Mr. EDMUNDS. I was about to refer to that, as I referred to it the other day. We have no power to place it in anybody else. Therefore, as I o I think yesterday or the day before, every officer who is an officer by law, whatever he may be, must be appointed and is appointed either by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate, by the President alone, by the heads of Depts, or by the courts of law; and there the list is exhausted; there is no other authority for appointment in any other way. ow, to return. As I obefore, a night watchman (if my friend will allow me to tell him his error) is an inspector, and he is appointed as such. I know personally what the practice in the Dept is about such appointments. Every appointment of that description is made in the form of a nomination by the collector of the port or the surveyor, who o, have charge under the law of some particular branch of it, to the SecyTreasury in writing. “I nominate John Smith, ” or whoever it may be, “to be an inspector of customs.” If John Smith meets the approval of the SecyTreasury he is sworn and examined and appointed, and is detailed to duty as a day inspector or whatever it may be. Now, then, the point is, whether it is wise, whether it is one of the duties of the hour, one of the high and solemn duties of the hour, of which we have been told so much, that we should descend, as I say it is descending, from the position of attending to many high duties of the hour that do surround us, to go into these small offices, that have no special trust or responsibility commensurate with our attention at all, and undertake to wage a warfare with the President or with the heads of Depts as to whether A or by should be the person employed; because, whether it is A or B, either is a citizen of the U.S., and either, considered in himself as a citizen, is as much entitled to hold the office as the other. I agree with my friend that I vastly prefer that the POTUS should appoint Republicans. My prejudices, if they are to be called prejudices my judgment, as I should call it leads me in that direction; but I do say that when we have a measure of this description under consideration, which involves t privileges of the Senate and is intended to readjust the true equilibrium of the depts of the Government, we should not imperil such a measure by going into these doubtful questions of expediency which divide our own friends and jeopardize the success of the whole.