The SPEAKER asked him if the Union was destroyed I fancyl hearhis blunt, soldier 1ikc reply, as in the fullness of his while the memories of the past are cherished by the soldiers of the present; and the campaign of those who followed me and cheered me on was begun and continued to rescue our beloved Union from the impending danger of severance.” Ask the soldiers ofevery grade, ofevery army, what they fought for, what theyenduredlso much for, what they submitted to all manner of toil, hardshi, privation, and suffering for, and they will tell) you in their triumphantly victorious notes, “ 0I savethe Union from overthrow, and, thank God, we were successful.” Who then says that the Union is dissolved? None but the socalled Union members of congress, elected as Union men they only proclaim dissolution. I am a Democrat; and with all in this House who hear that honored name we proclaim, with h Andrew Jackson and AndrewJohnson, “The Federal Union, it must be preserved, ” not only for the sake of our present population and our posterity, but as the beacon light to guide all men to hop iness. Mr. Spea er, I have said that we had no right to go to war with the southern States only on the assumption that theirs was an insurrection, unsustained by the masses of the people. And this was evidently the idea entertained by the late President Lincoln, who 1st called forth the voluntary offering of the people to suppress this revolt against the authority of the Government. He says:. “It may well be questioned whether there is day to a majority of legally qualified voters of my State l except, perhaps, SCarolina, in favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are the majority in many. if not in over other one, oMfetnhaege socalled acceded States." lreo en!Lbwolnl of July 4, 186i. I ThisI say was the assumption at that riod, the war was for the suppression of the rebellion and protection of the Union and Union men, and subsequent developments in all the States demonstrated the existence of that Union element among the white inhabitants, manifesting itself, as in Tennessee, in furnishing scouts, giving accurate information, harboring deserters, raising armies fer your aid, and doing all that could be expected of them to maintain their allegiance to the Union. Mr. Lincoln steadily maintained that whenever the armed power of the rebellion was broken, and the arms raised against the Union were laid down, that then the union of the States would be restored, the States resume their wanted functions, and harmony and unit again give vitality to all their functions, an we should be again in every acceptation of the words a “Union of States, ” which none could sever. and, Mr. Speaker, is it not desirable that this should be realized as early as possible? am Opposed to all these propOsed amendments to the Constitution, to all questions of enfranchisement of the African race among us, because I do not think this is an auspicious time to tamper with that almOst sacred instrument, our fundamental law. We have just got through a bloody strife; passion doubtless was aroused, bad feelings engendered; let us wait calmly for awhile, curb our passions and honestly, as patriots, seek more light before we attempt change. I believe this is not the time, for as we are only the servants of the people, not their masters, and as when we were elected these questions were not before the people, hence they have expressed no full and matured opinions on this most interesting qnestion. We should therefore wait, consult the people, not attempt to forestall them, nor yet consult only with the few whom we may regard as friends, or, as they are familiarly called, “the leaders.” This constitution belongs to the pee le, the whole people. I deny the right of so] constjtuted leaders to dictate to the people on this grave question. Let us wait awhile, go before the people with it, let it be fully discussed on both si es, and then, if the people want these changes, let them send men here instructed on the sub{ect, and i let their behests be obeyed. But sure y no one will pretend that these questions in any way entered into the contests which eventuated in our election and if this is so in reference to members of Congress, it is even more true in reference to the State Legislatures who will be called on to decide the question. My judgment, therefore, is these questions had better be de ferred, at least until the next session of this Congress, and let us proceed to the important questions which more immediately concern the people of the country and these remarks apply to the twin question of African enfranehisemeut. Who, of all the members of this House, was elected on this issue? and yet this extraneous question ab sorbs all the time of the House. O sooner is one phase of this African question disposed of then another takes it place. Suffrage in this District is no sooner passed, after weeks ofan gument, than suffrage in the States is to be procured for the African by constitutional amendment, and as soon as we get through with this the African comes up again in the shape of a measure which has already passed the Senate to enlarge the powers of the Fheedmens Bureau. Thus we go, and