Mr. DHVIS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to make no remarks derogatory to the character or the rights of the black man of America. I desire to consider the subject before us in ref erence not only to the black man but to the white man. I desire to take abroad and comprehensive view of the whole question that lies before us for our censideration, and after examining it briefly, it is true, in all its bearings and merits, to arrive so far as I can to a cone clusion which shall do “equal and exact justice to all men.” The bill now under consideration proposes to confer universal and unrestrained suffrage upon all colored citizens of the DistCol. We must remember, Mr. Speaker, that the position of the DistCol is entirely anomalous in our system. 125,000 people, citizens of the U.S., residing within this District, have no representation on this floor. They have no rights as citizens exec t to pay taxes, to elect their own municipal o cars, and to be subject to the exclusive control of Congress without appeal. They are bound hand and foot, and in that condition without the right to be Represented on this door to present their qwn griev ances, they are subject to the capriee or the des potic power of Congress in all respects. I wish, Mr. Speaker, that this condition should be borne in mind; and then, as we trace the history of slavery within this District and within our country, we shall find, perhaps, that there is some reason why we ought to exercise calmness and deliberation in thatlegislation by which we propose to affect their social and political relations. When the seat of Government was 1st established here slave existed in the States both of Maryland and air nia, from which the district originally was ta en. The people of this District, as citizens of the District, and as for mer citizens of those States, respectively, held slaves in bondage; and when this Government Was organized here, be it acknowledged to its disgrace and its shame, the slaveauctioneer an? the auctionblock of the slavepen were institutions in this capital of a free Republic, and men were sold as chattels and hereditary slaves. Thank God! sir, that disgrace has passed away. today there breathes here no slave; we hear the clanking of no chain, and the cry of no vas sal; for the decree of the American peoplehas gone forth, that not only here, but everywhere throughout the land which our fathers dedicated to freedom, slavery has ceased utterly and for ever. and, sir, the destruction of slavery has resulted from no fault of the northern people. It is the result of the suicidal act of those who themselves held the control and ownership of the slaves; For the perpetuation and extension of thatinstitution, they revolted against the Government, and attemted to overthrow it; they attempted to tram e down the Constitution which we love on which we were sworn to s pport; and during 4 years and a half of loody conflict they resisted to the utmost the power of this Government exerted in the defense of its own life. Sir, slavery in the DistCol perished as an incident of the rebellion, when it ought to have perished before as a disgrace to humanity. Slavery elsewhere perished because the rebe s nttemted to use that institution for the overthrow ol our Government; and when they failed in that purpose, they and those who were associated with them in sympathy had to accept fully and unreservedly the consequences of their action. Now, sir, I have no sympathy whatever with slavery, but I confess that would under existing circumstances pufy some regard to the prejudices of those who from long residence within a slave District, surrounded by all the social effects of a servile system, have acquired, perhaps, a natural repugnance to the elevation to political equality of acass which education ha taught them to regard as an inferior race, and whose enfranchisement they would regard as oppress ive and insulting. The case before us is entirely distinct and different from that of States in which the colored population, forming but an unimportant percentage of the entire population, have made no visible impression upon the character of society. We sir, of the North made the slaves free and gave them in different States various but limited rights of citizenship. In some cases we allowed them the right of elective franchise; and yet, notwithstandin the Gentfrom NewJersey, [Mr. Rocsns] if he had then lived, would probabl havetalke about the insult to our wives and aughters by allowing black men to march up to the polls and cast votes in protection of their freedom, and in pursuance of their rights, I have never there heard of an instance where the white man was shocked; at the election polls by being brought into contact with the negro. Many in the State which, I represen t have exercised that privilege. They have the right to exercise it upon a property qualification, and no one objects to the exercise of it bythose who under the law are authorized to do so. In other States, where the elective; franchise has been granted to the black man, I have never heard of any such results as those which present themselves to the vivid imagination of the Gentfrom NewJersey. But the case here is different. There the black people constitute but a small%age of those who deposit their ballots at the polls, while in this city there is a much larger proportion, in consequence of the greater numerical strength of the colored persons in this district who