Mr. HENDERSON. I have felt the difficult that the Senator presents; I have thought of this question much; I might answer him by saying that when a majority are disloynl and the minority are without State government, you need a much larger army. For all then is an archy. If you have a State government, you have civil rules at least, and machinery to dispense justice. Hence you have order. If in the one case you have to use an army, in the other your army may be smaller, because the civil power gives its assistance. Again, the State may soon furnish its own police. It is much better for the people of each State to have their own police than for us to send an army among them. Military power is dangerous in peace. If it has to be used let it be in aid of aw. If the rebel majority make the law you cannot aid it, and you have not only to overthrow the State law, but you must enforce an adverse policy. That, too, must be done by courts martial and not by courts civil. That is the very difficulty the President now has with his new or nizations. Theyare not animated by the spirit of the loyal minority, but by the rebel majority. This is the mistake. an the great mistake. The countrywants the Union restored. Many good men are astonished everywhere that the Representatives are not admitted. The President committed himself to his plan of reconstruction, and his pride demands that he should succeed. The country is greatly indebted to the President for the much he has done in securing, at least, outward manifestations of loy alty by the people of the South. It will be remembered that almost every act of conven,tion or Legislature, overthrowing the traditions", and heresies of treason, have been secured by?" the direct interference of the President. The abolishment of slavery, the adoption of the constitutional amendment, the repudiation of the rebel debt, nullifying the ordinances of secession, and giving civil rights to the freedmen, may all be traced to that interference. If none but loyal men had been represented in those conventions, these and many other proper things might have been done without that ctation by the President, which upsets the entire theor of“ his plan. The President has entire confience in these organizations, because, per.haps, they have done all he asked them to do, and promise to do more if he demands it. He does not ask them to give suffrage to the ne 0, and although it is and ever will be against their own interest to deny it, yet, as they have ever done, they consult prejudice rather than right or interest, and promise all except that. They would give that, if the President had asked in But he was personally, perhaps, opposed to it, and at once the Constitution rose up in his way, and though he could attach any condition to pardon, and require other thin sin thement of some men much worse, judg t iough he could dictate other measures and did dictate, yet this would be a dangerous usurpation of power. If 3 and a half million men were disfranchised and robbed of all political power, there was no usurpation in that, no tyranny, no danger to the republican principle. Some members of Congress are afraid that ithese organizations are a kind of Grecian horse; that theyare full of armed men, and when once in the citadel they may rush forth and open the fixes to the returning Democracy. W hcther ere are any armed men in them or not, the Democrats think so and they demand imme diate recognition. They have Stimulated the Presidents iride, and he interprets these very reasonable ears of his friends as a reflection upon his loyalty and integrity. All that now exists between the President and Congress comes from this simple statement. The President is willing to trust them now. Congress asks time to look in and see if there is any danger. The President admits that Congress has a right to do so, but those who opposed his election and who have opposed his policy up to this moment tell him that this is an attack on his Administration. Finally. the Senfrom Massachusetts, [Mr. SUMNHR] always doing some imprudentthing, I cannot always be near him to tell him better, [Laughter] makes his whitewashing speech, and then the President sees a conspiracy against his policy. Parties are busy attemptin to widen the breach, and on last Saturday a eputation comes u from the Virginia Legislature bring in to the President resolutions of that body, in orsing his reconstruction policy, but saying nothing about fealty to the Constitution or loy city to the Government. Mr. BaldWin, the spokesman of the delegation, in presenting the resolutions, said: “The peopleof Virginia and their representatives accept the result and abide by the consequencesof the late contest." “ Accept" and “ abide by!" “ Chief among the results, " he said" is the universal convictionthat the Union of those States is an establishedfact. Wo recognize this governmentasour Government, its Constitutionand the rights which it promisesasour rights." It was their Government in 1861. The constitution, save and excepting slavery, was then as it now is, and the rights it secured are no more sacred than in 1861, when the Gosport navy yard was destroyed and Harpers Ferry was surrendered to rebel soldiers. If those rights are more sacred, it is simply because the ne prois now entitled to freedom. But Mr. Ba dwin says, further: "Another greatresult is Very. the final overthrow of sla This has been concluded by constitutional aVmirgeinndiamisent. The GeneralAssembly of the State of engagedearnestlyinconsiderationof these subjects and wecan only say that whatever policy may be adoptedwill betorthemoralculture and improvement of the condition of the freedmen: and to treat them with harshnessandinjustice is againstour feelings." Mr. Baldwin says that great results have flowed from the war, and one of the greatestis the overthrow of slavery. Virginia accepts this result and recognizes the Government as her Government and the Constitution thus changed as her Constitution. We are here assured 1: int Virginia has gone to work to secure the “moral culture” of the negro nhd to"improve” his condition. If this be so, it is a little strange that General Terry interferes by military order to set aside a solemn act of that Legislature, designed, as he says, to sell all the negroes into slavery again under the pretext of vagraney. But if the Virginia Legislature, in the process of reorganization, can busy itselfin matters pertaining to the moral culture of the negro and the improvement of his condition as a citizen of the country, why is it that the national Legislature, through which, against the bloody protest of Virginia, the negro has become free, cannot aid and assist the reconstructed Virginia Legislature, in this humane and commen able work, without being held up all over the country as radicals, Jacobins, and Red Republicans? want to be plain. I will read the former sen IMr. Baldwin can accept the freedom of the slave why cannot he accept that which will keep him free T I say nothing of the antecedents of Mr. Baldwin and thoe who came with him.