Mr. SCHENCK. Now, sir, Iwas, when interrupted, as I think ine pportunely, in the midst of an illustration from my own State. In Ohio, on the adoption of the 1st constitution, in 1802, our description of the unlifications of electors was in these words, “t at the elector must be a free white male inhabitant above the age of 21, who has paid or been charged with a State or county tax;” and such wast e force of public opinion, and such the peculiar interest felt for that relation, that the courts held that the word “inhabitant, U when properly construed, meant “citizen.” I always thanked the courts for that construction, although I was not able to see on what process of reasoning they made it. When we came, 15 years ago, to amend the constitution of Ohio we came up with the growth of public sentiment and put “citizens” into our new constitution as part of the description of those who should make competent voters. Therefore, as an inference from that history of in own State, I hold that if that same neral ru c be applied to the people of all the States that the nation shall be governed by its own proper citizens it will be a wholesome amendment; and if not clearly expressed or inferred from the Constitution of the U.S. as it now stands, as it would seem not to be, I think the amendment should be made now. There is another section of the country from which comes objection to this amendment, involving a svstem of representation based upon suffrage. y own State, the middle and west ern States, indeed all the States outside of NewEngland, are excludingnegroes from the privilege of voting. The effect of the amendment will he, in Ohio, and in other States, where they are not put upon an equality, either to lose a fraction of our representation, or to extend to them the right of suffrage. I am not alarmed by either horn of that, dilemma. I am not concerned that in State and the surrounding States should he s am in their basis of representation of a few 1000s of men of that race, provided that we shall take away the immense disproportion of the South by reason of their millions of that population. I hope, therefore, that my friends from Ohio and other parts of the country where negroes are not permitted to vote will not be governed by any such consideration. Then I turn to another objection that some gentlemen have discovered that Massachusetts for instance, may possibly lose a vote or two ecanse of the disproportion there as compared with other parts of the country between males and females. I have not gone into the gures to ascertain whether that deduction is fairly drawn from the premises or not, and I will not do it. I am told by gentlemen from that section of the country that no such result is to be obtained by a fair examination. The truth is that the census does not at this time afford the means of making a fair representation of this subject. There is no enumeration taken of voters, or even of those who are of the age of 21 years and upward, but the census has been so taken as to give you the aggre gate of those between ten and 20, 20 and 30, 30 and 40, and so on and gentlemen are probably led into this mistake by going down to 20 years, not having any limit given in the census by which they may stop at 21. But I say I will not O into the figures, because I am willing and ready to stand upon this proposition, that NewEngland, if she should even lose a vote, or two votes, or s fraction of a vote, cannot afford, any more than Ohio, or Indiana, or any other of those States can, having these particular objections to the scheme, to let the opportunity go by now and not introduce a general amendment which will remedy the one great evil under which we are all laboring together. I hold that Ohio must give up her objections on account of her negro population; that the northwestern States must give up their objections on account of the fact that they are permitting persons to vote who are not yet citizens of the U.S. Those persons would have to wait, “to tarry at Jericho until their beards are grown. ” I hold that NewEngland must give up her objections, and if we are to amend the organic law at all, we must do it by uniting upon a common principle, a common sympathy, a common feeling. at least on this side of the House, upon which the entire responsibility is thrown, actin harmo niously, and adopting such an amendment to the organic law as shall be entirely democratic and fair in all its scope and action upon all the people of the States of this Union. Representation of Southern States. {inserted from appendix}