Mr. DAVIS. Mr. President, I expressed my opinions in relation to the pending measure at considerable length during the last session of Congress. It is my purpose now to repeat my protest against the passage of the bill, but in fewer words than I then used. I know it is destined, as far as human intellect and human will can destine anything, that this measure is to pass and to become a law. I do not at all agree with the position that has been arrogantly assumed by the Radicals on this floor, and that has been acceded to by some of the Conservatives, that the public judgment of this nation has been expressed in favor of negro suffrage. And if it had been by any amount of majority, entertaining the deep convictions that I do of the injustice and evil tendencies of the measure, I would not hesitate a moment to make my earnest and most inflexible opposition to it. Preliminary to my remarks in immediate connection with the pending bill, I will state some political propositions which a few years since were received in this country generally as axioms in the science of government and statesmanship. No statesman or sound and sensible legislator will support any measure or principle when in the majority that he would not if in the minority. The legitimate end of a limited and constitutional Government is more for the security of the minority than the majority, because of the greater weakness of the minority. The leading feature of government on the North American continent has always been the representative principle. But suffrage has never been universal or even commensurate with manhood. The right to exercise it has not only been limited to men, but it has ever been restricted to particular classes; and the States have jealously reserved to themselves, respectively, all power over this whole subject. Another general American principle is that every people have the right to govern them. selves. This invaluable right, in its fullest amplitude, belonged to each State before its adoption of the Constitution, and so far as it was not delegated by the language of that fundamental and supreme law to the General Government, the States, both by necessar implication and express language, withheld all political sovereignty and powers from the U.S., and retained the entire mass to themselves respectively and separately. To this last great principle the Constitution makes a single exceptional case by this language: “The Congress shall have power to excrcise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by Congress, particular States, and . acceptance of becomethe seat of the Government of the U.S., and to places purchased by exercise liko authority overall the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards, and other needful buildings.” What was the reason that brought the men who formed our Government to establish this exceptional case to the cardinal American principle of self government? Every previous seat of the U.S. Government had been under the exclusive jurisdiction of the State in which it was situated, and Congress could exercise no power of legislation or police over it. A mob had more than once disturbed and men aced Congress to coerce and control its action, and it had no power of self protection; and it was to secure the men who might be in the administration of the Government at its seat, the personnel of the Government, against such assaults, that this provision of the Constitution was made a part of it. The intention was not that Congress should wholly absorb and inex orably exclude the people of the District from all the powers of oil. It was contemplated that Congress would be composed of just and enlightened men who would know that the people of the District, by their own chosen representatives, would be much more competent to attend to their own domestic affairs and interests than a Congress coming from every State and charged with the various and vast concerns of the nation could possibly be; and it was reasonably concluded that congress would at all times concede to this people every power of self government but such as might necessary and proper for the protection of the Government and the persons engaged in its administration at its seat. It was difficult, if not impossible, for a just and wise partition of powers between Congress and the people of this District to be made in the Constitution, because the amount that congress could wisely and justly exercise would depend upon varying conditions and exigencies, and could not therefore be ascertained and fixed. Congress has always somewhat approximated the principle which I have laid down for the government of this District, but has never, as it should have done, acted o upon it. Limited local legislative powers and local popular elections to choose the legislators have always been awarded to this District from shortly after the time it became the seat of the Government of the U.S., by Congress; and also, the cognate right that the people of the District should for themselves decide what classes and portions of themselves should have suffrage and what should be their qualifications. There had always been a conjunction of these 2 rights in the people of the U.S. This was a great feature, not only of State sovereignty, but of popular liberty, and it was in deference to this universal American idea that Congress surrendered to the P. of this District the conjoint exercise of these 2 rights. In the long possession of this restricted right of government which had been allowed by Congress to this people, they tacitly adopted and have quietly. firmly adhered to another American idea which may be said to have been until recently universal in the U.S.: that all political sovereignty and powers belong to the white man and are to be exercised by him exclusively. But a systematic