Mr. TltlMBLE. I do not wish to take any issue with the POTUS, but I thought that I had made myself under stood to the gentleman by stating that as a matter of law, in my opinion, that great writ of right was restored to the poorest and humblest man in this broad lnnd, even to my colored friends, if I have any, if the amendment is valid. Sir, where is the authority for the suspension of the writ? Where does the gentleman and his party derive the authority to suspend it? They derive it from the constitution of the U.S., because the power exists no where, not even in the legislative, executive, or judicial branch of this government, except in cases arising out of war, insurrection, and rebellion. The authority is in the constitution, and there, too, is the limitation and as soon as war, insurrection, or rebellion ceases, the writ is restored to every citizen in the States. The power to suspend the writ ceases with the termination of the rebellion. Has it not terminated? Is there a jury of intelligent Englishmen or Americans anywhere to be found who would decide upon the facts presented, that we are not at peace today and no longer in a state of war? But while I say this I do not intend to be understood as making any assault upon the POTUS because he has not restored that writ, for I believe, and I think I know, that AndrewJohnson is too good a law yer not to know that when the reasons for that suspension shall have passed away, the writ returns by reason of the fact. Pray, sir, if the war is not. ended, how longis it to continue? I know there is a party in the section where I live who would like to have it continue always. There is a party there that desires to make money. I do not speak of the great politicalparty in Kentucky that opposes me. speak of a party in Kentuckyvery small indeedthat regretted from the bottom of their hearts when the war ceased, when General Lee surrendered to the Federal forces. It stopped too soon for their cotton s iecnlations, too soon for them to continue to ply their calling and wring out of the hard earnings of the people of the South, loyal and disloyal, their money, and place it in their own pockets. Sir, there is clamor of this kind in my section of the country, and we should meet facts as they exist. We are at peace; let us so recognize it, and thank God that it is so. Sir, is therea provision in this bill that gives to the man that shall be arrested under it the right to a trial by jury, the right to appeal to the law, the rightto execute bail? hone, sir. It places in the power of these agents of the Freedmens Bureau unlimited and despotic poiverto fine and imprison, from which, in my judgment, there is no escape; and as a friend of that race about which much has been said here, I would upon this occasion, as upon all others, do justice to them, and see that their rights under the constitution of the country are respected but I appeal to you to ause before you pass this bill, if the object an purpose of its passage is to benefit and protect them. In my judgment, such an engine of power has in no instance in the history of the civilized world ever been productive of good to those upon whom it was intended to confer favors. such power shOuld not be deposited in the hands of anybody, and I would save and protect them from the exercise of such enormous powers. Sir, that I may be correct in regard to the power of the Government in the suspension of this right, I desire to read from the Constitution: "The privilege of the writ of habeaacorp!“ shall not be suspended, unlesswhen in casespf rebellion and invasion the public safety mayrequire it.” There was a rebellion; but does thatprove that rebellion must exist throughout all time I. The very moment that rebellion was over, the very moment the insurrection was suppressed, the power existed nowhere to suspend at writ. This bill is in violation of that provision of the constitution. It is also in Violation of this provision of the constitution of the U.S.: the judieial power of the U.S shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congressmay from time to time ordain and establish. the jndges. both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at statedtimes, receivefor their services a compensation which a all not be dimin ishedduring their continuance in office.” Sir, I would ask whether these agents of the Freedmens Bureau, numbering, I believe about 1800, are not judicial officers, with authority to fine $1,000 and imprison one year? Would they not be considere in this country or in any other as exercising judicial powers? A common magistrate. whose jurisdiction is limited to 50 or 100 dollars, is njudicial Officer. By this bill you clothe the agent of the Freedmens Bureau with power to arrest at his will and pleasure. He is made the sole judge. The great safeguard thrown around the citizen that no man shall be arrested except upon affidavit and information, is stricken down, and the officers of this bureau can arrest the honorable Speaker of this House or anybody clse they may find in these States down there, if they, in their judgment. conceive they have violated an of the extraordinary provisions of this bil. They could arrest GenlGrant or GenlSherman , or any of our greatest officers. and, air, where is there any redress? There is no trial by jury, no right to the writ of habeascorpus, no right to If there be any provision in the bill whiac ppeparel. serves those rights, I would like the honor able chairman of the select committee to point it out. Sir, I am for peace. I desire to see this country restored. I desire to see legislation here that will be acceptable to the people of this whole country. I desire to see ws that shall o erate equally and alike upon all portions of this great country, and that shall shed their benign influence upon all the citizens of this land alike, as the dews ofheaven fall alike upon all. Let us have no legislation that is to apply to the people North or to the peeple South. We are not now at war; we are at peace. Sir, in addition to the clauses of the constitution which I have read which this bill violates, in my judgment it strikes down everyone of the amendments made to the constitution of the U.S., which I will read. It is in violation of the plain provisions of those amendments. I have looked in vain for any warrant or authority in anyone of the articles or sections of this constitution for the enormous powers conferred by this bill. Nowhere in the constitution do I find any such warrant or authority.” The right of the people to be secure in theirpersons, housespapers, and objects against unreasonablo searchesan seizures shall not be violated and no war rants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the persons or things to be seized.” Is not this great safeguard of the people, is not the right of the black man as well as the right of the white man, invaded by this bill, and in violation of that provision of the constitution? The constitution says: “No person shall be held to answer for a capital or iontdhiecrtvmnesncitnofafma ogurasnedrimjueryu. nelxecsespotn a presentment or in cases arising in the land or naval torecmorin the militia when in actual service in time of war or public danger nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to betWica put in Jeopardy of life or limb nurshu. “be compelled in any criminal caseto be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property Without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation.” The constitution also says: "In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by animpor tialjnry of the State and district wherein the crime shall have beencommitted, which district shall have been previouslyascertainedbylaw, and to beinformed of the nature and cause of the accusation: to becon fronted with the Witnesses against him; to have compnlsory process for obtaining witnessesin his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. Is there anything in this bill that gives to this poor, unfortunate class of men, or to the white men of the SOuth, these inalienable rights of an American free man I If they are free, if the are entitled to their freedom under the constitution of their country, then give it to them, and extend to them the privileges of freedmen, protecting them in the enjoyment of their liberty and their property and the just reward of their own labors; and do not impose upon them such a law as this, with such despots as I fear we will have under it, for the purpose of crushing them out.