Mr. WILSON. The Missouri act of 1821 submitted the question, not to the people of Missouri, but to the Legislature, and if that act had any binding force, this is equally binding. If we have the power to submit it to the people we have the power to submit it to the legislature, and their decision will be as valid as the decision of the people. It would be inconvenient, especially at this season of the ear, to call together the people of that great Territory to pass upon this proviso. The Legislature is already elected, may be called together in a few days and pass upon the subject. The question may be settled, and settled before the 4th of March next, so that the delegation from this new State may take their seats in the 39th Congress, Now, sir, I desire to say that I have none of that feeling referred to by the Senfrom Maryland, as existing at the time of the formation of the Constitution in the eastern States, and I do not think that the people I represent entertain any sort of jealousy toward the people of the West or the new States of the . We of the East regard them rather as our children; and we hope they will be wiser and better and more prosperous than we are. I wish to see young Nebraska in the Union as one of our sister States. I am content with her boundaries, with her population, and especially content with the political sentiments and opinions of her people. She has sent to represent her on this floor gentlemen of talent and of character, patriotic and liberty loving men, and I desire that at the earliest moment they shall become members of this body. Mr. President, when the question came up at the last session of the admission of Colorado into the Union I felt as strong a repugnance as anybody could feel against this word “white” she had incorporated into her constitution. It came up at a critical time in the history of the country. I saw then very clearly that the POTUS, and more especially the men who were about him and around him, and to whose beguiling voices he listened, were determined to make a rupture between the Executive and Congress. I felt the importance of these 3 years of power intrusted to us to settle the great questions before the country, for the complete restoration of the country on the solid basis of the equal rights and privileges of all men. I saw clearly that when the contest should come we should have a contest that would try Congress and stir the country to its profoundest depths. I thought it was the part alike of patriotism and of wisdom to prepare for it, to keep ourselves always right, and if the President chose to put himself in the wrong to keep him in the wrong. That policy was generally pursued. Congress kept itself in the right, the President put himself in the wrong, and the country has pronounced between the Executive and Congress, has rebuked the for mer and exalted the latter. I saw, too, that in this body the Executive appeared to have too many followers and, too much power. It was apparent that the friends of impartial freedom were doomed to defeat if executive power could seduce or intimidate. At any rate it was not the friends of the country who were to have the control of this body and the Government. Although I was strongly opposed to this word “white” I thought it better for the great cause of the country, the cause of liberty, the cause of the emancipated bondman, that Colorado should be admitted and that her votes should give the friends of freedom and the country the control of the Senate of the U.S. Her Senators were tried and true, and their votes would give us the power to override the executive vetoes. Had the Senators from colorado been admitted the bill giving manhood suffrage, pure and simple, would have passed at the last session. I knew then, as I know now, that we could not have passed the bill giving manhood suffrage in this District without the admission of the Senators from Colorado, and that with their votes sure for that great measure it would have been enacted. Anxious to carry that measure a measure I had publicly pledged should pass at that session I strove to achieve it by the votes of the Senators from Colorado. For more than 30 years I have never given a vote, at home or abroad, for the election of any man or for the support of any measure that I have not asked myself what the effect would be upon the great cause of equal, universal, and impartial liberty in my country. Acting ever under a vow made here in this Capitol 30 years ago, I have always subordinated political organizations, public men, and measures to the overshadowing issues growing out of the existence of slavery, the domination of the slave power, and the rights and privileges of the African race. Actuated by the sentiment of impartial freedom for all of every color and race, resolved to use all the means sanctioned by law and humanity to secure equality of rights for all, and to make my country a great Christian Republic, I have aided in pulling down and building up political organizations, and in making public measures contribute to the advancement of the great cause. Perhaps I have erred in action never, I am sure, have I erred in intention or purpose. Looking back upon these 30 years of active life, I do not remember more than one vote I would change today if I had the power. But, sir, by the course of events our power in the Senate is now assured, and after the 4th of March next will be quite as strong as it is now. I need not state, for we all know how our numbers have increased until now we have a clear, undoubted 2/3rds vote here upon all leading questions that may arise. The necessity under pressure of which I acted at the last session has passed away. Satisfied to admit Colorado and Nebraska, always excepting that word “white, ” that stained their constitution, I gave voice and vote to their admission to secure for the holy cause for which we are struggling the control of the Senate. That control has been otherwise secured. The commanding necessity under which I then acted exists no longer. Then the admission of these young States in spite of this odious word “white” seemed to me to be demanded by the needs of the periled country; now their admission with this word “white, ” it seems to me, is not demanded by the needs of the country. I am as desirous as anybody can be to welcome these young States into the Union. I am as desirous as anybody can be that Nebraska should be represented here; but, I repeat, the necessity that controlled my vote at the last session has passed, and I believe that we can and should impose the condition now proposed. The Legislature elected in that State can be called together in a few days; the Legislature can pronounce upon this question, and in a very brief time Nebraska will be in the Union. A bill has passed the HoRep by an immense majority and is now pending before the Senate, to give suffrage without distinction of color in the Territories of the U.S. We must and should act upon that bill. I shall vote for it with all my heart. The admission of this State at this time without imposing this condition upon her and then the passage of that bill would put us in a false position before the country. The passage of that territorial bill will confer suffrage upon the colored men of Nebraska; the unconditional admission of that new State will for a time take suffrage from them. No loyal man in possession of suffrage shall ever say to me, “You, sir, robbed me of my rights.” I have come to the conclusion, sir, that before the 4th of March the constitutional amendment will have been adopted by the country; but whether it be.]". not, there is one thing very clear to my mind as a duty that we cannot shun, in my opinion we are neglecting it now, and that is, to take the governments of these rebel States out of the hands of the rebels. They have no business with the governments of those States. It is a betrayal of the cause of the country to put the governments of those States into their hands, or to continue the governments of those States in their hands. Whether we call them States or Territories, one thing is clear: the loyal people, black and white, of those States should E. protected in life, liberty, and property, and we are bound to protect them. The disloyal men have no right to any share or part in the governments of those States and should at once be dismissed from the places they have usurped through the weakness or treachery of the President. Before the 4th of March we must take the governments of these rebel States out of the hands of disloyal men. I am anxious for the passage of this bill with this amendment, that this question may be submitted to the Legislature, that the Legislature may agree to it, and that her Senators may be here to aid in the good work before us.