assault is being made upon these fundamental principles of American autonomy and liberty, and the bill under consideration is one of the attacks. It unjustly and mischievously violates all the principles which I have stated. More, it proposes, by conferring suffrage upon the negro population, to introduce into. government of this District a novel, incompetent, and noxious element of power. In a representative Government suffrage is the primary power, and when enlightened, free, independent, and virtuous it dominates, as it should, the Government. The abstract proposition, that no incompetent person."be invested with the right of suffrage, cannot reasonably be denied. If it were practicable to establish a definite and unerring test of competency, the general good would require that all who do not come up to that measure should be excluded. such a standard can never be obtained. The population of the U.S and of each State consists of well defined classes, and if the great mass of any of those classes are essentially and palpably incapable of self government, both in .collectively incompetent, they ought unquestionably to be excluded suffrage, because they could give no assistance to proper and legitimate government, and if their numbers were relatively large they might aid materially to obstruct, confuse, and pervert it. None will deny that idiots and matics are classes of our population that, come within the reson of this objection, and that they ought as classes to be excluded from suffrage. There might be many cases of partial lunacy, where the subject would be more capable of a rational and proper exercise of suffrage than many men of more limited but sounder minds; the inconvenience, difficulty, and impossibility of ascertaining in each individual case, the extent of mental infirmity that would make it proper for the particular subject to be excluded, requires the exclusion of the whole class. Butourentire population, like that of allother countries, is divided into 2 great classes, the male and the female. By the census of 1860 the white female population of the U.S. exceeded 13 millions, and the aggregate.folio. of both sexes, was below 4 and a half millions. That great white population, and all its female predecessors, have never had the right of suffrage, or, to use that cant phrase of the day, have never been enfranchised; and such has also been the condition of the negro population. That about one negro in 10,000 in 4 or 5 States have been allowed to vote, is too insignificant to be dignified with any consideration as an exception. But now a frenzied party is clamoring to have suffrage given to the negro, while they not only raise no voice for female suffrage, but frown upon and repel every movement and utterance in its favor. Who of the advocates of negro suffrage, in Congress or out of it, dare to stand forth and proclaim to the manhood of America, that the free negroes are fitter and more competent to, exercise transcendant political power, the right of suffrage, than their mothers, their wives, their sisters, and their daughters? The great God who created all the races and in every race gave to man woman, never intended that woman should take part in national government among any people, or that the negro, the lowest, should ever have co ordinate and equal power with the highest, the white race, in any government, national or domestic. To woman in every race He gave correlative, and as high, as necessary, and as essential, but different faculties and attributes, intellectual and moral, as He gave to man in the same race; and to both those adapted to the equally important but different parts which they were to play in the dramatio destinies of their people. The instincts, the teachings of the distinct and differing but harmonious organism of each, led man and woman in every race and people and nation and tribe, savage and civilized, in all countries and ages of the world, to choose their natural, appropriate, and peculiar field of labor and or "Man assumed the direction of government and war, woman of the domestic and family affairs and the care and training of the child;’ and each have always acquiesced in this partition and choice. It has been so from the beginning, throughout the whole history of man, and it will continue to be so to the end, because it is in conformity to nature and its laws, and is sustained and confirmed by the experience and reason of 6,000 years. I therefore, Mr. President, am decidedly and earnestly opposed to the amendment moved by my friendfrom Pennsylvania. There is no man more deeply impressed with or who more highly appreciates the important offices which woman exercises over the destiny of the race than I do. I coneede that woman, by her teachings and intiuence, is the source of the large mass of the morality and virtue of man and of the world. The benignant and humanizing and important influence which she exercises upon who, whole race of man in the proper discharge of her functions and duties cannot be overestimated; but that woman should properly perform these great duties, this inappreciably val uable task, it is necessary that she should be kept pure. The domestic altar is a sacred fane where woman is the high and officiating priestess. This priestess should be virtuous, she should be intelligent, she should be competent to the performance of all her high duties. To keep her in that condition of purity, it is necessary that she should be separated from the exercise of suffrage and from all those stern and contaminating and demoralizing duties that devolves upon the hardier sex, man. What is the proposition now before the senate? To make pure, cultivated, noble woman apartisan, a political hack, to lead heramong the rabble that surround and control by blackguardism and brute force so many of the