Mr. SHERMAN. That is true. It is a general principle of law, that wherever a party has a right to do or not to do a particular thing, a reasonable notice of his choice may be required. That is a principle of municipal law as well as of public law. It is required by nations genera y and inserted in many treaties and now, Mr. President, I have thus, without any preparation except the few figures and papers before me, presented the reason for my earnest support of this bill. Like most financial nestions, they attract but little attention thong they deeply affect the nearest interest of every citizen, his food, his clothing, his home, and more important than all else, the honor of his country. Our attention has been so occupied with political questions affecting more keenly the interests of parties and parti sans that all the complicated problems of finance thrust upon us by the war have not occupied as muc of the time of this Senate as some unimportant politicalmeasures. I almost owe you an apology fer occupying your time so long, but I trust in a short time the waves of the recent war will settle in peace and quiet, and that all of us will look to the material interests of a great country, all of which are in our hands. I am so hopeful of the future, after ese aping all the erils of the past, that I may not see the clouifithat others see. War is apt to be foliowed with financial distress, and we may. be affected by the impending war in Europe. Our bonds now heid abroad may, and no doubt will come back to us and for a time will depress our securities. lint war in Europe will open to us new markets. It will restore our commerce. We can well afford to redeem ourbonds with the snperabnndant prod uce of the West. Our cotton crop will yield ns exchange enough to absorb all the securities held nbroad. Who can say that after the 1st panic the timidity of money may cause it to flee from war in Europe and seek safety in our national securities? Sir, what we need now is confidence in our selves, in our resources, and in our destiny. Our country has been for years the refuge of the laboring man, where he has found employment, independence, and freedom. It will soon be the refuge of capital. It may become the place of deposit of the wealth of the world. Why should it not be? We as a nation have always observed our obligations. We have twice paid off a national debt. We have unexainpled resources in men, in land, in iron, gold, coal, and in all the elements of wealth. Why, then, should we talk about taxing our national debt? Why place it in the power of every village corporation to affectour national credit? Why enter the money market offering usurious interest? Why pay now more than any good merchant in NewYork will ay? Why traffic our loans, a mortvage on alPour industry, on worse terms thanbbankrupt nations of Europe offer? GO, backed by your resources, your unclonded and undisputed empire, the love and faith of your people, the respect of all nations; go, I say, with all these, and with confidence in yourselves, to the people, who hold your bonds, and you will be able to borrow money at 5%., yea, before long, at 4%. O not to the money changers. If they are allowed to fix the rate of your interest they will continue it as it is with all its exemptions, until the people, fired at an injustice, will do wrong to correct it. I conclude as I commenced, that to compel the SecyTreasury, by denying him this legislation, to issue more 6%. bonds is a political crime.