Mr. HARRIS. Mr. Speaker, having been up to this period of the session a silent member from choice, I deem it my duty now to declare my views upon some of the political questions which are presented for the CODSlderation of this House and this country. although my sentiments were well understood by my fellow citizens who cast their votes for me at the last election, there has been since such a whirl in the political maelstrom that they might either fear that my own position had been changed or possibly they themselves might have been unable to withstand the mighty efforts made to draw them into the whirlpool. In either event, it is proper and honorable that I, as their Representative, should make open and frank avowuls in view of the polit It shall hereafterbethe established theory of this Governmentthat these ccssmnof a State and the ical movements which must soon take place in my State and district. I should consider it a most ignoble act to win the support orindorsement of any man by the least concealment or deception. I would as licf cheat a man of his money as by hypocrisy and fraud to cheat him of his sentiments. From this I hope, Mr. Speaker, you and this House will infer that I am but a cor pol itician, according to the meaning oft at word in common arlance a word but the syno nym for frau, violence, and such ignoble conduct as should deprive an honest man of his own self respect, and would certainly brin about such a condition but that these traitso character are too common. I then, sir, declare that in principle I now stand as I stood before the war; as I stood after war was declared; as I stood in the last Congress, when I received its crown of cen sure; as I stood in prison anibbefore that in fernal instrument of tyranny, a court martial. And as I stand in principle so will I stand in practice whenever occasion may require. When I indicate that there has been no change in my principles, this House, and this country possibly for the avdwal of them has been attended by an unexpected notorietymay infer what my position now is. I am an old line Democrat, and believe in the doctrine of secession. I believe that the several States of this Union have the right to separate from it, each acting for itself. believe that abuses and usurpations had been practiced and threat ened to so great an extent by their assOciates and partners in this governmental compact, that the southern States were justified in going out; and, sir, I further believe by their ordinances of secession, that they did go out, and thereby became to this Union foreign States. These convictions I cannot change, and I do not expect will ever be removed; I will most assure ly proclaim them and stand by them as long as a single citizen of the confederate States is in chains or subject to penalty for asserting them. There is no political or personal consideration which would prompt me to such a descrtion. As the right of secession is the only thing that rescues them from the charge of treason, my voice shall ever accord with my convictions and neverjoin in that ver dict against them. I should consider myself as assuming a most infamous position if it did. What, sir, I that believe them right, I that would have joined them if the sovereign State of Maryland had said so, to desert them now in their utmost need, when I can legitimately give them such protection as is in my power honestly to give never! From what I have said, Mr. Speaker, this House will readily infer that I am adverse to the reconstruction polio of the President. I confess that Andrew ohnson has been, in adopting his mode of reconstruction, consistent with the views of the late President, with those of the Republican party that elected him, and with his own declaration from the time be abandoned the Democratic party and joined the Republicans. These facts do not commend him to me, but surely it is nothis fault that he is now at issue with many of the people who raised him to his present station. Xmong acts of his Administration which receive my sternest denunciation, he has done and said somethings which meet with my hearty concurrence. The vetoes he has during this session sent to congress I need notmention, but there is one dec aration of his which, if enforced by him, will cause his name to rin throughout the civilized world, and rank himdiigh in the list of patriots. There was much in his speech on the 22d of February which I disa proved of, but there was one paragraph which sounded on my car like “the voice of one crying in the wilderness, make the paths straight.” I will read it, sir: “The principle that carried us through the Revo lutlou was, that thereshould be no taxation without representation. I hold to that principle, which was la d down as fundamental b' our fathers. If it was good then, it is goodnow. 1‘ it was worth standing by then. it is worth standing by now. It ismental, funda and should beobservedas long as freegovernmenteidures." This is the great blood‘bu tized principle of this American republican ‘overnincut, consecrated to the noble blood of our heroic revolutionary fathers. For one, sir, I believe the President has the power to sustain this principle, as it is his most sacred duty to do so if he has. If it is “fundamental and should be observed as long as free government endures, " then wherever his power reaches it has he recorded in heaven issacred oath that he will preserve, protect, and defend it. Let taxation be suspended where representation is denied. Let him thus not and appeal to the American Anglo Saxon race for the support and defense oftiine honored An lo Saxon principles. This will bring the almighty dollarin its proper position, which opens tie eyes of some who shut them to everything