Mr. BOUTWELL, I decline to yield further. I have only to say that in my view, as far as these ten States are concerned, when the exigency exists it is competent for Congress to declare that they shall be governed by martial law; to declare that pretended State governments have no power to grant writs of habeascorpus or do any other act of government except as they derive it from military authority. The military government for the time being will be supreme, but not necessarily exclusive, because these military officers may, as provided in this bill, grant to the local tribunals an opportunity to dispose of questions as they may arise among the people. Mr. Speaker, passing from the provisions of the bill, I wish to call the attention of the House to the amendment offered by the Gentfrom Ohio, [Mr. BINGHAM,) and the amendment offered the Gentfrom Maine, [Mr. BLAINE,) which are similar in character. I observe these amendments are supported by quite a number of gentlemen on this side of the House. Without examining into the details of the amendments I have this to say, that any general proposition for the restoration of these States to the Union upon any basis set forth in an act of Congress is fraught with the greatest danger to the future peace and prosperity of the Republic. The reason is apparent; yesterday we passed a bill providing for the admission of Louisiana to the Union. I will refer now to the provisions of this bill for the purpose of deducin therefrom an argument against the propose amendments of the Gentfrom Maine [Mr. BLAINE] and the Gentfrom Ohio, [Mr. BINGHAM] In the 1st place, we have taken the utmost care in that bill to secure a loyal governor for Louisiana while the process of reconstruction is going on. We have taken the utmost security that the legislative council shall be composed of loyal men; that no person shall be elected a delegate to the constitutional convention or legislature who has ever had anything whatever to do with the rebellion. And for what purpose have we taken all these securities? For this purpose alone, as I apprehend, that we set up as the principal figures in the reconstruction of Louisiana loyal men. We closhe them with power so that all the people of Louisiana, loyal and rebel, may see that all power in that new State, under the policy of Congress, is given to loyal men, and also that disloyal men are carefully excluded. I need not dwell upon what is a well known and potent fact, that when you create a State, when you give power to a Governor, when you appoint a legislative council, when you select judges, it is of the 1st importance that they be loyal men if you desire to construct a loyal State. How is it, how will it be under the amendment proposed by the Gentfrom Ohio? He lays down a general rule under which each of these 9 States is permitted to reconstruct itself and obtain admission into the Union. What is to be the effect of this measure? The legislative depts of those mine States are all in the hands of disloyal men. Every Governor, every judge, is a disloyal man. The majorities in each of the Legislative Assem blies is composed of disloyal men. As soon as it is ascertained, as it will be if the amendment of the Gentfrom Ohio prevails, that certain things are to be done in order to secure admission into Congress, what happens? These disloyal authorities proceed at once to do that the Gentfrom Ohio says they must do before they are admitted into Congress. Disloyal men in these States become the cen tral figures in the Government. They become the source of power.