Mr. GRIDER. Speech entitled Reconstruction. In the House March 24, 1866. as in ComWhole on the stats of the Union. Resumed the consideration of the Presidentsannual message. Mr. GRIDER. Mr. Speaker, as I am a member of the reconstruction committee. it is perhaps my duty, much as I feel disinclined, riefly to express and sustain my convictions in relation to its formation, powers, and action, as well as the action of Congress under it, now made exciting and of high interest and import, not only in Congress but throughout the whole country; involving questions until recently nn assailed and always vital to constitutional freedom. We have had a most grievous and deso lating war, and without stopping to dwell upon its disasters, its fearful visitations in the camp, the field and the family circle, I proceed at once to show that the federal Government had t“he express right granted in the Constitution for calling forth the militinto execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and re pel invasions" as the best hope of restoring peace and saving the Government in its integrity . This great beneficent end, so far as the insurrection 18involved, has been accomplished while it is to be regretted many wron s and errors have been superinduced, wholly ise onneeted with the great end, the preservation of the Union. The object of the war was conceded by all the authorities of the Government, and especially aptly set forth in the resolution of Mr. Critten en. of the House, and President John. son, then of the Senate, with scarcely a dissenting voice in either House or Senate, that the war, “forced upon the General Government without cause by the disunionists, should not be waged on the part of the Government in any spirit of oppression or for any purpose of conquest or sn jngation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or establilshed institutions of an of the States, free or slave, but to defend an maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired; and as soon as these ends are accomplished the war ought to cease.” The war has ceased. One end to be accomplished was to keep up the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States imimpaired. The insurrection is suppressed. How stand the several States? What is their relation to one another and the U.S.? We shall undertake to show. They are certainly not Territories, conquered provinces, out of the Union, Without the dignity and equality of the several States. They could not go out of the Union. If they had this right, then the General Government made war upon them wrongfully, and the Constitution giving this power to the General Government to maintain its own integrity by suppressing the insurrection is a nullity, whollyine perative. such cannot be the case. The must be in the Union or out of the Union. They went into insurrection to get out of the Union and form a separate government and failed. Then the insurrectionary States are under the Constitution and laws, where they were before the insurrection, with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired so far as their status and representation are concerned. But ifthis new and starth nglqnestion is raised against the equality and rights of States, and against representation thereof, how is it to be decided? by the Supreme Court? Or by the SecyWar? Or by the Senate and House? Or by the JtCom on reconstruction? We think not; this would be ridic ulous; we believe such authorities, or their interposition, advice, or interference are alike uninvited and unwarranted, whether by law, JtResolution, or otherWise, yon interpose any interference whatever. From long ne knowledged principle and practice I 1101 that the House is exclusively the judge of its own members under the exp icit terms of the constitution, in these words, “Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members.” Any interference with the jurisdiction and action of the House exclusively to settle this question, lSilS absurd as to mingle and control the action of one court by the members, action, and interference of a different court of other powers, duties, and jurisdiction; and its tendency is to overwhelm all principle and condense power somewhere to subserve the end of those too fond to amend our fundamental and aramount law and place all the agencies of the government in the hands of a fickle and variable majority. We must have a fixed rule; that rule is clearl set forth in the Constitution, and all are intericted and excludedin their action but the House. The House by the Constitution is further invested, 2/3rds concurring, with the power to purify itself and expel members, showin that all laws, conditions, re straints, and interference with the House is uninvited and unconstitutional. I had the honor to refer the following resolutions to the ComReconstruction, which I here quote, expressive of some of the principles upon the subject now under consideration: Resolved, Thatthe U.S.Government grants the power peaceably, or if necessary by arms.