Mr. STEWART. I wish to make a few remarks on that motion. The importance of this subject must be my excuse or calling the attention of the Senate to it at this time. The Senate are aware that. I have from time to time since Congress convened alluded to the fact that we were in a false position. by reason of having no plan before the country by which.1 the Union might be restored. The country is H anxious that Congress shall say what it will do. Every person who has taken any pains to understand the public feeling on this question must realize that to the fullest possible extent. There is no avoiding the responsibility, and it has come to a pass where time is the essence of the entire transaction. We must not only have a lan, but we must have a plan speedily, or it will avail nothing. I was told constantly when I complained that no person produced a plan, and I was told in rather a derisive manner, “You produce a plan.” I studied for along time what I conceived to be the sentiment of the country, and without regard to preconceived notions, without regard to my own preferences one wa or another, I endeavored to produce a plan which should embody the principles of mercy and justice, and as far as possible reflect the sentiment of the country. The outside world is now saying that congress does not intend to adopt this or any other plan; and although I repudiate the charge as without the slightest foundation, it is still constantly charged in the public press that there is no sincerity in this matter on the part of con; that the only object in pretending to be or some plan of restoration is to use Sens&Reps for other purposes. This I repudiate; but. still I cannot avoid feeling the absolute necessity resting upon me to do all in my power to secure a plan on which we can go before the country. Union men everywhere say to us, “ We cannot approve of the Presidents plan altogether, but we want some other plan; what is your loo 1 Is it true that you are seeking a dissolution of the Union? ls it true that you will not consent to any proposition for restoration? Is it true that you Will not allow the Union to be restored upon any terms?" Every man who goes out from here to talk to the people has got to pledge his honor that such is not the fact, or they will not hear him. I and other speakers have pledged our honors that Congress would act, and that speedily, on this important question. It is also important that whatever lan be adopted, shall e an entirety and shali cover the whole subject. Isolated propositions will not answer the purpose. n almost every scheme it happens that there is something good which we like, and that there is at the same time something in it that we do not like, but which we vote for in order to get the good the bill contains. Very few bills pass this House or the other where each member approves of all their provisions, but. he is willing to take the good with the evil. In order that any plan shall be adopted here, it is necessary that it shall contain every proposition essential to a final settlement, and then it can be sustained not only here but elsewhere. The proposition which I have presented in this resolution I speak not of its entire details but of its general sentiments has been indorsed by every leading Union newspaperthrou hout the North, except, perhaps, the NewYork Times, and I do not know that it has taken any ground one we or the other. The great he y of the leading nion newspapers of the North have indorsed it because it ooks to a final settlement of the question; and I have received, and other members of Congress have received, 100s of letters urging that this or some kindred plan be adopted which will put an end to our troubles and show the country that we are willing that the Union shall be restored upon some terms. I do not believe that anyone single isolated proposition which does not look to a finality can be adopted here or elsewhere; but I believe that any liberal and just plan which concludes all the questions and gives us peace can be adopted and will be satisfactory to the country. Since this resolution was 1st introduced the discussion regarding the difficulties that might arise under it has suggested to me some modifications; and after consultation with leading Union men, whom I believe to be sincere in their endeavors to bring about harmony and concord and have a final settlement, I have been led to make some changes, not in the general principles, but in the mode of arriving at the conclusion. I will read the essential portion of the plan. The preamble and the grant resolution are unnecessary The essential portion of the plan is contained in the 2 se etionsofmyproposed constitutional amendment. The 1st section reads as follows: SEC. 1. No discrimination in civil rights and disa bilities. nor in the exercise of the electivefranchise, shall exist among the population of the U.S. (Indians not taxed excepted on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude; but in caseof restrictive qualifications by the States, this provision shall not work disfranohisement of any personsnow entitled to vote. This constitutional amendment places those who are to vote hereafter upon the same footing without regard to color. However men may feel with regard to the abstract question of negro suffrage, all must concur that restrictions may be 1m osed npder this section that will so regulate the question of suffrage that no injury will result to the country. If the States Wish to impose an educational test they can educate their young men up to it, and it is a slander upon the white man to say that he cannot compete with the negro under any reason able test so as to maintain the Government intact. This provision avOids all the great objections that were made to enfranchising the negroes enmasse, and provides a chance to all those who are to come after us to rise in the scale of humanity alike. The 2nd section of this constitutional amendment reads as follows: Site. 2. Obligations and liabilities incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion, and claims for compensationon account of emancipationof slaves.are void and shall not be assumednor paid by any Stateorthe U.S. Some may say that this provision is unnecessary, but it will place a question that has been agitated at rest and benefit our national finances and save future agitation upon the question. Then there is one other section essential to the plan to popularize it, and that is in aJtResolution, not a constitutional amendment, in this form: Resolved by the Senate and HoRep of the U.S.A. in Congress assembled,:Ihat whenever anyone of the 11 States whose inhabitants were lately in insurrection. through its Legislature. having been1st authorized so to do bly a opnlar vote of its (present electors.including a l w owould be unlific tovote under tbe lnws thereof as they extste in 