Mr. BROWN. Mr. President, it is perhaps scarcely necessary for me to restate my position on this question after having one. previous occasion discussed so very elaborately the conditions upon which, in my judgment, it would be proper to restore the rebel States to:1nor may relation with the General Government. But I feel as ifI could not letthis crisis pass without entering one word of final protest against the decision which seems about to he arrived at. You are going to recognize the civil government of the State of Tennessee and to admit her Sens&Reps to seats in this Congress, and yet the grounds on which you are going to do so are not such as exact Ijustice at the hands of rebellion toward those ate in slavery, not such as guaranty safety to the loyal people against the numerical supe riorily of treasonable elements, not such as affirm the honor of this great nation in protect mg the rights of its citizens and the liberties radiant from its Constitution impartially to all alike. Can I believe otherwise than that this settlement which you propose will be no settle ment; that the safeguards on hypo the cate will only be self delusions; and that on the morrow you will awaken to find out that in the eager aste to cater to an imagined political prejudice, you have surrendered, most ignoby surrendered, the whole question of equal freedom that has been the inspiration of the entire conflict from 1st to last? I have often announced in this Senate Chamber that, imbued with the conviction that impartial suffrage, making no discrimination of race or color, was the only solid groundwork on which reconstruction int c rebel States cofild proceed, and thatI would never, byuny vote of mine, consent to restore those States to their former Federal relations until they should 1st make impartial suffrage one of the muniments of their constitutions. I propose today to redeem in art that pledge y refusing to vote now, in a vance of any such action, for the restoration ofTennessee. of the causes which carried Tennessee into rebellion, that kept Tennessee in rebellion through long years, and that may make it possible or Tennessee again to assume attitudes of rebellion, the mOst otent still remains the disfranchisoment of the largest section of her loyal population on the score of color alone. It was this disfranchising feature of the slave code that not only acted directly to degrade the laboring blacks, butalso acted indirectlyto paralyze the laboring whites, to destroy their political influence, to subject them to slave holding opinion, and thus make an treason possible that was heralded as being in the interest of the dominant class. Scrutinize it rigidly, strip ofl“ deceit of names reduce sla very to its elements, and you will find this to have been its fatal disturbing politionl influence. I any political influence, or it is against that you are now ostensibly erectin constitutional barriers, and yet before anything in that behalf is accomplished, nay abandoning the very idea of accomplishing anything, you are ready to readmit Tennessee to your commun ion and fellowship with the fatal virus of future disease lurking in her constitution, and the great instrument of class despotism there ready again to be shaped into cass treason. Sir, there is no national safety in this procedure. Mr. President, I speak these words now not in the interest of any party, but in behalf of humanity, of justice, of right; and yet were I the oracle today of your Republican Union organization, I would lead with you, my friends, not to make this humiliating surrender of the very life principle ofyour party. Republicanism means nothing if it means not impar tial, universal suffrage. Republicanism is a mocke and alie if it can assume to administer this Government in the name of freedom, andyet sanction, as this act will, the disfran chising of a large, if not the largest, part of the loyal population of the rebel States, on the pretext 0 color and race. But, sir, I rose only to enter in disclaimer, to affirm that your materially mo ified preamble takes nothing from the bad significance of the resolution itself, to declare from my place in the American Senate that I will have no part or parcel in any such deed, and to say that while I arraign neither the conscience nor motive of any member who may differ from me, yet I take appeal to the future to vindicate the correctness of that judment on which I act, and which finds so litte of concurrence here in the present. So reliant, I shall vote against restoring any rebel State that does no guaranty impartial suffrage in its organic law. Above all I shall vote against Tennessee, wher impartial suffrage was once of right the rul till abolished by the slave code. The question being taken by yeas&nays, resulte yeas 28, nays 4; 16. So the JtResolution was passed.