“ to enforce the laws, suppressinsurrection.andrepel invasion: ” but the General Governmenteannotby any action whatever destroyitself nor the State governments a.lnlyordcisatnur the State governments destroy either. of the whole. All the grants and powers under the Constitution are conservative. nonedestructive: whereforeall the States have beenand are alwaysin the Union. Resolved.That when the U.S.Government suppressed the insurrection it only vindicated its constitutional powerandpreexistingrightsmndnomore; agnovdetrhnemriegnittss and powers of the lederal and State are alremittedbuck and assumethe same condition and relations sustained before the in serum rreacintiioinni.manda(ireexdcaenpdtsipnffaurllas altered or amonded) force and virtue. Resolved. at the law of Congress Representatives to the several States (incpnoding the insiirroctionnry States) under the census of 1860 is constitutional and valid and that members of congress fromn llthe States.regularly elected undersnid law. are entitled forthwith to their seats upon taking the oathof officeto support the Constitution of the U.S. folrigervmeinreesds.That H! a generous kindness and cordial consistentwith right. now peaceexuts. are the highest attributes of our nature and as we must have “ one Govenment.one Constitution, and onepeople.”the glory. protection and safety of all cherishing thesefeelirigs, we say it is untimely. unst and impolitic to insist upon amendments to the nstitution to operateis on all until all are representedin the Houseand epste. Resolved, That it is illogical and unconstitutional to hol dthat Statesare in the Union to votefor constitutional amendments and yet not entitled to representation in Congress. fuRseesolved.That to tax any State by Congressandre to the people representationis contrary to the ifinresotnpsrinsteipntewsit of the Ameriean Government l.aringdhtiss of all the people. I beg leave to support the 1st and 2nd resolutions by the opinions of some learned men and courts. Reconstruction is a wrong word. The Union has always existed, there has been a temporary suspension of law, in particular States and places, but that law is new again in force as before. In the case of the Am Warwick, in admi ra“lty, Judge Sprague of Massachusetts, said: It has been supposed that if the Govornmenthave the rights of n bpl igcrent.then, after the rebellion is en pressed it a tats and itswinil lhbaubyistatnh etsri gmhtnbsye of conquest: that permanently divepigsntetder orfitoarllypaoclqituiciraeld privileges an. treatedasfor grave arms. This is an error, a and dangerouserror. Belligerent rights cannot be exercisedwhere there are no belligerents. Conquest of a foreign country gives absolute.unlimited sovereignyights.but no nation ever makes such a conquest of its own territory. If a hostile power, eitherfrom without or within. take and hold possession and dominion over any portion of its territory, and the nation byforceof armsexpel and overthrow the enemy and suppress hostilitics. It acquires no new title. Bnt merely regains the possession of that of which it had been temporarily deprived. The nation acpqrueirveiosunso new sovereignty. but merely maintainsits rights. “ When the U.S. take possession of a distric they merely vindicate rebel their reensting title. Under espotic Governments the right of confiscation may be unlimited; but under our Government the right of sovereignty over any portion of a State is given and limited by the Constitution, and will bethe sameafter the war as it was before." Judge Comstock says, in relation to the States in insurrection, that “The Statesare always members of the Union under the Constitution.with all the rights and immunities reservedin the compact: the armed insurrection of individuals being suppressed the Constitution and laws resume their peaceful sway.the Union re miiins unbroken and ii l the laws and institutions of slavery remain as they were before, unimpaired and in full forceand vigor." and Judge Curtis remarks, when the insurrection is suppressed: "That the McClellan policy of receiving the southern States back to their placesin the Union as they were before they left it is the only policy that affor s the slightest prospect of peace and reunion.with the Constitution preserved.with our nationality saved, pine dn.Wltll the public credit rese ued from destruo Judge Williams, of the court of appeals of Kentucky, (4 Mctealfis Reports, last case in the beck) says, upon this very question, up incidentally and he has been classed m Winitg radical politicians"That on a restorationof the national authority over the seceded States, their constitutionand laws which