Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. Mr. Chair man, of course there has been nosuch invitation,tor the iron heel of the military power of France has crushed outtheliie of the Mexican republic. Now, sir, I have no rejndice against the French, for French blood flows in the veins of those nearest and dearest to me. I cannot for get the friendship of France, Bourbon France, to us in the days of the Revolution, when Ben jamin Franklin, dressedin his shad belliedeoat, was kissed by the ladies of the court of Louis XVI. I caqnot forget that France was the country of LaFayette and Rochambeau, of De Chastolleux and De Lauzun and so many other noble Frenchmen who aided us in our revolutionary struggle I cannot forget that French soldiers in the darkest trials of the revolution marched with our own soldiers should der to shoulder, and elbow touching elbow, to achieve our independence. I do not and I cannot forget all these things. I love France for what she did for my country. But as for England, it is quite different. I feel toward that proud, haughty, and arrogant nation no single friendly eniotion. But speaking more particularly as regards France, in the face of events and of history, I cannot overlook the conduct of that pire toward us during our recent struggle or our national existence. How swiftly and with what indecent haste did she, as well as England. accord belligerent rights to those lQdrll flnded rebels who were attempting to destroy the fair fabric of our Government. How she failed to give us any sympathy, and how all her moral support was given to rebels and traitors, and the efforts she made to get other nations to join her in acknowledging the bogus confederate government. I cannot forget that in the darkest hours of our trial she stabbed us in the most vital part by planting her troops, as a continuing menace and an eternal defiance to us, in the neighboring re)ublic of Mexico; and those troops sho keepst ere today. I cannot for get that she has placed upon the throne of that country an “Austrian adventurer.” I cannot forget these things;Ido not think we are called upon to forget them and with these things fresh and deep in the hearts of our people, I say there is every reason why we should not be too forward in this matter. There was one extraordinary remark made by the Gentfrom Massachusetts in his speech of yesterday to which I wish to call the attention of the committee. It was one which struck me with surprise and astonishment. He said that “Napoleon desire: a war with this country.” Sir, that may be true, but I doubt it. If France really does desire war with this country, let me tell the Gentfrom Massachusetts that the people of this country will accommodate him in the ver shortest space of time. France may not periaps have acted as badly as England in our struggle. Pirates may not have come out of French ports as they have from the ports of GreatBritain. I suppose if there was an Exhibition in London we should have proposed here another appropriation to go there, although she is a nation that has covered the seas with confederate pirates; a nation which has by that means almost ontirely driven that commerce from the ocean which before the war had dotted over all the seas with whiteness. I suppose my distinguished friendfrom NewYork, [Mr. RAY MOND] representing the great city of NewYork, with all its vast commerce, on the ComForAffrs, would vote for an appropriation to go to an Exhibition in England. I would not sir. After getting up here and charging that Na poleon was desirous of gettin into a war with us, what does my gallant an brave and distinguished friendfrom Massachusetts propose to do? He proposes to take his hat in his hand, go over to France, and making a low bow to Louis Napoleon, say to him that he is not at all offended at all he has done and proposes doin to our country. It reminds me of a little incident that occurred in the olden time of StLouis. A distinguished citizen was in the habit of giving great parties there. There was a rollicking son of Erin who sometimes got in vitations to those great parties, and who some times did not. To this party he did not happen to be invited, and when that became known it was a matter of Considerable remark. But when the party came off, lo and behold! almost the 1st man present was this son of old Erin. He was saluted by his friends, and one of them said, “Why, Pat, how came you here? I thought you did not get an invitation.” “ An sure, ” he replied, “I was not invited, but I just thought I would come to show I was not mad at not being asked." [Laughter. 1 That seems to be the idea upon which the Gentfrom Massachusetts would act. He tells us that France wants war, and yet he proposes that we should make this appropriation, as a propitiation to her, no doubt, and to say to her, "Oh, dont, keep hands off; we are not mad; we are wrlling to do whatever is right.” The gentleman spoke yesterday about almost everything but this JtResolution. He spoke of the greatness and glory of this country as if we did not appreciate those things as wellas the Gentfrom Massachusetts. I hope he will permit as country members to have some share with himself in the glory of our common countr. I think we all feel the same pridein everyting that belongsto our nation; in every thing that belon s to her glory and her prog ress, and whati trust is our destiny, as the Gentfrom Massachusetts feels. I think others share with himin the glory of the Navy and in the glory of those distinguished naval heroes whose “ March is on the mountain waves, Whose homeis on the deep.” I think that others can share with him in the glory which is due to the old sea dog, Farragut, who lashed himself to the rigging of the Hart ford, and from there directed one of the greatest naval actions of our time. I think that others can feel equal pride in the glory due to gillant Porter for his bombardment of Grand ulf, and for his capture of Fort Fisher in connection with the allant son of Connecticut, General Terry. e share with him in the pride with which we revere the memory of another noble son of Connecticut now, alas! no morethat brave and Christian gentleman Admiral Foote and he must permit us to share with him in the lory of our Army and the fame of the long an honored list of its commanders. He must permit me to share with him in the glory of that unrivaled and modest soldier from my own State who led our armies through the wilderness of civilWar to a comlate and final triumph, and who may yet, in the providence of God, lead on the loyal millions of this country to a victory in peace which will be no less renowned than a Victory in war. Sir, we all have an interest in these things as well as the Gentfrom Massachusetts. Does he not suppose that those who may oppose his bill may not have as full an appreciation of the glory d grandeur of our country as himself? I trug: sir, we all have a common pride and a common love for our country. Sir as a sort of last resort, my distinguished friendfrom Massachusetts brought in a ha gage wagon in which to carry his bill through the committee. Sir, that ha gage wagon Will perhaps become historical., too, have an interest in that baggage wagon; but my interest is somewhat different from that of no friendfrom Massachusetts. If matters shal go on as they may, instead of sending that wagon to the Champ de Mars it might become necessary to send it to the halls of the Montezumas. and, sir, instead of sending our plain republican uniforms, blood stained on many glorious battle fields, to be sneered at by the flunkies of Europe, it might be necessary to put them on the backs of our noble soldiers, and let them follow the wagon, or rather let them go and not “wait for the wagon” in the same direction. Sir, as an American, with an American heart and American feelings, I am opposed to this project. Let us occupy the independent position that belongs to a great and powerfu republic. Let us not cringe for the favor of the monarchies of the Old World. Self respect for bids that we should so soon manifest so great an anxiety to get into the company of nations so recently our deadly enemies. Let the men of other nations come to us if they li e. How long is it since the Americans were issed at and reproached throughout every capital in Europe save, perhaps, one? Yet, while that spirit of hostility is still felt, though perhaps suppressed; while France kee s an army upon our orders as a menace, why 5 ould the American Congress propose to take the money of our constituents to do this thing? Sir, I say that we have no moral right if we have a constitutional right to do it. We have no right to vote away the money of all for the benefit of a few and get no rgturn for it and I trust that the American feelin will predominate here today and that we shalIassert before all Christendom the position which it becomes us to occupy; Having put down the greatest rebellion known in history; having restored and regenerated the Union; having attained a status above all other nations, let us not lower our dignity and degrade our high position bypassing a bill like this.