Mr. MILLER. Mr. Speaker, I am glad that the ComReconstruction, through their honorable chairman, [Mr. SrnVENS, have reported to this House a proposition or certain amendments to the Constitution of the U.S., which, if approved by 2/3rds of both Houses and then ratified by the Legislatures of 3/4ths of the several States, will become a art thereof. he article of the proposed amendment contains 5 sections. The 1st provides that no State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the U.S.; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protectmn of the laws. The 2nd section provides that Representatives shall be aporiioned among the several States which maybe included within the Union accordin to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But whenever in any State the elective franchise shall be denied to any portion of its male citizens not less thup 21 years of age, or in any Way abridged, except for participation in rel protection of rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation in such State shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens not less than 21 years of age. The 3rd section prohibits, until the 4th of July, 1870, from voting for Representatives in Congress and for electors of President and VEEP, all persons who voluntarily adhered to the late insurrection, giving it aid and comfort. The 4th section provides that Neither the U.S. nor any State shall as snin oor pay any debt or obligation already incurred in aid of insurrection or war againstthe U.S., or for any claim for compensation for loss of involuntary service or labor and the 5th section gives congress the power to enforce by appropriate legisation the provisions of this artic e. These proposed amendments now being under consideration, I will give my views briefly )in regard to them., As to the 1st, it is so just that no State shall deprive any person of ii c, liberty, or property “without due process of law, nor deny equal fp the laws, and so clearly within the spirit of the DeclarIndep of the 4th ofJuly, 1776, that no member of this House can seriously object to it. The next, as to representation, I deem the most important amendment, and is in fact the cornerstone of the stabilit ofonr Government. In the Constitution of the U.S. of 17th of September, 1787, in section 2, under article one, it is provided that “Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number offree persons, includin those bound to service for a term efyears, and cite uding Indians not taxed, 3/5th; of all other persons." The word “slave” was not very palatable to the venerable gentlemen who framed that constitution, and therefore they used the words “all others, ” which, of course, meant slaves. Before the rebellion the slave States had a Representation in Congress of 19 for slaves and about 5 for free blacks, and slavery being new abolished, the other 2/5ths would add say 13 more, making about 37 Representatives from the black mans population. Now, conceding to each State the right to renlate the right of suffrage, they ought not to have a representation for male citizens not less than 21 years of age, whether white or black, who are de rived of the exercise of suffrage. This amendment will settle the complication in revard to suffrage and representation, leaving each State to reulate that for itself, so that it will be for it to ccide whether or not it shall have a representation for all its male citizens not less than 20 one years of age. Ihisamendment, Mr. Speaker, if adopted, will give the country a sufficient guarantee against any contingency that might arise in the admission of representatives from the States latclyin rebellion I inean such men as did not voluntarily engage in the rebellion, and can take the oath rescribed by existing laws. I do not regar the amendment of the constitutions of those States of much practical importance, for the same power that makes the amendments may unmake; but to annul an amendment to the Constitution of the U.S. requires the consent of 2/3rds of both Houses of Congress and a ratification by the Legislatures of 3/4ths of the several States or by a convention in 3/4ths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed hy Congress; and if this amendment is adopted it is not likely it will ever be altered so as to endanger the loyal States I mean by the loyal States those States that aided us in putting down the rebellion. Mr. Speaker as we have now a large Union majority in hot Houses, it is the time to pass the requiSite amendments, so as to have the same submitted to the respective States for ratification, and I trust that the Governors of those States whose Legislatures may have adjourned will, immediately after the approval of these amendments by Congress, convene the Legislatures in order that they may ratify t cm. The 3rd section, though it seems just on its face, I doubt the propriety of embodying it with the other amendments, as it may retard, if not endanger, the ratification of the amendment in regard to representation, and we cannot afford to endanger in any manner a matter of such vital importance to the country. I therefore, Mr. Speaker, propose to strike out this 3rd section and sn mit it as a separate and distinct proposition, which certainly ought to meet teapproval of all our friends. I cannot concur with the honorable Gentfrom Massachusetts [ML BOUT wsLL]bthat every part of a State must be strictly loyal before allowed a representation in congress. I fear if that doctrine sh0uld be carried out some of our northern States would be left without representation in Congress; that rule might, however, snit very well for Massachusetts where they seem to be nearly all of One opinion. The bonerable gentleman, to enforce his views, repeated:1 portion of what Alexander H. Stephens, late VEEP of the socalled southern confederacy, stated before the ComReconstruction. I do not think, Mr. Speaker, that the sentiment expressed by that rebel sontherner on ht to have any bearing upon the action of this House, except so far as to prevent him from ever having a seat in either ranch of Congress or holding any office of honor, trust, or profit under the U.S. The honorable Gentfrom NewYork, EMr. Rnmosnd in his remarks, seemed to tiink we ought not to irritate the sonthem people. WhileI do not wish to inflict any unnecessary hardships n on those States, we certainly have right to emand of them a sure guarantee, and they ought to thank their God that they have been dealt with so lenieutly after inflicting upon the country a debt of nearly $3,000,000,000, and causing such great affliction throughout the land. I do not wish to be understood that I would screen the leaders of the rebellion from punishment, for on them rests the sin of misleading the great mass of the southern people. These people may be thankful if they are permitted to live within and under the protection of the U.S., and enjoy their property, or a portion of it, without participating in the affairs of the Government whose very life they had attempted to destroy; but Congress does not object to a representation from those States when a sufficient guarantee is given by ratifying the requisite amendments to the Constitution of the U.S., provided they send here 10 al men. I fee rejoiced that my worthy colleague [Mr. Srnvsxs] has consented to forego some of his views in order to meet those of his Republican friends in this House in regard to amendments; and I hope the same frankness will be manifested at the other end of the Capitol. The 4th section is to prohibit the assumption by the U.S., or any of the States, of the rebel debt incurred in aid of the insurrection or war against the U.S., or any claim for compensation for loss of invol untary service or labor. The importance of this amendmfint, Mr. Speaker, is manifest, as there is no telling what influence may be brought to bear upon Congress at some future day when southern people have seats upon this floor and as to the States it is necessary. in order to encour age emigration to those States, that there should be some security against inflicting such debts upon those who may choose to settle there. This amendment is also demanded by the loyal people of the country, and is similar to one which passed this House by an almost unan imous vote in the early part of the session. The 5th section gives to Congress the owe! to enforce the provisions of this article y appropriate legislation. This of cburse is requi site to enforce the foregoiu sections, or such of them as may be adopted and is too plain to admit of argument; and in fact is not, as I am aware, contested by any gentleman in this House. In conclusion, I would repeat, Mr. Speaker, what I had occasion once before to announce on the floor of this House, that the only 3 amendments I deem important to the Constitution of the U.S. as a sure guarantee were these, to wit: 1. That the representation in Congress shall be apportioned among the several States according to the qualifie voters of each State; 2. That the rebel debt incurred in the late rebellion shall never be assumed by the U.S or any State; and 3. To allow ii tax or duty on exports, so that foreign Countries which purchase cotton shall pay a duty thereon and it is not probable that it would be imposed on any other staple eXported, and besides, the duty thus derived would doubtless amount to a very large sum in aid of replenishing the Treasury. This latter might. reach some of those who in the late rebellion were aiding the rebels. It is true this latter proposition is not now before the House, but it is before the ComJudiciary, and [trust that committee will soon report favorably, and I certainly cauuot doubt its passage by a 2/3rds vote. ENROLLED BILL SIGNED.