existed and were recognized by the Federal Governmentprevious to the rebellion become operative aspart of the national Government; that the States cannot constitutionally, by legislative. exceutive or Judicial action. destroythe U.S. Government nor can they constitutionally destroy it by force of arms; nor can the U.S. constitutionally destroy a State government by any or all of these means."Mr. Speaker, I ask to be indulged to quote once more upon this subject from Judge N ich olas, of Kentucky: “Nothing short of success in the rebellion can get the rebel Statesout of the union. Theyhave, therefore. to be treated while the rebellion lasts, arid after it is subdned. asStates in the Union. Nothing can be more irrational than to supgnso a power in congress either to expel the robe States or permanently to exercise despoticrule over themwhile the Constitution prohibits even the nation from dopqvmg the by constitutional amendment. From their equal suffrage in the Senate. If there is an thing equally irrational. it is the absurd attempt to adorn;from the clause guarantying to every State a RFG a power in Congress to impose upon a State government that is not republic an. his would be a plain breach of the guarantee underpretext of its fulfillment. A permanent form of government. dictated by Congress or any extraneous power wase certainly not intended.as it would certainly not be republican or self government. Aiter the rebollien is subdued (and it now is) the nation will not Tolerate any protracted arbitr government of the rebel States. even if Congress as the right so to govern during the rebellion. It would be the accu niulstlon of vastly too much power in the Federal Government lending to rapid consolidationand the overthrow of the most necessary safeguard of the nations liberty." A RFG is such as the States have themselves formed, uninfluenced by others; such as the States now have, and upon which, and in view of which, they were at niiited into the Union; and such as any people of any State may form for themselves not in conflict with the precedents of the Government nor the paramount law of the nation. There is no power in Congress to say to the House you must not admit the members of a State until the State passes laws or conforms to certain conditions; no precedent can be produced resting upon constitutional authority for this course; and if prosecuted to the exclusion of members and Senators duly elected, from House and Senate it amounts to despotism and revolution. I rely upon the authorities quoted to show the insurrectiona States are in the Union until very recently it. has never been denied and I now proceed most briefly to show they have been so treated by Congress during the whole rebellidn. We have seen what Was the object of the war; what was intended to heaccomplished. We always, in Congress, claimed funsdietion over all the States. We repeated y gave representation in conuse to States in insurrection I instance irginia, Louisiana, and Tennessee. These States, some of them, were then in insurrection; and if out of the Union, as is now contended, why was this done? In An st, 1861, Congress passed a law as sessing direct tax on Tennessee for $670,000, as I believe, and all other States in their just proportion. InvJuly, 1862, Congress passed a law to provide internalrevenue, operating upon Tennw see and all the States, and even now, so far as the law is concerned, collecting revenue under it. ln1863 Congress passedalaw fixing the ratio of and a portioning representation for Tennessee and allp the States, both North and South. This certainly was a full recognition that the southern States were in the Union, and that they were entitled to representation, especially when the insurrection was suppressed, leaving the House, according to the Constitution, to be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its members, divested of any conditions or terms imposed upon them from any extraneous intermeddling source whatever. In 1864 the revenue law was amended and continued in operation alike upon all the States; and I believe in that same year Hon. AndrewJohnson, a citizen of Tennessee, was nominated by the majority now in Congress as VEEP He was constitutionally eligible and elected, and now by operation of the Constitution is POTUS How, then, can gentlemen contend that Tennessee is out of the Union, or was ever out of the Union? All this happened and we never heard a word about the Slates being Out of the Union. We were spending 1000s of millions, sacrificing many lives in cam and field, and breaking up the prosperity and peace of our whole people to establish the contra fact and theory, to maintain the supremacy of e Constitution and preserve the nion. in 1865 the Federal arms were victorious and the insurrectionary army surrendered. Never until that