hustings of the U.S. Mr. President, if one greater evil or curse could befall the American people than any other, in my judgment it would. to confer upon the women of America the right of suffrage. It would be a great step in the line of mischief and evil, and it would lead to other and equally fatal steps in the same direction. Sir, if ever in the depths and silence of night I send up secret orisons to my Maker, one of the most fervent of my prayers would be that the women of my country should be saved andfsheltered by man from this great contamination. It is not necessary to the proper influence and to the legitimate power of woman. A cultivated, enlightened, delicate, refined, and virtuous woman at the family altar is the persuasive and at the same time plastic power that sways and fashions the principles and character of her children, and thus makes her impress upon the future men of America, the Phocions, the Timoleons, the Washingtons, who are the honor of the race, and whose destiny it is to elevate and ennoble it. Mr. President, in proportion as man becomes civilized so increases the power and the influence of woman. In the tribes and nations of the lowest ignorance and barbarism this influence is least it is most potent where there is the greatest intellectual and moral cultivation of man. I want this gentle and holy influence to continue pure and uncontaminated by keeping it within the domestic fane and afar from party politics. But, sir, it has become the fashion, the philos ophy, the frenzy of the day to coin catch words that carry a seemingly attractive principle, but at the same time alluring and mischievous, and among them is this cry for woman's rights and also for negro suffrage and manhood suffrage and universal suffrage. It is all nothing but slang and demagoguery, and is fraught with aught, but evil, mischief, and degradation, individually and nationally. For these reasons, sir, one of the last propositions, or, if gentlemen choose, principles, which have been or may be propounded to the people of America, or as an amendment to the Constitution of the U.S., to which I shall ever give my acceptance, is female suffrage. But, Mr. President, the proposition that a nation of a superior race should allow an infe rior race resident in large numbers among them to take part in their Government, in shaping, and controlling their destinies, is refuted by its mere statement. And the further proposition that a nation composed of the Caucasian race, the highest type of man, having resident in it m ore othfan, 4 million negroes, the lowest which race no nation or tribe, from the 1st dawning of history to the present day, has ever established a polity that could be denominated a Government, or has elaborated for itself any science or literature or arts or even an alphabet, or characters to represent numbers, or been capable of preserving those achievements of intellect when it has received them from a superior race; such a proposition is, on examination, revolting to reason, and in its practical operation would be productive of incalculable mischief. The hardihood of fanaticism or a selfish hypocrisy has occasionally, in former tinues as well as now, boldly assumed that the negro is naturally in all respects the equal of the white race; but this not only without any, but in defiance of all, evidence. The race of people referred to by the term “negro” is.if understood, not only by men of science and travelers, but all persons of general reading on the types of mankind. That term comprehends a black skin, but not as an exclusive distinction; also, and especially woolly hair, a peculiar formation of the cranium, face, pelvis, shins, and feet, which are so distinctly enumerated by ethnologists and naturalists, and which they all agree are the natural marks of an inferior race. The 1st recorded history of the negro found him in Africa and occupying more than 1/2 of that large continent, and mostly within the torrid zone. The whole population of Africa approximates one hun millions, of which about 60 are of the negro race. 4,000 years ago, and for all the intervening ages, he was and has been the same unchanging specimen of man in his physical, intellectual, and moral features and properties; the same destitution of arts, architecture, letters, and civil polity; the same absence of all civilization, and the same engulfment in the deepest ignorance and savagism, the tribes and nations making interminable and most cruel wars and either selling into slavery or putting to death all their captives. The negro was placed by Providence to himself, a naked of ignorant savage, upon an uncultivated but great theater. In those respects he was on an equality with the white and yellow races of man; but in organization, in the mental faculties, in all the capabilities and forces to begin and progress with the civilization which illustrate the history of those other 2 races, and to which no limits can be assigned, the negro was left unendowed by the God of all creation. This is not the crime, not the misfortune of the negro; it is the inexplicable will of the Omnipotent and incomprehensible Architect of the universe. The negro was made lower and weaker than the other races; he is subor dinate to them, and has often been their slave, but never their master; all the occasional, meager, and restricted eivilization which he has ever possessed was imparted to him by them, and he could retain it only by their continued contact and help; and but for their superior faculties and endowments the whole world of mankind would now be in primeval and hopeless ignorance and barbarism. The negro in his original and native home was known to and visited by the commercial people both of the earliest antiquity and of modern times. 