Mr. DOOLITTLE. I desire now to move some amendments to this 2nd section. I repose to offer as a substitute for it the fol ownig: After the censusto be taken in the year 1870 and cach succeeding 0011.15 Representatives shall be a portioned among the several Stateswhich may 0 included within this Union according to the number in eachstate of maleelectorsover 21 years of age qualified by the laws thereof to choose members of the most numerous branch of its Legislature: and direct taxes shall beapportioned among thesev eral Statesaccordingto the valueof the real andper; sonal taxable property situated in each State not belongingto the State or to the U.S. I shall not 0 into any lengthy argument on the subject olg this amendment, but simply state in the briefest words possible the grounds upon which I offer it. In the 1st place. I am in favor of it upon the ground of principle. I believe that in the HoRep the voting population of the couu should be represented; that a voter in Wisconsin should have precisely the same voice in the HoRep as a voter in Massachusetts or a voter in Kentucky or a voter in SCarolina; that if 20,000 voters in Wisconsin are permitted to speak one voice or cast one vote in the HoRep, 20,000 voters in South Emeline should not be permit ted to cast any more than one voice or one vote. I believe that a constitutional amendment based upon this principle, the principle of the representation 0 voters, is more likely to be acceptable to the States than the proposition which is reported by the committee and ponding before the Senate. You may say that the effect of it may be ver much the same, thatif the States at the Sout do not choose to make voters of their colored population that population will not be represented in the HoRep, an you may say that is the effect under the pending amendment; but the principle upon which it is based is very different, and when you are asked to vote for a measure upon one principle it is a very different thing from what it is when you are asked to vote for what may perhaps be the same in effect upon another principle. I am for this, because it is no new conviction with me. It has been the conviction upon which I have acted during the whole of this struggle. It is the round upon which my political associates in Visconsin, and I believe the men of all parties in the State of Wisconsin, stand fully committed, in favor of the proposition to let representation be based upon the voters of the several States. If you say to the States of the South, “ You must be deprived of 1/2 of your representation or let your negroes vote, " that is one thin; but if you say to the States of the South, “ s a principle, it is but just that the men who vote shall he represents in the HoRep, ” they may yield to your principle when they may not be prepared to yield to it in the form in which you present it. Mr. President, I have looked a little into this subject to see what the elfectwill be. A friend of mine has prepared a table showing how this proposition will operate in the several States. I‘his table shows the number of Representatives to which the States are now entitled, the number to which each would be entitled 0n the voting basis, and the mum to which the will be entitled by the reconstruction amen ment as proposed by the committee. The estimate is made upon the figures of 1860. The State of Maine has 5 Representatives under the present apportionment. She had 100, 718 voters in 1860, and upon the voting basis which requires 20, 400 voters to be entitled to one Representative in the other House, she would have 5 Representatives. A Senator asks me how the voters can be ascertained. Their number can be ascertained when you take the census, like any other fact.