idea is worth of some consideration, and I commend it to those who are really desirous of benefiting the freedmen permanently and substantially. Now, Mr. Speaker, I desire to call the attention of the House to the cost of this bureau for one year. In doing $01 will 1st show what it might cost if the President should in his discretion use to the full limit the authority and power given him by the provisions of this bill. The bill provides in its 1st section that the President may divide the section of country containing refugees and freedmen into districts, each containing one or more States, not to exceed 12 in number. Under this wide and comprehensive discretion I see no difficulty in the way of the President dividing the whole U.S. into 12 districts. Again, in the 2nd section it is provided: That the Commissioner, with the approval of the President, may divide eachdistrict into a number of subdistrictsnot to exceed the numberofcounties or parishesin such district, and shall assignto eachsub distxict at least one agent, who shall receivea salary notexceedim; $1,500a; ndeachagent of a sub district may employ 2 clerks of the 1st class. Now, supposing the President should, in the exercise oi is discretion given to him by this bill, appoint all the officers that the bill will allow 1mto appoint and from civil life, the following will showthe cost to which the Government would be subjected: Salary of Commissionerfor one yea. r. $3,000 Salary of 12 asstcommissionersfor oneyear. 30,000 Salary of Commissioner for one year Salary of t for one year. Salary of aacntsi Saiary of clerks to agents. Total salaries alone“. Statemen1t1, salarieosf Commissionern, maltml commis “one”, agents, and clerks. Commissioner. Asst commi 30:000 Agents, free States. l. 29. (l(l) Agents. former slaveStates. i 1305!) Agents clerks, free States. 212b.00 Acents clerks. former slave States 2, 815. 10 Commissionersclerks. 15. 300 Asst commissionersclerks. 91. 12;!) Total salaries. Now, sir, there have been about 3 million 500,000 slaves liberated by the amendment to the constitution; say that one 10th of the whole number, which I think a small estimate, should reunire aid in the way of clothing, food medicines, and transportation, at a cost of 50 dollars perhead. his would nc s exe., lilac tothigth c gicor GbnnesHroitwlard for the following expenditures fortho fiscal year commencing January 1, 1886: For stationery and printing. (In For quarters and fuel. 1 For school superintendents. ” 211M1) Sites for schoolhouses and asylums. SAID.” Talegraphing and we have a grand total o. $3. 807.” I have no idea that it is contemplated for a moment to extend the operations of the bureau over the whole U.S., butthink I have i shown conclusively that it mightbe so extended. I can see no necessity for such an unlimited discretion, and when there is no necessity be yond that which is required to accomplish and carry out the object sought for, it seems to me that it would be wise to withhold it. But to show the cost or roximnte cost of the bureau for one year. conuing itso crations to the hitherto slave States, we have only to deduct from the above grand total the salaries of agents and their clerks in the 19 free States, $3, 455, 400, and the cost will be $25, 361, 600. That it is intended to put the bureau in full operation in every county and parish of the hith erto slave States, including Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, I have not the least doubt, nor have I any doubt but that it is intended to extend it into parts of some of the border States. New, sir, I do not think that I can be charged with having overestimated the expense of the bureau; on the contrary, I have rather under than overestimated its cost and have left out of the calculation many costly items which, upon a closer analysis, will be found incident to a full development of the plan of the Freedmens Bureau: Section 4 provides: That the President is authorized to reserve from sale orfrom settlement, under the homestead and proemtion laws and toset. apart fortbouso of freedmsn an loyal refugees. male or female, unoccupied public lumlsin Florida, Mississippi. Alabama, Quisiunfls and Arkansas. Uotonceedmg in all 3 inion acres of goodlaud. Now, Mr. Speaker, I should like to know the necessity of setting apart 3 million acres of land for the exclusive use of the freedmen in the particular States named. “Raohave in the southern States about 30 million acres of unoccupied public lands. Why not then. Mr. Spaker, throw these public lands open to all loya citizens under the preemption and homestead laws, on if necessary to restrict the uuntity to 40 acres, do so? and if the freedmen or any other loyal citizen desire to become freeholders, givet. cm the opportunity; and if the costs of entering such lands be too much, which I believe is ten dollars, then reduce it, or make no charge at all. I believe that it would be to the pecuniary advantage of the Government to give these lands to parties who would reclaim and improve them rather than they should remain unoccupied and a waste. I believe that it is the true policy of the Government toencourage emigration to the southern States and the speedy settlement of these lands. Their enhanced value by improvement would give to the Government a revenue from taxation in a very short time more than suiticient. to pay their 1st cost and the expense of. bringing them into market. This Jlflll, it seems to me, would be more erpiitable and less objectionable, on the ground o special legislation, than that suguested by the bill. It certainly would afford a I who were disposed to avail themselves of the liberal proVISIOHB of the homestead acta home by taking the trouble to enter the land and expending the labor necessary to comply with the requirements of the net. Again, section 6 provides: That the Commissioner, under the direction of the President is hereby empowered to purchase or rent such