3 centuries and a half since he was 1st brought to the American continent a slave, and that trade was continued to the U.S. from their early settlement up to within the last 50 years. The aggregate cargoes of slaves from Africa to all America amounted to many millions; and to the U.S. the number has been estimated to be about 350,000. All that has ever been written or said of the African negro in his native home have represented him as steeped in ignorance and barbarism, and if ever he made any improvement from one generation to another there is neither record nor memento of it. Every slave that was brought from there to the New World exhibited the same fossilized savage of 40 centuries. With each individual from enslavement began melioration, and all the knowledge, civilization, and Christianity which the negroes of America have ever possessed has resulted from their enslavement. In America the general manumission of African slaves commenced about 80 years since, on the island of StDomingo. Then followed the same kind of emancipation, by national authority, in the West India Islands of England, France, and other European Powers of which they were the possessions, and lastly in the U.S. In these countries emancipation by every owner of slaves had been permitted by their laws; and in some of them large numbers had received their freedom under that system. In StDomingo the negro has been independent and free to exercise the right of self government for near a century. In the British West India Islands he has been freed and invested with the right of local government for a generation, subject to the careful and liberal guardianship of the imperial government. In those islands the experiment of self government by the negro has been a delorable failure; and in StDomingo it has en the more disastrous because the negro there acted for himself, independent of and unaided by the white man, deterioration from the time he was a slave, in all of them, is palpable; but in StDomingo it has been much the greater because the conserving influence of the white man was not there to check and reform it. Mr. President, when I was a young man and untaught by the hard lessons of experience, I was a devoted believer in the proposition of the civilization of the negro race, and I aided colonization societies to transfer the free negro from the U.S. to his own native home in the hope that there, with the temporary aid and support of the white man, he. ' would be to build up governments and nation alities and to move forward in the achievements of the highest civilization. But from all that I have since learned of the negro and have read of the efforts to found the English colony at Sierra Leone and the American colony at Monrovia and the adjacent country, and from all the information afforded by the friends of those colonies, I am satisfied in my own mind that negro civilization can never exist in any other condition or connection than his enslavement to the white man. I am satisfied that if the West India colonies of England, of Spain, of France, where emancipation has become consummate, and the colony of Monrovia and the British colony at Sierra Leone were abandoned by the white man, and none of his superior intellect, energy, and conserving influence were continued there, these colonies now somewhat civilized would in a few years fall into as hope less and as ignorant a barbarism as has hovered over Africa from the beginning of recorded history. All the experiences of our own country before the late rebellion were confirmatory of the previously established truths, that the negro is the lowest type of man, that he is incapable of organizing any regular Government, that he cannot elaborate civilization or preserve either government or civilization when they are imparted to him by superior races; and the lessons taught by this war, in everything that relates to the negro, adds to the great volume of evidence in support of those propositions which has been accumulating for so many long centuries. In favor of the proposition of the inequality of the races I have heretofore adverted to the writings of a great number of men of learning and science, not only theoretically but practically, by residence with and among the negro, and of all that large list there is, according to my information, but a single author of any respectability who maintains the equality of the negro race, and that is Prichard. He assumed that theory when a college boy 17 years of age, in writing a thesis, and that error imbibed by him in his youth he devoted the labors of a long life and a great intellect to sustain. But the weakness and fallacy of his theory and of his arguments, and of his application of facts to sustain it, were seen and refuted by every mind except his own. I am one, Mr. President, who believes that our Government is a white man's Government; that it was made by him for himself without the aid or any reference to the negro or the Indian or any other race of man. The DeclarIndep was made by Congress the 4th of July, 1776; the Confederation of the States had then been in existence for 2 years. All the States, as colonies, had held African negroes as slaves and property for a longer period than the U.S. have had a national existence, for more than 100 ears. The absolute sovereignty of each State was in several of its provisions recognized by the Articles of Confederation; and as distinct and independent sovereignties they made their DeclarIndep, and also their treaty in 1783 with GreatBritain, by which it was acknowledged. This declaration was merely an abstract statement of principles and sentiments, and had no force or obligation of law whatever. It liberated no slave, negro, or Indian, for there were then both. It gave no right of suffrage or any other right to any negro or Indian, free or slave, and it left them Fo as though