all the anomalies of these separate measures claim our notice, but do not sufficiently attract attention. For 30 years ithas been steadily proclaimed that African slavery had reduced the enslaved to the very lowest grade of being. The enslavement of his body had, by consequence, almost obliterated his intellect. He could scarcely be called a man. That he might be rescued, he must be freed. He is freed. Presto, change! As soon as the chains fall he is no longer the brutalized being over whom, for 30 years, we have made the land to mourn; he is an Amer ican citizen, fully qualified and prearedto take upon himself the re onsibilities oi3 nu elector, and qualified for all these important duties. Wonderfull, But yet more passing strange, another turn of the cards, an this noble African, of whom we heard so many eulogiums a few days ago, comes now before usas the “mere children, ” the “ward of the nation, ” who is to be followed by a guardian, in the shape of a high military odicer, at heavy pay, to see that this now helpless being is secured iu his contracts for labor and not defrauded out of his earnings. But yesterday his qualifications for a voter, and, in deed, his evident superiority to the “ignorant foreigner who did not understand our language, were eloquently reclaimed. A day before he by his prowess, is valor, his zeal in our be half, had saved us a nation. He rescued us from fierce rebels, and barin his noble breast, received in lieu of us the cadly shaft, thus delivering our oor white race from overthrow. But now again e is placed under the watchful care of a new organization in the Government for his special benefit, “a Freedmens Bureau, ” solely to look after him, help him to get employment, hel him so how much a month he should work ibr, how e shall employ his time, and where he shall and where he shall not go; butover and above all this, he is to be educated, sent to school; he is to be fed by the public if he does not choose to Work for his livin"; he isto t clothing from the overflowing Treasury of e nation; Government must find him a house and pay for a doctor when he is sick; and all this because he is a freedman of African descent. White soldiers, disabled in the service of the Union, unable to work, are left to be upon the streets. What a fault for them to have been born white! Had they been colored Government would have had an agent to look after them and this nice little operation of the Freedmens Bureau was estimated to cost the American people for this year (1866) nearly 12 million dollars. How much its cost is enlarged by enlarging and extending its operations I am not prepared to my About 40 years ago the Administration of John Quincy Adams was turned out of power for expending for all poses about 13 million dollars pur a car. his year, (1866) groaning under a debt tointerest of which alone requires of the people in taxes all they are able to pay, the poor white tax payer must have saddled on him, overand above, nearly or quite 12 million dollars to feed, clothe, on house the freedmen, whom gentlemen here tell us are really better qualified to vote and be free men than many of the whites who have, through taxation, to contribute to their support. I am no enemy of the African in our midst; I havealways commisemted his condition; I have always been and am now his friend; but I tremble for him in view of the action of the new hilanlhropy. Man years will not elapse until he will be compelle to look to others for help and sympathy; but it may possibly be too late to save him from the fate of another race upon this continent, who had at one time philanthropic enthusiasts seeking a parent benefits for tiem, but now, thrown o and discarded, are turned out to die, or hunted down to be exterminated and now, Mr. Speaker, I close what I have to so. I am very solicitous for harmony among our family of States. I know great wrongs have been done. But this will not justify us in the perpetration of other wron s. Southern people have tried to destroy our glorious charter; but the failed, and their effort will not justify us in oing what they were unable to do. Armies tried to dissolve our Union; I pray you let not an American Union Congress do that which others by the force of arms were unable to accomplish. Now, let us all encou e all the people to allay the bitterness of e recent strife, eek to restore harmony. Let Massachusetts reach out her arms to the South and hel them now, as the South flew to the succor of Massnchusetts “in the days that tried mens souls, ” and while we exclaim“Thst mercy I to othersshow, That mercyshowto me." let us try once more the influence of gentlemeans to restore our erring brethren; let our effort be to bring again to our belovad land union, harmony, fraternity, a rivalry only to promote the greatest happiness and secure the spoediest restoration of general prosperity, and exemplify to the world that we are once more a ho. py, prosperous, and thoroughly united people, realizing more fully in fact than in any period of the past, that ours is indeed, “A union of heartsand a union ofhsnds. A union of States none shall sever: A union of lakes and n union of lands and the flag of our Union forever."