else. With them it is potent whether to be received by them or withheld from them. The necessity of an curly reconstruction of some sort would then probably soon become apparent. But to return; I stated that I was adverse to the President‘s specific policy of reconstrnctin this Union. In my view the southern secede States have no right to representatives on this floor or in the Senate, an by my vote I have heretofore invariably rejected every application which has been made by any person claiming such a right; and, air, not only do I believe that they have no right in their present position to send Sens&Reps here, but I do not think they have the right to furnish us with a President or Vice resident, although there are many here and elsewhere, who, while agreeing with me that these States are out of the Union and not entitled to representation anywhere, have been so fraterna in their feelings and so magnanimous in their conduct as to go beyond the line in orderto obtain the services of the gentlemgin who at present fills the executive chair of the U.S. Being a citizen of seceded and unreconstructed Tennessee, he is, in my opinion, as also upon their theory, only President defacto, forced upon the country by theirvotes, attended by thatvery effective implement, their bayonets. When I cannot avoid it, I, like every one else, acquiesce in defucto Governments and defacto Presidents; but if it could be expected by anyone that I can cast my vote at the next resi dential election for AndrewJohnson,0 Tennessee, for that high office, then, at least, the status of TenneSsec herself must be completely changed; she must be admitted into this Union by not of Congress upon her application to become a member of it. “New States may be admitted by Congress into this Union, ” says the Constitution, and this, according to my theory, applies to Tennessee, as also every other State that seceded. Why should I or any Democrat, at least southern Democrat, sacrifice our principles b casting a vote for a Lincoln Republican? hall wc iiidorse the acts of that party, or any man who belonged to it, by whom many of us, our wives, and children, have been reduced to poverty and want? Shall we kiss the hand that has thus scourged us or aided in iving the infliction? Who are his confidentia advisers and counselors? Is there anyone there who avows that his political action is controlled by a law higher than the Constitution of his country, any' savage tyrant whose‘cliicf pleasure seemed to be do rived from Oppressing our citizens in direct violation of the Constitution? We will take time to inquire into and to reflect upon these matters. I have said how I think these States can be admitted into this Union. It should be by not of Congress and with the assent of the ir people. But, sir, no congressional bill for that purpose can ever receive my vote as long as that test oath disgraces your statute book. That test discriminates most effectually between citizens of these States, depriving all but a chosen few of the dearest political rights, and necessarily superinducing what seems to be so odious when ll refuse it, and decide it to be highly important on y negroes are involved, a despicable oli garchy. It is an insidious and fatal blow at the political equality of white men and at our American RFG. I will do all I can to remove it, and if it cannot be removed I will do all I can to rescue the noble citizensof the South from the slavery and degradation itiuiposes even though it lead to acontinunnce of the dissolution of the Union. Anxious as I am to restore the STTites to their former status in the Union, I will not by in voice weaken those guarantees of liberty which our fathers established for themselves and for us their posterity, even to continue or preserve the Union itself. Liberty is worth more than Union. The Congress, sir, that will keep that test in force will only admit those southern men who will misrepresent their constituents. Better wait for better times and better men. “When vice prevails, and impious men boar away, The postof onor is a private station." There is another objection of a kindred character, and producing similar results to the one I have just referred to, which bears strongly upon my mind, and which, as the facts arise, would cause me to cast my vote against prac tically bringing about either mode of recon' struction. The exclusion from the ballot box of the white men of the South in the choice of their Representatives, whether brought about under the President’s plan or the congressional plan, shall never receive my sanction. No matter what pretense for excluding them from the polls, whether for too little loyalty or too much isloyalty, socalled, by my vote such a corruption, leading ultimately to the overthrow of my country’s liberty, shall never take place in this body politic. That one 10th of the citizens of a State, with the aid of foreign force, should be allowed to alter its constitution and laws so as to disfranchise 9 10th s, and call themselves the rightful government, in view of the Fundamental principle upon which all our governments are based, is too absurd to enter the mind of any but a tricky tyrant. The State that adopts such a principle and the man who comes here in consequence of its adoption, shall never enter, the one into this Union, or the other into this House, if my voice can prevent it. They shall not extend here the infernal trailof the tyrant. They must come dressed in the pure American republican garb which our noble forefathers recognized and expected to be guarantied, and not like a Juggernaut in its passage to the temple, crushing under its ponderous wheels the very vitals of true American republicanism. But, Mr. Speaker, both