the count. Thus the white resident is excluded from all part or lot in the cultivation and production, and eventually the ownership, of the lands; and all their avails, that can pass through the hands of the Yankee proprietor, go to the negro laborer. Poverty. destitution, and squali want await the white residents and their families; and the men who devised this cruel and revolting system knew full well what cogent motive to miscegenation such a deplorable condition of the white race would offer to it. These an at architects are gloatin over the success of their crude and hastily trie scheme, and the misery it has even now brought on the southern people; and they are in haste to perfect it by supplementary and new measures of legislation. he whole scheme was concocted after long reflection, by able men, for mischief and oppression, and it was devised with diabolical orecast. The original proposition to amend the constitution by abolishing slavery through out the U.S., was the 1st section; the combining the 2nd section with it; the organization of the o ressive and infamous Freedmens Bureau, wrt the object to degrade the white man and elevate tene ro; the pending bill “to enlarge its power; the bill to protect all persons in the U.S. in their civil rights, and furnish the means of their vindication;” the pendin measure and the numerous bills to extend teright of suffrage, not to all the free nevroes of the U.S., but to those recently liberated in the late slave States, are all harmonious parts of a huge system of tyranny and iniquity, built up not only without any rightful power, but in all their essential features against the plainest and most vital constitutional restrictions of power. What condition and destiny that series of measures is intended to bring, and will brin, on the southern States, is illustrated by Mexico at this time. The area of that country is about 894,000 square miles, and its total population 8, 600, 236, there being about 8 persons to the square mile, a very sparse population for a count that has been settled so long, and has so mnc natural wealth. We are informed that of her people 1,000,000 are of the European race, 4,000,000 of Indians, 8, 394, 286 are mestizoes or the mixed races, and only 6,000 negroes. The lower races have always the stronger desire to mix with the higher ones, and the negro being the lowest, has that proneness in the greatestdegree, which explains why there is so small a number of negroes in Mexico. If there be any enno blin or regenerating power in miscegenation, the and of Cortes an Marina has had its full benefit. At the time of the conquest of Mexico and Peru, the conquerors and their countrymen were the 1st people of Europe, and they maintained that proud ascendeucy for some generations. In their colonies so long as the European race preserved its distinctness in the main, and did not extensivel enervate itself by misce enation and forming oxnestic alliances with teother races, it asserted its mastery and ruled their colonial affairs with resistless courage and vigor. The domination of the secolonists of the Spanish race continued throu bout the struggles of the colonies for indepenence and their 1st years of separate nationality, and was lost only when the gangrene of misccgenation had wasted the energies, and had sapped the hardy and warlike qualities of that portion of the people, then degeneracy, feebleness, and incompetency to rule came over them. This decay of national virtue and prowess was most striking in the SpanishAmerican countries where there was the greatest admix ture of the races; hence Mexico was conspicu ous in that respect. In this unhappy country it has proceeded to such an extent as for some years to have threatened the overthrow of her social system. Industry, businsss, prosperity, law, order, and securit seem long since to have fled from Mexico. Her people are powerlcss to conserve or to reconstruct anything; and their only manifestation of energy or effort is the rapid rise and fall of military factions, brigau ism and general devastation, and the throes of a universally threatened anarchy. The example of Mexico is before us and in our neigh borhood, and the cause of her debasoment and misery is patent known to everybody; and it is that the southern States may be brought to the same condition that reckless and Wicked men are making such efforts to introduce it there. A frantic desire to punish the southern people, ademoniac and insane thirst for ven cance upon them, mixedup with an ignoble lust for power and office, for profit and money, are driving on those men an their frantic followers; and if they can accomplish their ends what care they for the unutterable woes that may be devolved upon their victims? The purpose is to bring the South to such a condition of weakness and abasoment that it shall have neither the spirit nor resources to throw off the galling yoke of the North; thatit shall become a permanent colony, and be made to pay tribute under measures and laws passed by the North to build up its own sectional interests; that it shall become so much M exicanized as to be in capable of selfgovernment, and its government by the North become a necessity. Mr. President, there is a most novel, alarm in, and indeed revolutionary aspect in public atfitirs at this time. The majority will not permit 11 States to be represented in either ease of Congress, although 7 of them have voted and been counted in favor of the amendment of the constitution abolishing slavery throughout the U.S. There is not, and has not been for months, any rebellion, or insurrection, or resistance, or a single armed soldier or citizen in those States, or anyone of them, against the U.S., their laws or authorit. On the contrary, those States are in full, ormal, and real submission and obedience as the other States. A bold and desperate faction know that their mischievous and unconstitutional measures cannot obtain the requisite majority of the 2 Houses if the Union is uusevered and the Government in full and constitutional operation, by all the States being represented in both Houses. But this revolutionary movement is intended to operate not only upon Congress, but also upon the President; it is desred to emasculate hislveto power, to prevent him having both or either House of Congress to sustain it if he should veto any of their unconstitutional and destructive measures. Mr. President, this abolition radical boasts that party it is the pew; dove on progress. How much longer will, and how much further will it progress, before the country will be aroused by the thunders of military pronunciamicntos reverberating from ocean to ocean? We seem to be in the rapids, rushing on to the fatal cataract. Is there no power to saveus? It seems to me as if our country had incurred the especial displeasure of the great Jehovah, by His allowing the madness of the people to bring on this great civilWar. He has inflicted upon the nation one of his heaviest chastisemeuts. The war has ceased, but the frenzied, wicked, and demoniac passions of the people still rage, and the men who profess to e is ministers of “ peace on earth and good will among men, ” are the most active to continue and further inflame them. When this demonism is given up we may hope the vengeance of God to be satisfied. Mr. President, our constitution and the liberties of the people have not withstood this great civic war: that constitution has been disrupted and its disjointed fragments scattered everywhere, and the liberties of the people torn into shreds by its terrific storms. Teeffective remedy is for the sovereign people of the U.S. to go into a national convention to replace the great foundation stones of their Government, and rebuild upon them the structure in its original proportions and harmony, making a few necessary and vital modifications in conformity to the teachings of exrience. Among such modifications one wou d be, to organize NewEngland into not more than 2 States. NewYork, by the census of 1860, has 3, 883, 785 people, an all NewEngland but 3, 135, 283. The excess of the poulation of NewYork over all NewEngland is only a small fraction less than the aggregate poulation of RhdIsland, Vermont, and Iew Hampshire. It will. not be many years before 8 or 10 States will each have more population than the whole of NewEngland. this a wron and dangerous adjustment of power for NewYork tohave 2 Senators, and those 6 States to have 12, and for 14 presidential electors to be apportioned on the same principle, between NewYork and NewEng and assachusetts has most generally formed the political principles and directed the political course oi? the other NewEngland States. She, has been, in truth, imperium in imperio, and has often most mischievously wicldet their aggregated power. The principle of proportion between the population of the States and their weight in the Government, justice to the great States and harmon among them all, require that NewEngland should be made to surrender her great disproportion of power in the Senate and the preSidential college. Mr. President, throughouthis whole history the negro has been found in but 2 conditions: living separately to himself as an ignorant say age, or with some other race of maple as aslave or dependent. Freedom, with ignorance and barberism, or slavery with civilization, is his destiny. I move to recommit this bill to the ComDistCol, with instructions to report allowing to the white citizens a form of government similar to our territorial governments.