Mr. FARNSWORTH. I am very glad that the gentleman has called my attention to that subject. The L reof Illinois has repealed all laws maing distinctions on account of color except that With reference to the right to vote, which is regulated by a provision in the constitution of 1848 and, Mr. Speaker, so for as I am concerned, I will rid our State constitution of the disgrace of that provision, and all other unequal and unjust provisions, as quickly as I can. I voted against the adoption of that provision; and I will vote in favor of its repeal whenever I can get the opportunity. If this is to throw me into a minority, then welcome a minority. I commenced in a minority. I began when it was necessurvfor theiinen who dared to sphalt upon the slavery question to stand shoutdeitoshoulder and maintain their positionwith whatever muscular power, as well asmental, they possessed. Thank God, I have lived to see the day when the principles I then advocatedhave become almost universal; and I expect to see the day when these ideas shall not only be universal, but when everything necessary to protect, maintain, and support them shall also be adopted by the American people. I do not believe with those croakers who are eternally askin us of the North and of one an other, ” Why o you not do this thing in our own State?” Who point to Wisconsin an say that the elective franchise for the negro was voted down there. The gentleman asks why it was not granted in Illinois. I believe if the men who have voted with me, belongin to the same political organization with myself and who acknowledge these principles to be right, could but steadfastly maintain this principle at home, which commends itself to their consciences, these. disgraceful distinctions would be blotted out immediately in all the States. It has not been done because of the croakers who stand by and say that “ it is not time yet;” that it is “ premature, ” that the “ people are not up to the standard;” who say, I am for it myself, but you must get the people to vote for it.” It is because of the donothings and dolittles and these croakers that you do not carry this principle into effect in the northern States. Of course I make no personal allusion to any gentleman. l I expect as quick as we can get at itin Illinois we will rid that State constitution of that injustice as we have rid it of those disgraceful laws 11 It. i which the Democratic party had imposed upon fact that these distinctions do exist in the northern States shall not deter me, and I hope will not deter any gentleman here, from dom his duty. We ought to do that which commends itself to our jud cuts and consciences, without reference to what A, B, or C may say. Let as rather root out these prejudices than cultivate them. Sir, the test of suffrage is manhood, as I have before remarked. Is he a man? It is not a question whether the vertical rays of a tropical sun have stamped his face with t. e hue of darkness, or whether the slanting rays of a more congenial climate have aled his complexion to the standard of Anglosaxon beauty. It is not a question whether a man has white hair or black hair. Our fathers, when they finmed the DeclarIndep, declared that all men were created equal; but they did not mean to declare that they were all equally rich, all equally strong, all equally endowed with the same quantity of brain, all equally handsome, equally of color, of equal weight. of equal stature. They did not mean by that that every man should in herit the same amount of wealth; but they did mean, so far as these natural iights were concerned, that one man was cqua to another man. The declared, and made the eclaration one of the principles of the Government which they esta ishc, that all men inherited the same rights. They declared that all men had the right to life liberty, and the pursuit of happiness and they said something more than that. They said that Governments were instituted to protect these rights. They said that the just powers of government were derived from the consent of the governed. If that be true, if Governments are instituted among men deriving theirjust powers from the consent of the governed, Will some gentleman, in Gods name, tell me why this body of men who are under the Government have not the same right as I have to participate in it? What business have I to elbow another man off and to say to him that he has no right here? Has God made me better than He has made him? We might as well artition off the atmosphere, collect the rays of the sun, and withhold them from the men we may conceive to be inferior to ourselves. Another objection i. made to the bill: it is said that the people of file DistCol voted:1 ainst it, and are all against it, die. Sir, whon we submitthis question to the whole people of the DistCol, black and white, and take their vote upon it, I will be bound by it. It is the veriest mockery to talk about the people of the District opposing this. What! an mit the question to a part of the people as to whether another part of the people sha vote? The very proposition is a surd. Submit the question to those who have prejudged against it, as to whether another man shall exercise the same right! I grantyou that in the expression which was taken here it was all one wayagainst the black man, of course butIwillguarnnty another thing, and thatis, that among all those votes polled against these poor colored men, every rebel. secessionist, semi secessionist, or copperhead in the DistCol, who was entitled to a vote,cast that vote against the black man. All the men who lived in the District in the spring of 1861, and who even paraded their secession flag. such as lived to get back from rebeldoiu, voted on that do. against the negro; and if you had submitted the question at that same poll as to whether Jeff. Davis was a better man than AndrewJohnson or Abraham Lincoln, you would have get nearly as large a majority in favor of the affirmative.