it had never been made. will be obliged to any negrophylite to refute these positions. I do not deny that our national family properly and wisely comprehends all of the nationalities of Europe who may come here, according to the terms of our naturalization laws, and their posterity; but I assert that negroes, Indians, Mongolians, Chinese, and Tartars ought not and cannot safely be adto the powers and privileges of citizenship. There is always and of necessity more or less of hostility and conflict between different races of men living together. This is produced by mutual aversion, and that aversion by dissimilitude. The greater and more fixed their differences, and the nearer the equality of their numbers, the more intense and enduring is their aversion. Color, hair, features, and form are the most palpable and striking differences of race, and between the white and the negro races those differences are greatest, and consequently so are their aversions. he only possible mode of wholly obliterating the aversions between those races in the U.S. is their complete and perfect amalgamation, which, between the portion of those 2 races resident in our country within and north of the temperate zone, is utterly impossible. In that vast region miscegenation between them will never take place. The helots of Sparta and their masters, the Thra cian and other white slaves of ancient Greece and Rome, the Saxons of England after the Conquest, and the serfs of Russia, could all be manumitted from slavery and be raised readily to an equality of rights and condition with their conquerors and owners, and become amalgamated with them in one nationality, and harmoniously move on under the same Government to fulfill a united and common destiny, because they were all of the Semitic race, of the same color, and essentially of the like physical, mental, and moral organization. But ween the white and negro races of the U.S. there can be no such amalgamation, and miscegenation among them cannot take place to any great extent without a commensurate national degeneracy, degradation, confusion, and weakness. These mischievous and humiliating evil consequences have been produced by the intermix ture of the white with the negro and Iudian races in Mexico and all the South American countries, and the magnitude of those consequences has becm in proportion to the extent of that intermixture in each country. The permanent separation of the white and negro races in the U.S. is fixed by the order of their creation, and by the continuous and perpetual operation of immutable laws of nature; attd it would be humility, wisdom , and reverence to Deity for man quietly to submit himself to that order and those laws. All his puny efforts to repeal or break down those laws will but show his own littleness and extend, aggravate, and intensify the war between these races. The subordination of the black to the white and the aversion and conflict between them will end only with the destruction or removal of one of them. While they are in juxtaposition it will continue, and the efforts of ambition, frenzy, folly, and hypocrisy to establish equality between them, by dragging down the white or forcing up the negro race, will give it terrible aggravation. Both the Indian and Mongolian races are essentially superior to the negro race, but neither can they be properly or safely admitted to citizenship; my judgment is to exclude them all, to keep and perpetuate ours as a purely white man's Government. The Indian is a doomed race, and is so rapidly wasting away that he will soon of cease from troubling.” The increase of the negro will be wholly from procreation, and hereafter slow; but yet from his present numbers, and being mostly crowded in a few States, is a great disturbing cause of our political and social system. If he were diffused in all the States in proportion to their white population he would no longer disturb, and there would be no effort to confer upon him suffrage. But who can foresee and number the immigration of the Mongolian race to the western shore of our continent? But whatever their numbers now or in the future, whether units or millions, I would give them civil rights, but no citizenship, no political power. I have no doubt that my honorable friendfrom Pennsylvania desires that the right of suffrage should be given to women; and if he had the power to transfer all the women of the conservative States into and to become residents of the radical States, who doubts that if that were done the Radicals of this House and of the nation would shout in favor of giving to women the right of suffrage? If the Radicals in congress and out of Congress knew with the certainty of truth that every vote which they will enfranchise by conferring the right of suffrage on the negro would be cast against that party, in favor of their late southern masters, in favor of the Democracy, in hostility to the schemes of ambition and spoils which are now animating the heart and mind of the great radical organization, who doubts that this party and every mother's son of them would declare for withholding suffrage from the negro? If these noisy philanthropists who shame or affect to shame all the justice and mercy and philanthropy of the past, would just go home and pass proper State laws and measures to induce this wronged, down trodden negro race that are residents in the late slave States to immigrate to their borders, there to receive the sympathy, love and protection and community of rights which they are preaching, they would give better evidences of the sincerity of their professions. But, sir, not one of them is moving in that direction. There is not a thought, there is not an emotion of heart among the Radicals North tending in that direction. Who believes in the vaunted radical position of the equality