fact was announced did we hear this new theory about States being dead, not sustaining practical relations, being out of the Union. I have been at a loss to see any good reason for this great change this opposition to 80 large a portion of the U.S and this opposition apparently local, sectiona, and unjust. We thinkit cannot be founded on principle. It must be that we need the revenue to mushasflic enormous debt that threatens us, hiltsutox the southern States as Territories; but if you give them representation, a correla tiVe right, t on the power in the Government may take a different stand point and the people find other men to administer it.Mr. Speaker, we must all agree and concur to have this Government administered for the good of the whole people as one people, without sectional jealousics. under equal laws and privlleges, according to the nts powers, and imitations of the Constitution. en we will have no more insurrection, no more secession in the South, or revolution in the North; no further use for reconstruction committees. socalled; no scores of amendments to the constitution of the U.S.; no dictation to a State, what she shall do or not do, before her members, duly elected, shall be admitted; no dictation to a State whom she shall disfranchise or make eligible to office; what debts the State shall claim or release, pay or repudiate. I solemnl deny there is any power in Congress to put a 1these terms on Tennessee and the southern States before their members are admitted to their seats, or any other terms or conditions not found in the Constitution as to the admission of members and Senators. If the States are dead, where does Congress get the power under the Constitution, the om nific r, to raise them into life? What does congress claim, to receive or reject them by the action of a Jtcommitee and the action jointly of House and Senate, grantin by law restraining orders in effect? We have said there is no authority for this action; the House and Senate are each for themselves the judges; but if this joint action is to be had an terms put upon House and Senate and States, why not do it, and take the responsibility and answer to the country? The admission of members is the 1st business of Congress, and now 4 months have elapsed since the session began and States by their members and Senators have been here all the time asking thismatter to be settled, and no vote can be had on anyone case. I deprecate this delay. The majority ought to have more respect for themselves and more kindness and generosity toward those over whom they claim to exercise their high powers and jurisdiction so new and unprecedented. Butt e majority of 3 to one in the House and 12 to 3 on the committee do not intend to take the responsibility to reject as I believe, the membersaud Senators and thus for the time being weaken if not ismcmber the Government. No, sir, they interpose charges, conditions, terms, and every possible excuse for delay and want of fina action. They, the committee, institute inquiries and take proof about the loyalty of Tennessee and other States, much of it exparte. Why, Mr. Speaker, you know Congress admitted members and Sena tors into Congress from Tennessee in the midst of the insurrection. Why then shall Congress be so very special now after so good a prece dent? Tennessee is certain] more loyal now than she was then. Besides, temembers elect from Tennessee are all loyal and always were loyal one of them was in Congress during the re llion and two of them commanded federal regiments during the war. Then why not admit the Tennessee members and Senators at once? NOgood reason for delay can be given. These are clearer and more commanding reasons than can be truthfully assigned for this delay, or their rejection, than can be found if you kee our reconstruction committee engaged ti e session expires. I beg leave, sir, to urge another particular fact that I think the majority ought to consider. Wheuyourstified the eoustitutional amendment of emancipation, you not only counted Tennessee, but I believe 5 other southern States for the amendment; and thus it was ratified l Now, I ask gentlemen seriously, if Tennesseewas in the Uliion, and partook by your consent and in behalf of emuncition in the solemn act of amending the F eral Constitution, if it is not a palpal lo and shameful inconsistency to say now either that they are not sufficiently loyal, or not in the Union, and cannot have representation in Congress like other States; and mere especiallIv is it a palpable inconsistency, inasmuc as ennessee presents, as I understand, members of unquestionnble loyaltyl But, sir, there is stil a higher point than that presented in the resolutions I have quoted. on are taxing these States which have been in insurrection, and in that respect holding them to the liabilities and