Mr. GUTHRIE. Mr. President, the Senfrom Massachusetts, in the course of his remarks said that I had made 2 admissions, as if I had done something that was inadvertent. I expressed nothing but my sentiments and what I believe must necessarily be the judgment of all the profession who will take the sins to examine the constitution of the U.S., as it has been lately amended, and its effect upon the existing institution of slavery and the existing law of the States in relation to it. The constitution of the U.S. now abolishes slavery. That constitution is the supreme law of the land, and it sweeps away everything that interferes with the great right of freedom which it now secures, and the legislatiOn of every State of the Union, and even of Congress, in oppositionto it would fall as soon as it was enacted. That is the effect of the constitutional amendm ent. But, sir, I hawe been a little astonished at the extreme measures that have been brought up here under the pretext of making the constitutional amendment effective. What can be more effective than thenational will expressedin the constitution? Whatlegislation is needed to aid and assist it? It is said it contains no punitive act, no net punishing its violation, that no pen alty is prescribed for its violation. Every act under an unconstitutional law infringing upon the rights of individuals, whizther white or black, is nuIl and void. Holding this doctrine, believing it to be the true doctrine, and that none other can possibl be true, what is the use of our declaring an legislatin those laws void which the constitution of the U.S. has made void; and what kind of respect will the people suppose we pay to the constitution when we are making an act in aid of it, to destroy or repeal that whiich has already been destroyed and fallen before it? There was no inadvertence in the admission that I made, because I hold to it just as strongly as I hold to any do trine thatI acquire in the study of the constitution and the study of the profession to which I once belonged. The other admission I will not comment upon. I believed itwas true. All history will justify it; and I believe when the history of this country and of the effects of the legislation that may follow this rebellion shall come to be written, it will be verified again. The gentleman has made one admission which does him great honor. He says that he entertains no hatred or illfeeling against the South; that he wants no more blood and no more confiscation. That sentiment does honor to him as a Senator; it does honor to him as a man. But pardon me for remarking that I have seen it nowhere in his movements for legislation to ward the South, nor have I seen it come from any of his party. I intend to cast no reproach upon gentlemen. They act according to their convictions and their sense of duty. There is only one other remark that I desire to make. The Senator spoke of the Democratic party as representing only Kentucky and t the lit e State o Delaware. this true we are in a small minority in the Senate, butthere are 11 of us here of the old stripe, and we have faith in its doctrines and that it will rise again. We are not claiming anything for its past virtues or its ast triumphs; but we believe that that party that stands up, not only for national rights according to the constitution, but for State. rights. too, according to the constitution, and preserving this Government aecordingto the principles of e great men whomgdeit, will be isos; 347 r considered and will come into poweragain. Gentlemen should reflect that in the recent presidential election the Candidates of the Democratic party polled 1800,000 votes in spite of all the advantages that the Government candidates possessed. Sir, the Democratic party is not dead, though we are at present suspended. Let me recall to the mind of the Senator that Napoleon Bonaparte, when he was dominating all over Europe and playing with crowns, made a small mistake when he temted the snows of Russia in winter time; and t iere Imay be atinie when the part nowin power will go too far; the party which this hi 1 invades I the rights of the loyal States, and puts into the hands of the officers of this bureau powers that should be placed in the hands of no man. Under it an agent of this Freedmens Bureau is to declare just what law he pleases, and administer it just as he pleases, and there is he appeal. One of the agents of this bureau on coming into Kentucky declared thatif any former owner of slaves, alter the men had been taken into the Army or gone off, leaving no one but the old and infirm, who were unable to work, and the children, should refuse to support them, and that, too, whether he had anything to support them or not, he would seize their propert, confiscate it, and turn it to the public use! oyou think that is acceptable to Ientucky? Do you think it would be acceptable to any set of people? Here you authorize one of these agents to arrest any man; whether the evidence be lit tle or great he is the sole judge, without perhaps having any legal or judicial knowle e, and he fines and imprisons at his pleasure. ou propose to impose upon the free people of Kentucky this kind ofajudicature and this kind of laws, and you think it will be a great evidence of our want of loyalty if We do not cheerfully accept it. Sir, I never supposed that the majority of this Senate did not mean to pass this bill and the one that is to follow it, that have been reported from the ComJudiciary, the best legal minds in the body. They assume that it is a necessit, and therefore constitutional in their view. Slit, sir, I did hope that Kentucky would be exempted from its operation 1 that this last cup of bitterness and trial won not be put to the lips of a State that had suffered as much as Kentucky by her loyalty to the mon.