of races, that the negro must be the equal of the white man before the law, that he must have every legal right, every political and social privilege, everything to elevate his condition and destiny to that of the white man, politically, civilly, and socially? Let the Radical who glories and boasts in the name, and who occupies that position in truth and in honest faith, stand forth and show himself to an incredulous world that would be amazed by such a revelation. Since the close of the last session of congress some of the Radicals in each House have changed their relations; they have taken to themselves wives; but which one of them has selected a sable daughter of Africa to occupy that relation? Who of them and of their fami lies now associate with the black as they do with the white race? Where, Senators, are your negro sons in law, daughters in law, negro brothers in law? Where are your connections in all the tender relations of the domestic and family circle of the negro race? The races are either equal or unequal. If they are unequal, they are so according to the laws and marks with which nature has stamped them. If they are equal, they not only have the right to vote, but they have the right to be eligible to all offices; they not only have the right to civil protection and to enjoy all civil rights, but they are entitled also to all political and all social rights. Sir, that is a state of society more dreamy and at the same time terribly revolting than any Utopia that ever entered into the mind of Moore. It does not exist in fact; it does not exist in principle; it does not exist in honest theory; it exists only in party politics; it exists only for the purposes of a party who are in the minority organizing a great force of allies to come to their rescue from overthrow. Why, then, will the party in power persistin forcing upon the unwilling and defenseless white people of this District negro suffrage, when J. have almost unanimously voted to reject it? such a measure is not at all necessary to protect the U.S. Government, or those who fill its offices at the capital. This is one of the occasions and questions to which the principle of the right of self government ought to apply; and a just and magnanimous Congress would accord that right to a people placed wholly within their power by the constitution, not to be oppressed but to be protected and defended. But to confer upon 2 or 3,000 male negroes in this District the right to vote at its local elections, is not the object that has awakened so much vehement passion and given so much of energy in favor of this particular measure. It has been declared in this debate, and it was palpable before, that it was but the precursor. movement to force negro suffrage upon all the States lately in rebellion, and that this bill must be fashioned into a model for them. And why is negro suffrage to be forced upon the ten southern States? To counterpoise them there are 26 other States, 2 radical Territories, Nebraska and Colorado, to be admitted as States in a few days, and 3 or 4 Territories of the same political stripe, to be erected into radical States to order upon short notice. By the census of 1860 the ten proscribed southern States had 7, 983, 532 population, and the other States had 23, 461, 457. These ten States have the right to 20 Senators, 50 Representatives, and 70 presidential electors; the other 26 States have 52 Senators, 192 Representatives, and 244 electors. All the States have but recently come out of a great civilWar in which the South was terribly used up. There cannot be even a Foot that negro suffrage and the other arsh measures against the South, both in existence and in contemplation, are required to protect the other States or the U.S and their Government against its power in the Government or against the hostile military array of its few and subjugated people. It was said yesterday by an honorable : upon this floor that?. alone can search the hearts of men. If that inscrutable and infallible search could now be made, and its results demonstrated to the satisfaction of the Senate and the American people, I would be willing to venture my life upon the truth of the proposition that in all the essential elements of loyalty, in devotion to the Constitution, to law, and to order, in love for that system of government and liberty which our fathers founded and fashioned and which they have handed down to us as the richest legacy that was ever bequeathed by sires to sons, the South is greatly more loyal than the radical States, the radical portion of the radical States. What are the incentives to the enormous, continuing, and increasing wrongs and outrages of the northern Radicals against the people of the South? For the 2 centuries that the northern merchants and shippers tore the sav age African negro from his native home and sold him to the southern planter, the great profits of the traffic purchased for the South the friendship of the North. But after a majority of the States had overcome the support with which NewEngland so long and so constantly sustained the slave trade and suppressed ovo the U.S., by laws declaring it to be and punishing it as piracy, and by a vigilant police of the seas, northern thrift and enterprise set up manufactures and northern tact and talent sought to enrich her manufacturers by high protective tariffs. The South, almost in solido, resisted the pol icy to make her and other parts of the country tributary to build up and enrich the northern lords of the spinning jenny and the loom. This resistance of the South continued, and brought down upon her the active and envenomed enmity of the North. She commenced and her whole people soon united in assaulting the great property interest of the South in slavery, which the northern traffickers had, with