Mr. STEVENS. Mr. Speaker, all I shall attempt on this occasion is to place before the House distinctly, and I hope intelligibly, the true meaning of the proposition submitted by the committee, noticing slightly the objections which have been made to it. It is true we have been informed by high authority, at the other end of the avenue, introduced through an unusual conduit, that no amendment is necessary to the constitution as our fathers made it, and that it is better to let it stand as it is. Now, sir, I think very differ ently, myself, for one individual. I believe there is intrusted to this Congress a high duty, no less important and no less fraught with the weal or woe of future ages than was intrusted to the august body that made the DeclarIndep. I believe now, if we omitto exercise that high duty, or abuse it, we shall be held to account by future generations of America, and by the whole civilized world that is in favor of freedom, and that our names will go down to posterity with some applause, or with black condemnation if we do not treat the subject thoroughly, honestly, and justly, in reference to every human being on this continent. Sir, our fathers made the DeclarIndep; and that is what they intended to he the foundation of our Government. If they had been able to base their constitution on the principles of that Declaration it would have needed no amendment during all time, for every human being would have had his rights; every human bein would have beenequal before the law; an no oppression could have been effected except through usurpation against the principles of that Government. But it so happened when our fathers came to reduce the principles on which they founded this Government into order, in shaping the organic law, an institution hot from hell appeared among them, which has been increasing involume and guilt ever since. It obstructed all their movements and all their actions, and precluded them from carrying out their own principles into the or nic law of this Union. But rather than not have harmony among those 13 colonies, they postponed and compromised. They compromised their principles for what they deemed a roster goo, believing a short time would wor a cure, and purify the institution which they admitted to be clogged it. yAt that day 90 bales of cotton left the U.S. in one year, and now we have millions of bales exported; then but few slaves comparatively existed, there being only 3 millions of the whole population, and now the black population has risen above the whole population of that day to four millions, who are either to be treated as our fathers declared by solemn declaration they ought to be treated, or to be i oppressed by us as insolent tyrants, by which we will deserve the execrations of the human race. It has come to that. The time has come when we can make the constitution what our fathers desired to make it. The time has come when through blood every stain has been washed out unless we choose to reestablish it. God forbid I should so adopt the principle of the Gentfrom NewYork, [Mr. that this constitution needs no amendment N. D, I would rather not live than live and be so disgraced by such asentiment. Now, when every thin is in our power; when the rebels have litlgd their parricidal hands against the country, on cut themselves off from every right under the laws of the Union, and every right under a repudiated constitution, shall we so recall this desire of our fathers as to place it u von the broad foundation of human rights, or shall we still cut 03 a portion of those rights, and still crushbeneath our feet 4 million immortal men? That is the question presented to us; and yet we are told that no amendment is necessary. Sir, let me tell the gentleman who says this, and those who say it, for his public information now, and for the information of philanthropists and the friendsof freedom and of the human race, that I do not envy them the position in which this, and only this, will put them. Excuse me, sir, for going so far in my remarks at this time.