Mr. STEVENS. On looking at the Globe now a week or 2 old, I observe some remarks made in my absence relative to my views of secession, which'perha s ought not to pass without comment lest in uture they might be taken as true. The gentleman 'from Maryland [Mr. HAB ms] with a boldness which showed greatTnoral courage, whatever may be the ht of its ru dence, avowed himself the advocate 0 secession, and defended those who through it attempted to dissolve the Union. This was no new doctrine. It was held by the whole slave holding South before the rebellion, and was 7 sustained by their northern allies. But it has become less respectable since they were subdued; and their northern friends, now turning upon those in misfortune, choose here to disclaim the doctrine and to disavow the respon sibility of the principles of their more candid, sincere, and brave colleagues. While repudiatin it, they thought to divide the odinm by attri uting the same doctrine to certain Republicans. The Gentfrom Ohio [Mr. Ls BLOND] said it was the same doctrine held by the Gentfrom Pennsylvania, (Mr. S'rnvnxs.] The distinguished gentleman roin Massachusetts, [Mr. Dawns] with great clearness and truth, immediately corrected his error for which I thank him. I had so often define my position on this point that I had heped that no one was so stupid as to misunderstand it, or so unprincipled us to iiiisre present it. I was mistaken; and again, I thin for the 5th time, will restate it. I ask any gentleman who doubts to examine every word have ever uttered on this question, and I challenge him to point out a single word, to sustain the gentleman’s assertion. I have always denied the right of secession, and denounce it as the highest crime known to the law. Secession “means a withdrawal, a separation from the Government of the Union while such secession exists. I have held, and still hold, that the belligerent called the confederate States of America did commit this crime of secession; did for some 4 years separate and divide themselves from the Government of the U.S., and established and maintained a separate and distinct government de jacto; that while they maintained that position defending it with large armies and well balanced victories; issuing commissions, both by land and water, which were respected even by ourselves. as suflicing to protect those acting under them from the penal consequences of their acts; holding 1/2 this continent in their separate and exclusive possession marching armies of more than 100,000 men into the territories of their enemy; carrying on all the machinery of a welborganized government, and conducting municipal governments in 11 well organized States, united under one general confederation, more pow erful than was ever our revolutionary government, and possessing 3 times as man citizens; and while for 5 years said confe crate government renounced all connection with the FU.S., and claimed to be an independent and foreign Power I hold that during all this time, after they had risen from the condition of insurgents. the law of nations declared them to be a belligerent engaged in a public war; and that all the rules of war, regulating their rights and liabilities, applied to them; and that we stood upon the same footing as 2 foreign nations engaged in open war, the only " difference being that if the parent Government conquered she could elect to punish for viola ted sovereignty as well as for an unjust war. It cannot be denied that the civilized world treated the confederate States as a belligerent, and it is worse than falsehood to deny that we so acknowledged them. It is a well recognized principle that a public war between acknowledged belligerents severs all the ties, obligations, treaties, and compacts that existed between them; and that such obligations are not revived or renewed by eace without express stipulations tothateffect. ow, then, can any man of common judgment deny that these tv'o belligerents were separate Pow ers, and that the conqueror hadaright to dictate terms to the vanquished; that without the con. queror’s consentand his terms there could be no i reunion. I have said more than once that ifmy wislics could prevail, instead of justifying secession I would punish the conquered belligerents by the forfeiture of suffieient of their property to pay the expenses and damages of the war. e causel have declared that the confederate States had by their acts and declarations placed themselves ontside the Union (at our election)gentle men have asserted that it admitted the right of secession. He is a very stupid man who cannot discern between the existence of a crime and its justification. I have never been able by any process of reasoning to form any other theory of the status of the States. I have been some times charged with holding that the States were dead, their carcasses lying about in the Union. I never held snch absurdity others have; and l have said that it made no difference. as the power to reconstruct in either case lay in congress albue. The doctrine of “ suspended animation" seems to me equally ridiculous. There never was on our when the 11 States were not in full and active life no sui cide; no suspended animation. They had a perfect organization fitted with every officer necessary to execute all the legislative and municipal functions of a civil government. But while they were thus active in their organization, it was an organization outside the government of the U.S., and in no sense of the word formingapart of the same. To say that during all thistime they were States in the Union, entitled to all its privileges when ever they chose, is a consummation of folly which could have been conceived but by a single government upon the face of the earth8 L'ovcrnment made up of patches, thrown by 8 convulsion into the ekecutive chair. Here are 2 mighty nations, raising billions of money, and commanding millions of armed Wat'riors, charging in deadly strife; now vic torious and now defeated; seizing each other’s dominions and laying them waste, and we are told that all that time they were one people; One Govenment; one united fraternity! And an official, whose station is more exalted than that of kings, lately seizes a nrostawkward and ine pportnne occasion to send down to Congress a slunk stump speech in a most imperfect state o“f gestation, and informs us' that there are cleven States excluded from representation, although they have been entirely'restored to all their functions as States in conformity with the organic law of the land.” Restored by whom ‘I By one AndrewJohnson, who fancies himself the deposits of all the legislative and executive power oft e Government. After so thorougha discussion of the law and the reason of the question, which has but one side; after Congress by a 2/3rd s vote had 3 times declared that his interference to reconstruct those States was more impertinence; after the conclusive argument of the senatorial chairman of the ComReconstruction to the same effect, who would have expected anfisober man to be reiterating such folfy? at I have gone beyond my purpose. Irose simply to deny any belief in the right of secession, and incidentally to deny the idea, noless absurd but inpeh less injurious, that during the existence of the confederate government the 11 States were in any sense in the Union or have since got in, and also to express my inability to comprehend the idea ot a State partly in the Union and partly out of it n ir‘ of E yptian mummy with “ suspended animation, close wrapped in cercments, stiff and motionless, but read to' leap into action when some kind deity shall opep the sarco phagus., Mr. MORRILL. I call for the regular order of business. PENSIONS FOR THE WAR OF 1812.