Mr. SUMNER. I was going to say, too, there were 2 objections, each of a radical character, to the bill; and when I make the objections I do so in good faith, for I am sincerely a friend of the bill. I have so declared myself and so voted always. One of the provisions which it seems to me ought to be introduced into the bill is what we will compendiously call the Massachusetts provision, to the effect that there shall be no discharge where the assets do not amount to 50%. unless a majority of the creditors consent. That was in the bill as it came from the HoRep, and ought to be, I am sure, in any well considered bankrupt system. Then there is another amendment which I wish to see in the bill, and that is an exclusion of all rebels or persons who have been in the rebellion from appearing before the judge as voluntary petitioners for the benefit of this act. I had the honor of submitting that proposition when the bill was ander consideration before. Since then further reflection has confirmed me in the practical value of the suggestion. Communications that I have received from those who are the most competent to fo of the operation of this measure are all in one direction. I have received important communications from persons eminent in professional and judicial life, and from others having the most extensive business relations throughout the South, and they have, according to my observation, but one opinion on the importance of excluding all who have partaken in the rebellion from any participation in the benefits of this act, so far at least as they may have them through their vol. untary petition. I wish the bill was in such a condition that I could make that motion again, and again have the judgment of the Senate upon it. I do wish to arrest the course of the Senate at this moment on a question which I deem of vital importance. I insist that the time has not come for any such measure of amnesty. These very rebels are treating our kindred and our coun: trymen with the most heartless cruelty, and this is not the moment for us to endow them with additional opportunities and advantages. The time has not come; it will come, by the blessing of God, if we are only true to our duties, and throw the protection of Congress over those to whom we are under the most solemn obligations; but to my mind this bill, so far as it has any operation, is in this respect an abdication of i. solemn duty of protection which we owe to Unionists at the South. I call it protection: we ought not to allow their opPressors to get on their feet and acquire new power and vigor to carry out their opPression. I protest against any such concession; it is unhappy; it is sinister; I almost feel that it is inhuman. I wish, therefore, that the bill was in such a condition that I could repeat that motion and again have the vote of the Senate upon it. A Senator says I can move to reconsider the vote. I am not so situated that I can do so. I voted with the minority: I did not vote with the majority. If any senator who voted with the majority would move to reconsider that vote, so that the Senate might again act upon iIt, should be very glad. I do not wish to take time with it.