sides, the southern and northern States, pretend to be anxious. I feel confident, under the circumstances in which they are placed, the southern States are willing to enter again into the compact, and be subject to the old Constitution of the U.S. It was not the Constitution they fell out with, but the perversion of it by their northern associates, and their persistent designs to violate and destro important 1" hts which were secured by that instrument. those rights have been destroyed, and can never again be a source of discord between the North and the South. Slavery has been abolished, and the seceded States have acquiesced in it; and the negro is placed in the position which you desired him to have when you provoked this war. It agonized you to think that he should be subjected to compulsory and uncompensated labor, and your agony has been removed. The idea of the free white northerners working by the side of or in view of a negro slave in the Territories of the Union, which seemed to horrify you, can now have no place in your minds, and your people and the rec negro can mingle together, both socially and politically, in a manner to suit your tastes. This is the full extent of your expressed desire; and why, when you have all you desired when the war broke out, do you now throw obstacles in the way of reunion? You even professed to go to war for the Union, and now, when free negroism is obtained and union is offered, you to use the negro in various other phases for the purpose 0 enabling you still further and still long or to oppress our brethren of the South. HYouwish to use im as a lever in order to increase and preserve our own overgrown political power and diminish that of the South without in the least effecting an improvement in the condition of your pretended pet. You know your proposed amendment of the Constitution cannot be adopted if the southern States shall vote against it, and I think you must believe that it will never receive their assent. You can never hope for such a result, and they would deserve to be slaves should they aid in bringing it about. They will reject with scorn the terms of your proposed amnesty, and will await awhile the calm and considerate action of the people of this country to aid them in again honorably becoming members of this nion. You must answer to your people why it is. What is to be gained, undert e circumstances, by keeping those out whom you are unwilling shall stay out, and who are willing to come in? You will certainly not try to humbug your constituents by pretending to any fear of the physical stren th of the South. The confederacy has not on er its control a single cannon, a single musket, or a single round of ammunition. You will still further strive to allay the desire of the people for an early reunion by urging what suppose weighs most heavily upon your minds. If we let in the South, you urge, they, together with our political oppo nents, the Democrats, with Whom we fear they will unite, may be in a majorit in Congress, and may be able to prevent we ficpublicans from passing such laws as may suit our purposes, and worst of all, may defeat our can idate for the Presidency. If your constituents to whom you urge these considerations are as shrewd as they have the character of being they will soon enetrate the thin mask thrown over your selfisness, and infer that the man who could urge such a reason either expected to be President himself or to hold some good fat office within his appointment. And if, too, our constituents are as intelligent and patriotic as you claim them to be, they would tell you that if the people of the southern States, when ad' mitted, shall, with the northern Democrats, be able to thwart your selfish and ambitious views in this respect, it will be in perfect accord with the provisions of our Constitution and form of government; and they will further say that the motives that operate upon you, if carried into practice, are a complete overthrow of the fundamental principle of our Government, that a majority of the people should have something to say in making or preventing the making of laws, or in electing a President. But you will further urge that in such a condition of things they may repudiate the public debt. This your intelligent constituents will say is not a sufficient reason if true, because if the people of this countrv, in a proper constitutional mode, shall declare that this debt shall not be paid. they have the power to say so; and it is not because the hon s are all held North that they should not have and exercise this right if they choose. It is not the only debt by several that the people have repudiated, and are likely to repudiate. Besides, these bonds cost many who hold them a comparativel trifling sum. Cannot the northern and sout ern people, he will say, with the view of living in peace and good fellowship, put their heads together and devise some llau by which this evil shall be obviated? "he resources of this count are enormous.