Mr. COWAN. I have but a single word to say. I suppose that the debate was out of order, according to the rules of this body. I think the whole of it was lo icall out of order. That is logically out of order which considers persons instead of questions. the question ere is as to the authority of the President and the propriety of the exercise of certain powers on his part. The ran e of the debate is wide enough to include all residents and all power and alGovernments, and all that kind ofthing. I think the divergence was on the part of the Senators from Wisconsin. I think any debate, unless it be in executive session, in which the person of anybody is introduced or the motives of anybody as a person is introduced is out oforder; and it is out oforder for the plain nlpable reason that it destroys all order an becomes disorder, and does not condnce in any way to the ends of truth. My friendfrom Massachusetts is entirely mistaken in the instances which he gives. He states that a soldier was removed in the city of Philadelphia to make way for an enemy of the party. I need not say to the Senate, because it will learn that in due time, that this is utterly, totally, and entirely untrue, not that I mean to say that the Senfrom Massachusetts knows that it is so; but the real truth of the matter is, that the person appointed is as radical, according to his record, and more radical than the honorable Senfrom Massachusetts, with all his radicalism dare he; and he comes here indorse d, I think, with all the radicalism that has ever prevailed in the country, all of which will be disclosed in proper time by my friendfrom Oregon, [Mr. 1!. LIAMS] to whom the case is committed. Now, with regard to the other appointment, the gentleman who was marshal of western Pennsylvania was a gentleman of my profession, a friend of mine; and I may say or him that he is as honorable, as upright, and as good a man as there is in the country. He has ield that othee for 3 or 4 years without the slightest stain upon his reputation or his credit in any way. The gentleman who has been appointed to take his place, instead of being a civilian, is a soldier, has been a soldier through the war; and what I rose especially for was to caution my friendfrom Massachusetts about the too liberal use of the vocabu lary of the English language which is used to designate crime. He said to the Senate here, in open session, that this man had committed acts which, but for the interference of friends, would have sent him to the penitentiary. I think the honorable Senator is a just man; at least he talks largely of justice here. I think he is a charitable man. think, when he man ifests such extraordinary affection for an alien race and for an oppressed people, he would not hurt his brother. But, sir, it is the fashion of the times; these words come so glibly upon the tongue, and they are held to be of so little import here, that a reputation is stabbed as thong it were as vile trash as that which fills a purse. Let the honorable Senator reflect for one moment upon the gross injustice of such a charge as this, made here openly, in broad day, to the American people; an let him reflect that he makes it o a soldier a soldier, I can tell him who, after this disrace of his, rode the raid with Sheridan, an fought the battles in the valley. In my country, whether this charge be true or be nottrue I know nothing of it no man would dare to charge that appointee to his face with a crime that would render him infamous. No man, whether he believes it or not, would charge that until it was properly investigated upon a presentment by a grand jury and a ver ict of the fellow citizens of the uilty man. I put it to Senators whether this 18the place where a mans reputation may be. torn to tatters; where his wife may be made to weep for shame among the other weeping and doleful trains of which the Senator has told us; and whether he wishes to make himself the conduit, the mouthpiece, by which to convey insult and infamy to this mans children when the grave closes over both him and the Senfrom Massachusetts. Sir, the rule was that prosecution should be free, but that defamation never should be free. Let him who charges a crime upon his fellow man go to the law. If it is a crime at all it is a crime against the law; and when charges are to be made of this infamous chamcter ct the law be appealed to, let the prosecution be free. but let the defamation be limited, not only by the law, but by the restraints which every gentleman and eve man of honor feels ought to regulate him in his intercourse with his fellow man. Mr. President, as I said at the ontstart and I trust it is not more out of order than a great many things which have occurred in this debate the honorable Senator belongs to one wing of the Republican party; I belong to the other. I have no uneharitableness for him and the people who believe with him. I may believe that their doctrines are erroneous, that their projects for the future are mise hievous and will result in evil, but I have no crimes to charge upon them. The sure harbinger of the dowufallof any party which resorts to that means to bolster itself up is to be found in the means itself. The man who stands firmly and strongly upon a good cause and upon the justice of it never turns aside from the question to argue the personal character of his oppo nent, for one of the best reasons in the world: the personal character of the opponent has nothing to do with it. The logic of a bad man is not necessarily bad logic because it comes from his mouth; nor is the logic of a good man necessarily good logic because it proceeds from the mouth of a pure man. It is only weak people who resort to those indices; an when ever you find a man resorting to them it is a sure evidence that he is not competent to de cide upon the true. But has it come to this in the Senate of the U.S. that we are to leave questions for personal motives and for a personal consideration of the characters of those who choose to advocate this or that doctrine? Mr. President, I simply rose to say this much. Ihad not intended to say a word as long as the debate was confined to its legitimate limited range, because I supposed everybody had made up his mind on that point, and I did not attcm t to influence anybody; but when the honorab O Senfrom Wisconsin [Mr. HOWE] got up and undertook to dive into the secret machinery by which the POTUS was guilty ofingratitude to him and his set, and when the honorable Senfrom Massachusetts undertook to state boldly that the party was betrayed by the President, and when particular instances were given, it was utterly impossible to sit still and allow those things to go to the country without attempting to send along with them an antidote, however feeble it may be. I have only to say further, that one day we shall wake up from this delusion by finding that if we undertake to govern an empire of the size of this, including so many States as this does, so many varieties of men, so many interests clashing with one another, we shall have to be much more charitable to one another, and we shall have to be much more tolerant of diver gent opinions, and to yield ours, when it be comes necessary, for the common security and the common eace. As was well said by my friendfrom Wisconsin, [Mr. DOOLITTLE] what the nation wants now is peace, not war. What it wants now is repose, and not factions and turbulent activity. What it wants is a restoration of law and order, obedience to the Constitution and to the recognized authorities of the land; that crimination and recriminntion shall cease; the past be for given; that by gones be by gones; and that ift ere is to be retribution, if the hand of retribution has not fallen upon the nation heavily enough now, North and South, when there is hardly a family through out the length and breadth of the land that is not clothed in mourning, when every household mourns its victims sacrificed upon the altar of the insane hate of people against people people who never saw one another and who know nothing about each other l say that what the nation Wants now is quiet, peace, and harmony, that good men should come together and be forgiving and that if there are to be more vic tims they shall be victims of the law, not the victims of individual malice, or the victims of individual revenge. Let the law in its majesty seize upon the guilty, pronounce upon their cases, and execute its judgments as becomes a civilized. Christian people.