responsibilities of States and denying them their dignity, equality, and rights in the halls of legislation by their Representatives. This is a cardinal principle in American jurisprudence. It lies at the root of our liberties. axation without representation is the yoke of bondage. You may maintain this principle awhile, but it will be painful and irritating, and finally lead to dissension and evil. It cannot be maintained. Our fathers would not bear it, and we should scorn to ask it of any people, especially our own people. They musthave representation if they meet the requisitions of the Government, as they are doing liberall and largely both in taxation and obedience to aw. l have found it my dutyto take part in ascertaining the state of loyalty in Tennessee, and I had the honor, in the mm of a resolution, to express my opinion and the minority of the committee upon that subject, which I “ ask to read: The minority of the comReconstruction on the part of the Housebegleaveto report that sai committee have directed an inquiry to be made asto the condition and loyalty of the State of Tennessee. There has been alarenmouut of evidence taken, sonie part of it condueing to showthatatsome localities occasionally there have been some irregularities and tem porary disnffeotion:yctthemnin direction and weight of the testimonyare ample and conclusiveto show that the Great body of the peoplein said State arenot only loyal and willing. But anxious, tohaveand mnintain umienble, sincere and patriotic relations With the General Government. such being the state of the facts and inasmuchas under the census of 1880 congress passed a law which was approvedin 1863. fining he ratio on apportioning to ennesse o and all the other States to presentation; and inasmuchas Tennessee disavow nginsurrectionary purposes or disloyalty, has, under the Inn and organic law of said State regularly elected her members and Sonntprs to the Congressof the U.S. in conformity to the laws and Constitution of the U.S and said members are here asking admission, and inns muohas the House by the Constitutionis the yndpo of the elections returns, and qualifications of its members. “considering these facts and principles, we offerthe followiup resolution. to wit: "Resolved, hatthestate of Tennesseeis entitledto mpreseutationin the39th Congress and the Representatives electedfromand by said State are herebyadmitted to take their seats thcroiu upon beingqualified by oath accordingto law." I UpOn this resolution, however, the minority have not been able to get a vote. But to the pzoof. It cannot be reported in a short speech, in more than 30; pages of a large pamph let; at I may remar, as I believe, not a single witness examiued but states and concurs in the opinion, thatto admit the representation from Tennessee would gratify the people and strengthen and encourage the loyalty of the State, conciliate the people and har monize their action for the peace, advance ment, and prosperity of the State and nation. The proof ully sustains the fact that the returned troops meet in social life like gentlemen of honor, nnciple, and peace, and no signs of disruption are found in their circle; that there are occasional local disturbances in Tennessee that the civil authorities are able to control, but these grow out of old personal animosities engendered during the insurrection, and not arising from an disaffection or rebellious spirit toward the general Government. This is the tendency of the proof, and accounts for the many rumors of disturbance in the country wrongfully attributed to dislo alty. It is further shown that the people of Tennessee amdgetting impatient to have a representation, on this long inquiry and dela is staying the strong tendency to full condeuce in the Government, and in fact is in jurious. Every1 recognition of Tennessee is encouraging to her people. “ Every kind word uttered here goes as a healing balm to the wounded spirit of our peoile, and is as wel come as the olive branch roiight by the re turning dove to the ark." Loyalty is manifested, perhaps, better by the payment of taxes, willingly and without murmur, than any other dut; and iu West Tennessee, where there is sai to be, by some, slight disaffection, most disloyalty, Mvemphis, had, in January, 1866, with others in 1st district, paid $2, 842, 747 81. I think this looks like obedience to the laws of 1863 64. I beg leave to read a few extracts from the testimony to suit my er unient and views, and do not intend to be c iirgod with garbling the testimony as it is ordered to be published largely, I fear for party purpose s; but I still deny that anything can lie found, taking the spirit and intent of the testimony, to show the members and Senators from Teu nessee are not, according to this very unusual and unwarranted process, entitled to their seats by the decision of any authorit, especially of the Senate and House separate y, and unin fluenced by extraneous influences. Among other things Hon. Mr. Leftwich says: “ It isthng pinion of myself.aswall asof most ef the best inform with whom Ihsive talked.