the countenance and support of that whole people, been so instrumental in building up. Northern passion, hate against slavery, and especially slaveholders, was engendered and heated to the greatest intensity in every form of laboratory which inventive genius could devise. It has been diligently gathering force through all the years of a generation; it has at length found its opportunity, and demon like it demands to be sated upon the prostrate South. From this wild, multiform, and infernal cry, high above all others rings out most malig nant of all, tones from a class clad in the liv ery of Heaven, but whose hearts are seething with the spirit of the very hell. But, Mr. President, in forming and fixing this purpose to hold in subjugation the South, other forces have been and are still actively at work. The love of distinction, office, and power, ambition and avarice, partizanship and the pride of success, the glory of triumph and the '. i. of defeat, the hardy, enterprising, and firm spirit created by reckless and criminal but successful aggression, all these cohesive and propelling forces are operating upon, sustaining, and urging forward the Radicals in their audacious career. They are thus made most formidable enemies, not only to the reunion of the States, but to the continuance of constitutional government and popular liberty; their i.being to hold on to office and power though they may perish. Yea, their leaders are ready to bring them all forth and offer them upon the unhallowed, the foul altar of faction as the price of their continuing success. Though the Radicals hold all the political power of the U.S., have excluded ten States from the Union and the Government, have broken down for the time the constitutional authority of the executive dept, have established practically a congressional despotism, and are devising measures to subvert the legitimate governments of those ten States and substitute for them other governments to be fashioned by this Congress to make them their dependencies, and to secure the control of all their political power, yet these Radicals, thus governing and tyrannizing, are in a minority of a half million of the voters of the U.S. In many of the northern States their power is trembling in the balance, and very slight causes might at any election make it kick the beam. They know that the enfranchised white people of the South will be against them as in exorably as fate; hence their desperate efforts to disfranchise that white people and enfranchise the large negro resident among them. By the civil rights bill, the Freedmen's Bureau, and any other congressional measures needful to the end, their purpose is to take possession of and control the whole of this incompetent negro vote; and in that way wield all the political power of these ten States in Congress, in presidential elections, in the State governments and polity, and thus counterpoise any of the Northern States that may take position against them, and make their tenure of office and power permanent. This daring and monstrous scheme has at present a fearful number of supporters. It may and will have a temporary success, but it is too utterly subversive of the form and spirit of free and constitutional government, of all State sovereignty and rights, of the tranquillity, pros perity, happiness, and liberties of the whole people, and qfall justice and right, and it is too replete with the spirit of injustice, wrong, and despotism to endure. It will be overthrown and crushed out. That is the task laid out for the the wise, and the virtuous people of the U.S., and it behooves all in their place to mate themselves to their full might in this great work. The people of the South made war in a wrong cause. They turned their backs upon peace and prosperity and liberty to fight for separate political power, and their heroism was never surpassed. Now, the war is made upon them to deprive them of their right of self government, of their fields, of their homes, family altars, of their religious temples. They and their wives and their children and their country and everything comprehended by that term, all for which man ought to live, and for the preservation of which he should dare to die, the South is summoned to surrender to the absolute control, by the instrumentality of her own negroes, of her old and inexorable enemies. And she has the great humiliation of having some of her own people to labor to bring upon her this deep and degrading enslavement; yea, worse, she is offered the great insult of being asked to accept it. Now is coming the terrible time in which the people of the South will be required to exercise their truest heroism. They must resist this great, this most foul, cruel, and dishonoring enslavement, but peacefully and by. every peaceful means Wood, they can command. They will stand in need of all their patience, their courage, their fortitude, their power of endurance. To every unjust and degrading demand they must answer with a will. i as destiny, no! By their peaceful and quiet and heroic suffering they must win even the respect of their enemies and the admiration and sympathies of the world. It will be a dreadful and may be a long trial, but how much more bearable than the shame and galling chains of a voluntary slavery; and such a slavery, to such masters! If it be voluntary, they will well deserve it; if it be involuntary and forced upon them, the justice of God and man will come to their deliverance. Men of the South, exhaustevery peaceful means of redress, and when your oppressions become unendurable, and it is demonstrated that there is no other hope, then strike for your liberty, and strike as did your fathers in 1776, and as did the Hollanders and Zealanders, led by William the Silent, to break their chains, forged by the tyrants of Spain.