‘ Probably an increase of the debt, with a diminution of the interest, might have a tendency to strengthen the security and improve the value of the stock, and might, too, i judiciously distributed, be one of the strongest links to bind this Union tovcther for ages. It is probable you are a holder of some of these bonds, and the view of your constituent does not excite agreeable ideas in your mind, and you drop the subject. But on at him again, and ur e the immense debt 0 gratitude this country is under to the negro as an excuse for making him, as it were, a condition precedent to reunion. Without their highlyim ortantaid we should never have overcome the outh; indeed, they might have whipped us. Your constituent, if he is aman of spirit, will frown at this as being rather too degrading a position to be placed in, 'even to secure party ascendency. he idea that 5 million white southerners could successfully contend against 25 million ofhis northern people does not strike him as being flattering to any but the southerners; and unless he is a man of very good tem er, it is likely he will break off from you, exc aiming, in a very decided manner, that the negroes have all the rights we engaged for. They are free negroes, socalled, and with a full understanding before hand what free negroism meant. They have ample security for that position, and let them now take care of themselves. This country has been very happy and prosperous notwithstanding the former status of the free negro, and I am not willing to sow the seeds of future discord, and may be future wars, between the whites of this country in order to place him in a position which increases the happiness of neither white nor black, and probab y diminish that of both. Theoretical perfection mav be reached byyour Beechers, Chcevers, and Phil ipses, but it will never be practically attained in this world. Thus would“ end the colloquy between you and your constituent. He has evidently the better of the argument, and ap ears to be a man not easily gulled. 0t heeding this counsel, you are bent on schemes which seem to contain nothing but the elements of mischief and revenge, leading to a continued and indefinite separation of the Union and aiming at the degradation of the white people of the South. This last you will not, and say it in the name of the American people, you shall not, accomplish. But there is something in the spirit of the southern people which will thwart your ide signs. If they have lowered the standard of their confederacy, they have not IOWered the standard of their pride a becoming pride in the estimation of an honorable enemy. The southerner has all around him, without speaking of the merits of the late contest, tokens of the endurance, courage and rowess of his people. Sad spectacle though it be, it will not diminish his tone that he can on his own soil walk over the graves of nearly 300,000 of his courageous enemies, and“ Standing on the Yankec’s grave. He will not deemhimself asluve." The schemes by which you will bring about some of the results I have alluded to are now before Congress and the country. You twist and turn and go through all the contortions of a serpent in order to make the negroes the fellow citizens and equals of the white man, and yet you are not satisfied that on can do it. Tn the civil rights bill you hol ly declared them to be citizens of the U.S. I admired the boldness of the declaration, because it was known to come in direct conflict with the highest judicial authority in this country, and which rendered such a congressional declaration perfectly null and void. The decision of the court in the Dred Scott case, attended with the lucid and powerful argument of that great judge and upright man, Chief Justice Taney, sustained by the opinion of Abraham Lincoln and Judge McLean, 2 fathers of your party, in the declaration that negroes are not citizens of the U.S., the uniform practice of the States for years in rejecting the free negroes from their borders, would justify any judge in any State in repudiating the authority of that law. The amendment of the Constitution now submitted to the country, and doubtfully reit erating the fact of negro citizenship, and otherwise in an equivocal manner struggling to bring about an equality of the races, Will he s urned from their reseucc by the southern States, and, thank caven, there are southern States enough to make southern contempt for it effectual! once. The States will still retain control and govern in their own way that portion of their.gOpulaiiOll. without leave aske of the U.S. Mr. Speaker, all the efforts made here or elsewhere to elevate the negro to an equality with the white man in the southern ‘tates, either civilly, socially, or politically, are er fectly idle. The negro must be kept in su or dination to the white man, no matter how eloquently you may deck 06 the theory of equality. In my opinion there is, as it were, a declaration of war between these races. It is true active hostilities are suspended and the negro is under parole to keep the peace, but when and where they approximate to anything like equality in numbers the sword of power must be held over them. There are too many dear and cherished feelings and interests of the white race involved to relax that power for a single day. The negro must know it exists, an, if necessary, he must feel it. I say this with the kindest feelings and sympathy for the negro race. Full equality of rights will never exist between races so dissimilar that they cannot socially amalgamate, especially when they live together in large numbers. When amalgamation takes place, when marriage can be consummated between them, when the white woman shall bring forth negro offspring without a blush, and the white grandsire shall affectionately put his nappy headed grandson, then equality may be said to exist between the races. You may then with safety grant equal rights of all kinds, and possibly prepare for the millennium. Why, the n, interpose such obstacles to a reunion 'I But these are not all the difficulties interposed; some favor an almost indefinite post ponement, urging with zeal that the South is too ignorant, too uncivilized, to be trusted with any share in this republican Government. Northern education and civilization must and should be more extensively spread among them before their admission to representation will cease to be dangerous. The honorable mem mm from Minnesota [Ii