Mr. COWAN. It has just struck me that if we were to read in history now, after a lapse of 121 years, that a member of the English Parliament, utter the battle of Culloden, had moved in that Parliament that no Highland youth who had engaged in that rebellion should be educated ininglish colleges, what would We think of it? When Hoche suppressed the rebellion in LaVendee, what would we think if a member of the French Convention had got up and moved thatno he Vendean who had taken part in that rebellion should have entree into the Ecole Polytechnique? why, Mr. President, I should think the part of wise men would be to get the young men of the South educated with our young men in the colleges of the North, in the national schools. What is to be the effect of a contrary policy? Are we to make these young men patriots, defenders of the country, and attached to its institutions by exclusions of this kind? Mr. President, I fear me much for this policy. I had a conversation today with a Senator of this body. At one time in my life, in my youth, I was wise enough, foolish enough, enterprising enough to proicctan expedition into Texas to aid General Iouston in liberating Texas from the yoke of Mexico. I am free today to say that at that time, at the age of 20 years perhaps, I did not know what the quarrel was about. I did not stop to inquire what the quarrel was about. I had a notion that our people were fighting with some other people; that this blood of ours was in contest either with Indians or Mexicans or some other race for domination in Texas; and I was with our own people. My friend with whom I had this conversation said to me, “I was a soldier in the Mexican war; I went into it at the age of 16; and I am free to say that at that time I did not know what the precise point of (Iluarrcl was between this country and Iextco; did not stop to inquire; my country was at war; and although 16 years of age I vol unteered, and I was iresent at the battles of Monterey and Buena ista.” Mr. President, think of it, and Senators think of it! Would you exclude young men of that age, because they engaged in acontest in which all their neighbors and all their people were more or less involved, from the advantages which are extended to other young men of the country, and embitter and rnake more hostile to our institutions those young men? I think the true policy would be to endeavor, so far as we can, to get the young men of the South, those who have been misled and carried away into the rebellion, to come to the North, to come to our schools, and intermin le with our people, now that the great bone O contention has been gnawed to pieces in the struggle, that we may all harmonize together and feel that we have a common interest in defending a common republic. I am satisfied from all the lessons of history that this policy of prescription, this policy of imposing punishments not fixed and regulated by law, not following upon conviction in a court of justice, is not only bad policy, not only a blunder, but a crime. I have no sympathy for the leaders of the rebellion; I have no sympathy for the bad men who fomented it, and who taught the various sections to hate each other; but for the people, for the youth of the people, I have no condemnation, particularly after what has taken place, and after they have sulfered the calamities of war. That I take to be the just penalty, and they stand acquitted when it is paid. Now, as was said by the Senfrom Maine, and better said than I can say it, the idea that this remnant which belongs to the South by the Constitution and the laws, that the chances which remain to her since she has submitted should be taken away is painful; a melancholy example, I fear. of how lar the passionsof men may lead them to disregard, not only their true interests. but those of the country.