Mr. CRESWELL. I prefer the amendment offered by the Senfrom Massachusetts to the original proposition as presented by the Senfrom Kentucky. e amendment as suggested to the amendment does nothing in, my ndgment but define the meaning of the wo “loyalty, ” which I think it is competent. for Congress to do. A wide latitude of interpretation has prevailed of late, and it is well enough, I think, for us to give that word a more specific operation and bearing than has generally been conceded to it. If the Senfrom Kentucky will examine the amendment suggested by the Senfrom Massachusetts he will tin it more comprehensive than his own amendment. The 24th section of the act of 1864, approved cbruary 24, rovides specifically that the commutation and shall be dedicated to the compensation of loyal slave owners whose slaves shall be mustered or drafted into the service of the U.S. Now, while the proposition of the Senfrom Kentucky takes $5,000,000 from the Treasury for that purpose, the proposition of the Senfrom Massachusetts oes against the spe cific fund that is by this law expressly appropriated for the payment of these claims. In my judgment nothing would be necessary to accomplish the purpose which is sought by this proposition if it were not. that a technical difficulty has presented itself. It has been asserted by some that the commutation fund is now in the Treasury of the U.S., and that some specific act of uppropriation is necessary to withdraw that fun from the Treasury so that these parties can reach it. There can be no objection urged against the payment of this money, more than was urged against the payment of money in the shape of compensation when emancipation was effected in the DistCol. If the payment of that money had been delayed until after the adoption of the amendment of the Constitution declaring universal emancipation, it. would seem to me that we could not stand here as honest men and claim that we had faithfully performed our contract, if we refused to pay, the people here having complied with the necessary conditions. In Marylan this proposition was presented to the people as one which came from the loyal men in Congress with a view, asthe Senfrom Massachusetts has already an ested, as well to induce the enlistment of e colored people, and to bring to the assistance of the Army then in the field the entire array of the colored men in the State of Maryland, as also to strike a blow at. the institution of slavery; and I fmnkly avow that my course in the HoRep at that time was directed so as to accomplish both these objects. I believe that this 24th section and my practical experience leads me to the beliefwas in fact the forerunner of the constitutional amendment abolishing slavery everywhere; that above all other measures, it promod the minds of the people of the State of Maryland for the coming change; and reconciled them to and in some measure compensated them for the losses incident to the transition from slave labor to free labor. Mr. President, if this were a new proposition, I am frank to say I should much esitate about voting for it, yet believin that the faith of this Government has been p edged and deliberately pledged for the payment of this money as much as for any other, I cannot feel it consistent with my sense of do]? and my obligations as a Senator of the U.S., to refuse to pay these people their money, when they have complied with every condition that was made precedent to their right to receive it.