tracts of land In the several districts ntbrcsaidus mo be necessary to provide for the indigent refugees an Freedmen dependent upon the Government for support. This provision, Mr. Speaker, is too plain to need comment. Section 4 provides for the setting apart 3 million acres of land for the freedmen, yet the framers of this bill, seemingly in doubt as to whether 3 million acres will be nutheicnt, ask that the Commissioner, under the direction of the President, may purchase, without limit other than his own judgment, additional land. I do not know how this proposition will strike others, but to my mind it seems singular that the Government. being in possession of from 25 to 30 million acres of. unoccupied lands in the southern States, should be asked, without limit as to quantity or value, to purchase additional lands. whhat additional expense the Goverment will be at to in the purchase or rentin of lands will be left. entirely to the Commissioner, and what that me be is a matter of speculation. But judging from the appropriation which he asks for the purchase of sttes for schoolhouses and asylums, 8,000,000, one might reason ably suppose that it would be a pretty large sum. Section 5 provides for the confirming of the possession of the freedmen for 3 years in this: occupancy of the lands upon which they were settled pursuant to GenlSherman s special order, dated January 16, 1865. That GenlSherman had a right to settle the freedmen on these abandoned and s at the time he did so} have no doubt. They were held by military power and the laws of war justified him in setting them apart for the safety of those who claimed and were entitled to his protection. Hisauthorit being oneoriginating out of the condition of tings occasioned by astate of war, in in judgment ceased after its termi nation, and tocontrol which he assumed over civil affoirs, and which he was justified in as suming during the war, lapse back to the legally constituted civil authorities at. its close. t seems to me a montrosity that a Government which is instituted for the protection of persons in the possession and enjoyment of their property s 0nld be des oiled of it, and that it should be given to 0t.ers without the slightest consideration. Neither municipal nor international law will justif such an assum ition, and to my mind such legislation can only lead to vexutious litigation, and with but one enda judicial decision that the law is unconstitutional and of no elfect and I submit whether or not it would not be wise in Congress to remove the freedmen to some of the unoccupied lands, where they would have an undisuted title to their homesteads, and prove in e end to be to their very best interest. Having shown what seems to me objection able features in this bill, I submitto this House whether the end which it aims to accomplish cannot be obtained just as surely, and with as great a degree of certainty, in another way, and with a great saving to the Treasury. GenlGrant, in his report of December18, says in substance that it will be necessu to keep garrisons in the States lately in robeion until such time as labor returns to its proper channels and civil authorityis fully established. That being the case, why cannot the aid and protection rendered through the Freedmens ureau be rendered throng this channel? As it is, the bureau depends entirely upon the military to make its authority effective. A wellestablished military garrison bus all the appliances at hand to aid the destitute freed, men, women, and children, and the force to pro, tect them. What more is needed? The tore going conferms with GenlGrantsview, that there is no necessity of the expense of a separate organization. He says, in concluding the report before alluded to, that " The Freedmcus Bureau beingseparated from the military establishment of the country requiresall the expouso of a separate orgmisnitlon. this does not necossunly know what the othe is doing or what orders the are uctin under. t seemsto mothat this could u correcte by rearding every officeron dug wrth troops in the son ern States as an agent of o FreedmensBureau, and then have all orders from the headof the bureausent throuigh Dept commanders. This would ereate a responsibility that would secureuniformity of notion throughout all the South. wonld insure the orders and instructions from the head of the bureau being carried out and Would relieve from duty and puyularge numberof employees of the Government.” This to my mind is conclusive that the freedmens Bureau, with its elaborate and exensive organization, is not needed; that all t not can be done for the freedmen by that institution can be done through the military garrisons that are now established throughout the South with equal certainty and effect, and a saving to the Government of millions of dollars. I desire to call thonttention of the House referred to in my resolution. 1 to a remark contained on page 18 of GenlHowards report. He says: " My OlklwfiOHto the system I adopt have beenobligedto has beenits tendency to cheek individuality, not rlutheientlyencouragingselfdependency.” This is truly a grave and serious objection, and one that should engage the attention of the friends of the freedmen. Too much can be done as well as notenongh. By doing too much you prolong his dependence and encourage idle ness: and whenyou withdraw the aid and support of the Government you will leave him in a worse condition than when you found him. In conclusion, permit me to say that I have criticised what I conceive to be im)crfections inthis bill with no unfriendly feeling toward the freedmen. I think they need and should have the fostering care of the Government to a reasonable extent, and that I think they can have and should have through the military, and the Government be relieved from the expense and cost of sustaining 2 organizations to perform the office which one can as effectually and thoroughly perform as the two.