(among them our lamented PresidentLincoln.) that.notwithstand in: so many of our people were subsequently.by vn rious influences forced into the rebellion the election in Tennessee in Februnr. 1861was and is the true criterion of the loyalty of ourState; atwhich wegave a majority. as I remember.of 65,000 azainst sepnration. (thoughtto be amore palata bleteiin than ssecession.)and nearly that number against even calling a convention to discussit. When Mr. Johnson assumed the presidential chair he was more odiousto the southern people and more fearedby them than any miin now in the North; yet he is now by these same people as universally beloved and honored, just in return for evidencingukind and forgiving spirit." Hon. Mr. Cooper says, among other things: “I can say fcurlessly, from an intimate personal acquaintance with the people of the 4th congress eiaonnnaoldnis. Ctroicffhecye.uipraonsklion f the counntie GsioletRs.u Mthacrrsthoardll, and Bodford and which I have the honor to claim to represent and where there are no Federal soldiers and havenot been any.exceptin Rutherford county se ionnc;e the 1st of July, 1865t, hat peace and uict and leteobedienceto law previiil. No didcultiesof any ind; low and order are everywhere observed. The U.S.assessors and collectors visit every psrt of the district unguarded and alone: are promptly paidand kindly treated. The U.S.marshal needsno military force to enable him to do bisduty. The white men and freedmen live harmoniouslyto gether. Contracts are made betweenthem, liberal. gust, and satisfactory and are faithfully performed y both parties. No complaints are being made. All recognize the Government of the U.S.as the tsoupefeomnce clamwoorfeth fully anrde.st The tmoothsteeabrennees fittlysdoefsiitrse protection.so that they can once more feel that they are American citilens. “I fully believe tbat the U.S.troopsmight be withdrawn any day and the present state government would be protected and guarded until the expiration of its termwithoutmolestationor danger. It seemsto me that the people feel, the necessny 9 peace and law and order, and they intend to have it. “The Legislature has passedall laws necessaryfor sthing pleroctaese etiionn of the fteedmen iiis, ahnmdetnht eorfetishebut ope man differs from that of the white freedmnn and that is in the caseof rape or assault with intent to commit rope, on the person of a white woman." I read a port of General Thomass statement: " "By Mr.Guinza: 11m. You say you believe that there is ii. fru ldo? improvement going on in Tennessee as to o a y L“A nnacr. Yes. sir. The Oavdamtiiosnsi.oWniilnl tyoo Cuognivgereysos uorfo inion u to whether e Representatives froni Tennessee would tend to encouragethe loyal people oi Tennessee and strengthen the feeling of oy iiltyin that State? Aiuwer. I think itwould vsrymuch. Itwculd not only encourage the loyal peopleto exert themselves. but it would encouragethe rebelsto return to their loyalty because they would seethat their chances and hopesfor another outbreak were passiu away from them. If onwill permitine to give addtional remons why I think the delegation from Tennessee should be admitted I will dose. union. Certainly; stateany reasonsyou may defineto state. Miner. I think the delegation from the State of Tennessee should be admitted into Congressfor the reliaed so WntJh Late tvhcaity State tr.uocftihoenroofw the accord has comserious all that President and it was believed it would be sary neces for her to do ine rdertogain admission into congress. All that they have done oft heir own accord in Tennessee. They have repudiated the rebel debt; they have abolished slavery and also adopted the constitutional amendmentupon that subject; they ahyaevepassed frauchiso law, prohibitin from voting man whc has been engagedin the rebellion: and believethey havenow pnssedabill giving the negro the right to testifyin the courts; and all the member selected to Congresse an take the test oath. Both Sens&Reps, and iftheir Rep esentatives shall beadmitted into Congress. it will be a precedent for all the southernStates; they can seeat once the reasonswh the Tennessee members are admitted adthat if t sy expecttheir members to be admitted t "By cymustdo asshehas done. Mr. Guiiizs: 68“1Q0u3e3sitniorne.gYaorud htoav the canpsrowperrieedtythoefiandqmuiirtytine gf Mr. Congress the delegationfrom into Tennessee: state, if you please.whether. if her delegationshould be admitted into Congress. it would besafcfor martial law to be then abrogatedin the state of Tennessee. "Answer. I would not abrogute itdust yet. “ gums. Would yourecommcu the abolition of the freedmens Bureau in that State 7 “Answer. Not yet." Hon. David T. Patterson states upon being interrogated, among other things, as follows: “ Question.What is your opinion in regardto the propricty of admitting Into ongrols the delegation om Tennesseeat this time? “Amwer. Situated as I am it is very natural I should entertain the (apinions do uponthatsubject. I really think it would be advantageous to the loyal sentiment of Tennessee to be representedin Congress. I think the moral influence of a representationin Co“nfress would do us goodat home. this very dificult to Judge of mens motives and their real sentiments but thosewhowere rebels and who have correspondedor conversedwith meupon the subject. professnow to be loyal to the Governmeuto the U.S. to acceptthe results of the war in good faith." such is a glance at the testimony in art which has been taken as to the loyalty of Tennessee. There is much more of the some character. I have given one gentlemans statement from East Tennessee, one from Middle, and one from West Tennessee, and General Thomas from Nashville men prominent and presumed to be best advised in relation to the issue made and so far as I believe, there is no connkrvailing testimony taken by the committee as to Tennessee (and this is all have examined:1 contravening the fair and logical conclusion, that upon the ground of loyalty and obedience to law, Tennessee is entitled to representation. But this seems not to satisfy the majority in Congress; they themselves must fix terms and conditions to be adopted by State action before they can be admitted. This we have said is without authority. They must have guarantees. Now, I ask, what right has the Government of the U.S. to originate this demand for guarantees before 0.State shall have representation? Where is the power found, the grant given? Certainly not in the Constitution of the U.S. It is an arbitrary assumption of a majority which they can now enforce, but which the trust, will not dare to do. “What!” we have conasked, “shall we admit traitors here with their bloody hands racking in the blood of our officers and soldiers?” [here is no argument in this; the Tennessee members are iillloyal. We have heard this outery of “raw head and bloody bones” ever since we were children, but we are too old to be startled by it now. It is mere alarm and false at that, and intended to make false issues, expand and change jurisdictions and not dare to meet the plain dictum and decision plainly announced in the Constitution, in substance, that the House is to be the judge of its members. I ask gentlemen, what guarantees do youexpect or ask? What guarantees does the Constitution give you to warrant the cometency of the members, the judgment of the House, and the oath to be administered after a regular election according to law manifested by their credentials? Is this sufficient? But gentlemen have said they would not trust their oath, must have guarantees. Well, sir, Washington in his Farewell Address clearly manifests, that accordin to his convictions, in courts of justice an oat under a of sense religious duty was of the highest obligation and importance, and no doubt hewouldhave been Willlng in Congress, as a guarantee, to take the oath and honor of a gentleman elect, and upon these grounds admit members; but I shnlFnot raise the question whether those so distrustful are themselves worthy to be trusted. The Constitution justifies no uarantees from extraneous sources to control the action of the House and putting conditions other than the Constitution has explicitly warranted. If gentlemen will not be satisfied with these, they must usur the authority and govern by the arbitrar orce of a majority. Mr. eaker, I fear we do not realize the responsibilities under which we are acting; I fear we do not consider the consequences of this exclusive policy, this policy that assumes so much righteousness for the majority and so little of principle and patriotism orthe minority I fear this rigid, unrelenting, unforgiving feeling in the maJority is pregnant with muc wrong and error, and may lead to an assumption of power in majorities amounting to des potism. Had we not better recur to the usages of the times when the Government was formed, and in mildness and reciprocal respect look upon this as our Government, embracing all forgiving all, and especially the erring and unfortunate? No relentless persecution or angi? raid against any, in feeling or in policy; but orgive as we would be forgiven. of our duty to the whole country and commit the re sults to the gracious Providence that has spared us evou amidst the afliictin visitations to which we have been subjected. ehope for the best, hope for harmon, equal laws, rights and privileges, and an ear y return of general prosperity.