would have the right at the oils to exercise the elective franchise if the hi iof m honorable friendfrom Iowa [hinWiLsos] sha become a law. Mr. Speaker, I am frank to so, that with certain reasonable restrictions, which in due time will be offered to the pending bill, I am not opposed to granting the elective franchise to the black men in the DistCol. In the year 1860 the black population of this District was about 14,000; but in the year 1862, after the passage of the emancipation act by Congress, slaves, I should say refugees, came here from Maryland and Virginia, adoining slave States. They congregated in this district and in the immediate vicinit of this city. They have athered here to sue an extent that now ncnry 30,000 of them are embraced within the original limits of the DistCol. When I remem brthat all of those slaves are not domestic slaves, who have been treated well at home, who experienced kindness from their masters, and, in many instances, even shared their fortunes in their humiliation, but are composed of the field hands and lantation slaves, who know no agency of civilization except the lash of the overseer, who come in their ignorance and degradation to the land of freedom to seek protection under the folds of the American flag. must ause before I can vote to extend to them the rights conferred by this bill. I have listened for more than 20 years to the teachings of distinguished men n on the effect of African slavery upon theinte ligence of the race; and the eminent citizen of Massachusetts, [Mr. Sufism] who has so often s oken on that subject before the audiences of the country, has depicted in glowing and eloquent. terms the fact that slavery is so debnsing and so degrading in its chacacter as to take away or essentially to impair the attributes of manhood. I submit, sir, if these be the consequences of slavery in regard to that population to which I have adverted, whether it is just or generous, wise or expedient, in reference to the freedmen of the population, or in respectto the white population of this city, that the great number 0t black men resident in this District should be entitled to the right of unqualified suffrage unrestricted. This Government has the power to impose its own enactments upon the people of this District, but in the exercise of that power we should be mncnnnimous; and while doing no wronfl to the black man, while holding out to him till inducements to culture and education to enable him eventually and intelligently to exercise the right of the clective franchise, I must say, in my honest judgment after full reflection on the subject, that until they have been so prepared, this highest right of citizenship onght not to be conferre npont iem. I was ati edday before yesterday in listening to t restatement of my friendfrom Pennsylvania [Mr. KELLEY] in regard to the imgrovement within the last few years in this districtrof the black race. Ircoice that they are accumulating property; rejoice that the are hecomingintclligent an respectable, and would hold forth inducements for others to do likewise, bqualifying the right of suffrage by some rule which shall Operate as an incentive to study and to thrill and I say this, Mr. Speaker, with full confidence that in that course we shall do no harm to the Great principles on which republics should be established. Republican government surely can never rest safely, it can never rest peace fully, upon any foundation save that of the intelhgence and virtue of its subjects. No Government, republican in form, was ever ros crous where its people were ignorant and deused and in this Government, where our fathers paid so much attention to intelligence, to the cultivation of virtue, and to all considerations which should surround and guard the foundations of the Republic, I am sure that we would do dishonor to their memory by conferring the franchise upon men unfitted to receive it and unworthy to exercise it. I am perfectly aware that in many States we have given the elective franchise to the white man who is debased and ignorant. I regret it, because I think that intelligence oughtal wavs, either as to the black or the white man, to e made a test of suffrage and I lory in the principles that have been established by Massachusetts, which prescribes, not that a man should have money in his purse, not that he should have the proclamation money signed by the authorities ot the State of NewJersey, as stated by the Representative from that State, PMr. ROGERR] but that he should have in his read a cultivated brain, the ability to read the constitution of his country, and intelligence to understand his rights as a citizen. I heard with deep regret the language uttered by the honorable Gentfrom NewJersey [him Rooms] yesterday, in reference to the comparative rights of the black man and the white man in this country. I have nav r been otnreaofmthose who believed that the bla nan at the white man was bound to respect. I believe that the bluek man in this country is entitled to citizenship, and by virtue of that Citizenship is entitled to proteCtion to the full power of this Government wherever he may be found on the face of Gods earth; that he has a right to demand that the shield of this Government shall be held over him, and that its powers shall be exerted on his behalfto the same extent as if he were the proudest grandee of the land. But, sir, citizenship is one thing, and the rightof suffrage is another and a different