1860 shall have ratified the fore oing amendmentsto the Constitution of the U.S.L States, and shall have modified its constitution and laws in conformit therewith. then, and in that case such State shall a recognized as having fully an validly resumedits former relutions with this Government and itse hosen representatives shall be admit ted into the 2 Houses of the national Legislature and a general amnestyshall exist in regard to all personsin such State who werein any way connected with armed opposition to the Government of the U.S., wholly ielieving themfrom all pains, penalties or disabilities to which the may have. becomeliable by reasonof their connectionwith said insurrection. That is all that there is essential in the entire lan. It provides for every question that has been raised. It provides for the question of the representation of the southern tates; be cause, if the suffrage is extended to all, then it is properthat representation shall be based upon the entire population. It therefore disposes of all the questions connected with changing the basis of representation; and I tell you that there is more prejudice against changing the fundamental basis of representation which exists by the compromises of the Constitution than there is to extending civil and political rights to the blacks, under such terms as shall not injure or impair the eiIicac of the Government. such approposition will be harder to pass; and when you are doneit, what have you accomplished 1 The advantage of this plan is that it submits a propoaition to the South for their voluntary action; and let me here remark that I am thor oughly satisfied that, whatever we may do to protect the negro, if it is done otherwise than by the voluntary action of the South, unless we can offer them inducements to accomplish it, it must result in one of 2 things. Ifyou protect the negro by force, in a hostile country, you are inevitably driven to the necessity of des troying his enemies, and that involres the enslavement and final extermination of the whites of the South. There is nothing more certain than that; and in that the best minds of the North concur. If you do not resort to the voluntary action of the South, but leave the negro as he is, then you may be charged, and justly, with having violated your pledges. Force must ultimately result in the extermination of either the blacks or the whites. While Iain upon this point, [do not think I can state it as O early is as forcibly as it has been already 1 stated by an able statesman, John A and rew, of Massachusetts; and I desire to read a letter from him on the subject. Iwill read you, also, letters from the South, to show you that the opinion ofthinking men is not so far apart but that if we rest upon a just basis we can come together. I must read this letter of Mr. Ans drew; it is worthy to be read, and to be preserved, and to become a part of the records of this country, because it is patriotic, short, concise, coin rehensive. It emanates from a man who thin s. It is as follows: BOSTON, Blarch 20.1856. MY DEAR Sin: I have read with greatsatisfaction and interest the resolutions proposed by you last week in the Senateconcerning the reorganization of the fSittateslately in rebellion. was convenient to do so at this moment I might. perhaps, take the liberty of writing you at some length, but it is enough or my present purpose to. declaremy hearty s Impathy with the General designand plan they in mate. I be: you will allow me to call your attention to a copyotnvaledictory address delivered to the General Court of Massachusettson the 4th of January last. in which, with some elaboration. I attemptedto discuss the same general subject.and, if I correctly understand the resolutions you otlered in the Senate, I think that you and myselfare in entire agreement. Now comes the important part of the letter, and I call on Senators to reflect upon the axroms that are here laid down. be it seemsplain to me that the colored men must investedwith the rights, both political and civil, which pertain tocitizenship, accordingto lawswhich shall impart political honors according to capacity and desert and not according to dese entoithe accidentsof birth, or else they must be exterminated. I think that the toi nicrrebels must bu reinstated in their political rights, or they must be exterminated. think. also. that the same body of voters in each h State whp camed it out into rebellion must bripg it backalain into loyalty. Any other "reconstruction" is dangerous and delpsive. I in a you to excuse both the brevitypf this note and the liberty I take in expressingopipions so explicitly, and believe me, faith ully your friend and servant.iouil A and REW. Hon. Winning M. Srsinn 1. U.S. Senate, Washington.D. C. Since that letter was written it has been authenticated in one particular at least. Tennessee, which we have all been anxious to restore at once, has had an election, the military having been removed, and I believe that election has been generally in the hands of those who are violating the test oath. It is idle to suppose that a minority, where there are no bayonets to back them, can control the polls. Consequently. you must deal with the majority, leaving out of the question the irresponsible minority. Senators, reflect upon it; what man among you would be willing to go to the olls with a little clique of 40 or lift y, and have 300 or 400 of your former neighbors against you, and attempt to enforce exclusionary laws upon them? Would you not give way, as they did in Tennessee? Edu cate as we are in republican institutions to the idea that the majority must rule, would not the mere moral force of the majority change the thing into their hands? we must deal with majorities, or abandon our theory of government. Then, I say, submit to the majority in the South sueh propositions as you believe to be just, such propositions as will relieve your pledges to all classes of men, and wait for their action. You may say that it is idle to submit this proposition, that they will not act on it fairly. deny that they will not act fairly. I deny, at all events, that we have any right to assume that they will not until we try them. I am happy to call the attention of the Senateto the recent action of Georgia tendin in this direction which has gone much further than I supposed iv any southern State had gone or would now go; and her action has been by a majority. If the Senate will pardon me, I will read aletter from a distinguished citizen of Georgia in reply to an inquiry addressed to him byme on this subject. I endeavored to ascertain whether, if the thing were put to them for their voluntary action, there was any possibility of their coming up to the ideas of justice and right so deeplyingrafted in the hearts of the loyal North; and in response to that inquiry I have received a letter which I will read.