thin; audin circumstances such ns exist aroun us I am unwillring that general, uiiircrsal, unrestricted suffru e should be granted to the black men of this District, as is proposed by the bill under consideration. I did not rise, Mr. Speaker, with the intention ofiuflictingalong speech upon this House, but I desired to express my own conviction! upon this subject, and to say that I believe by pursuing a just, calm, deliberate courseo legislation on this subject we shall be far better fulfilling our duties than by hasty acts which we may hereafter regret. This whole subject is within the power of Congress, and if we grant restricted privilege today, we can extend the exercise of that privilege tomorrow. Public sentiment on this, as on a great many subjects is a matterof slow growth and development. That is the blustery existeut has fi of the world. Development upon all great subjects is slow. The development of the globe itself has required countless ages before it was wepared for the introduction of man upon it. hen we heard from the lips of the reverend gentleman who recently officiated for the day as Chaplain of this House that God had created the world 6,000ears ago, and during that time had governed y it well, I thought the gentleman hard y understood the full nature or history of this creation, when, for countless millions of years a Being allwise and self lled all s ace with the glorious objects of His creative and, and with exqui site and matchlcss skill, displayed from one to age has been fashioning each star and p net to fulfill His purpose; and the earth itself, through its 1,000s of mutations and its varied order of organic life, to fit it in all things as the home of man, His noblest work, in His own image made; it seemed strange, indeed, that such narrow and restricted views should be attered of an infinite Creator and an infinite creation, and that so little of the true law of growth, development, and perfection should have been conceived and take the progress of the human race through the historic a ekingdoms and cm ircs, systems of social; polity, systems of region systems of science, have been of no rapid owth, but lohg centuries intervened between eir origin and their overthrow. The Creator placed man on earth, not for the perfection of the individual, but the race; and therefore He locked u the mysteries of his power in the bosom of the earth and in the epths of the heavens, renderin them invisible to mankind. He made man stu y those secrets, those mysteries, in order that his genius might be cultivated, his views enlarged, his intellect matured, so that he might gradually rise in the scale of being, and finally attain the full perfection for which his Creator designed him. Thus Governments, political systems, and political rights have been the subject of study und improvement; changes adapted to the advance of society are made; experiments are tried based upon reason and upon judgment, and those are safest which, in their gradual introduction, avoid unnecessary violence and comvulsion. I submit, sir, whether it be wise for us now so suddenly, to alter so entirely the political status of so great a number of the citizens of this District in conferring upon them indiscrim inately the right of franchise. In the remarks which I have submitted today I have sought to explain the position which I occupy upon this question to this House and to the country. I do itin no spirit of disre nrd to the rights of any race, blue or white. do it with reference to the just rights and rotcction of all; and I am frank to say that fthink, in this country, we have had legislationperhaps too much of itwhich looked entirely and exclusively to the rights of classes. But, sir Ihappened some time ago, upon this floor, toa dress some expression in regard to my own views which has provoked the animadversion of the Gentfrom Pennsylvania, [Mr. Srevsss] whom I regret to see is notnow in his seat, and to him I intended to address some remarks today. I do not wish to do it in his absence, for it would not be respectful to him; and therefore I will decline to say anything upon that portion of the subject, as I had intended to do; but I will reserve the right of answering hereafter the insinuations which he made against me, thatI had been forming friendship with the Democratic party or with Democratic principles u n this flibor. To say that I have personal friendship with gentlemen upon the other side of the House is to say just what is true. There are many of these gentlemen whom I respect, but differ from them in political opinions. I reserve the right to differ from them, and I shall do it freely and unreservedly. I hold the same right to differ with the sentiments of an gentle Iman upon this side of the House and that right shall exercise with the same ctermination. I where as an independent Representative upon this floor, bound by my oath, which my constituents never took, to perform the obhgations of my conscience, not theirs, to exercise the rights and to discharge the duties of a Itcp Representative according to my judgment, enlight sued by application to a l the sources from which intel ience and information can he received; and I will discharge that duty without regard to menaces on the one hand or to bland ishments on the other. I shall desire on afuture occasion, when the honorable Gentfrom Pennsylvania {Mr. Srsvsss] is in his seat, to speak my opinions of representative rights and personal in ependence.