Mr. Dosxnux] takes the lead in that position. In a speech deliv ered some time since, he declares“The great bulk of the jicople of the South are rude, illiterate, semi civilized. Their condition in this respect Would be shameful to any semi civilized people and is such as to render a republican government, resting on the intelligent judgment of the people, an impossibility." And again he says, in the same speech: “As victors in the mighty struggle which has but lately terminated and as the superiors of the South in enlightenment and Christianity. we can afford to be magnanimous to the highest degree compatible with public safety." Mr. Speaker, in a little book which we slave holders often read, it is written, “and he spoke this parable unto certain which trusted in themselves that they were righteous, and despised others.” We all know what that par able was, except, possibly, the Gentfrom Minnesota." Sometimes it has been complained that the ignorant South has had the control for over 60 years, during which period, however, the country has vastly increased in those things which bring prosperity to a country. The chief drawback upon its hap iness has sprung from that section in which earning is said to be so generally diffused. These are singular facts, and yet they do not convince me that the general diffusion of learning is an evil. It depends very much upon the soil upon which the seed is sown whether it will bring forth good or bad fruit; it is certain to bring forth some fruit. The noble barons of Runnymede could neither read nor write, but they ordered Magma Charla to be written for them, and to it stamped their mark, and, like the socalled ignorant southerners, were willing to make a ceper mark in support of its principles. Our forefathers of the Revolution, who receive and are worthy of our admiration and gratitude, as a mass were vastly less learned than their present descend ants. Education was attainable by compara It will hardly prove an annoy 1.! tively few. It is a wonder their ignorance did not make a republican Government, to use the words of the honorable member, “an impossibility.” They scented English tyranny quickly and afar off. It did not take much learning to teach them that taxation without representation made them slaves. They quickl saw that if England could tax grandmamma’s tea, she might afterward tax granddaddy‘s land, and so they thought it was advisable to begin their resistance on the tea question. “ Instinct is a great matter.” The great principles of liberty can be understood by the most illiterate as well as by the most learned. They may not be able to write them out or make eloquent addresses about them, but they can readily understand them when read, and feel elo uence when it flushes for them. It takes won erful power and ingenuity to mislead an independent though unlearned people in this respect. Sir, it is notorious that nearly all the uprisings for liberty in the Caucasian race have s rung from the illiterate and unlearned, heade by a few noble spirits who were more fertunate in that respect than themselves. They have been always ready when the proper leader appeared, whereas on the other side the general rule is that learning has sided with despotism. The gentleman, to carry his specialty, for to give the South a northern education seems to be a specialty with him, in a speech delivered a few days back on this subject, speaks thus: “Is it not a shame that: this na.tion.which rests solely and alone upon the intelligence of the citizen, and without which it could not exist for an hour. srehcoougldn iztheuoarfar have done literally nothing either to Austria, and Renufsosriaceheadvuecation? France. Prussia. made education an affair of state, and have esteemed it of the highest consequenco. In Prussia the Minister of Public Instruction ranks next to the King." And yet, Mr. Speaker, the Governments the gentleman has enumerated, and over which he says education is so widely dilfused, are the most despotic in Europe. expect the Ministers of Public Instruction have them educated in the principles of despotism, as the North no doubt, among other tings, would specially instruct the southern people in the profound mysteries of her numerous isms. But let us criticise somewhat further this Phariseeism, this claimed and boosted superiority of the North over the South in “enlightenment and Christianity.” Education is certainly widely diffused over the North. Her people are greatly enlightened, but they set a great many false lights. Whence sprung all the isms, even in this 19th century, and within the age of this great reformer from Minnesota? I think the enlightened and Christian North is entitled to credit for them all. Mormonism, Millerism, spiritualism, free loveism, and worst of all (if it should spread beyond Massachusetts) strong minded womanism, have sprung and spread over that highly civilized and Christian region. The oor, ignorant, uneducated South was in capable of producing such evidences of advancement and regress. But. let us continue the contrast a little further. Booth the assassin was not caught but bravely shot by a company of soldiers. He was brought to this city cad, in order that the reward for his arrest might be secured by proving his identity. After that, his entrails were torn out and thrown to the hogs, his head adorns some phrenological museum, his heart is preserved in spirits, his spinal column can be seen, which will display to the learned how much he must have suffered by the near approach of the bullet to the spinal marrow; the balance of his remains were deosited, God and our northern Secretary of or only know where. We know they were not handed over to his poor heartbroken mother so that she might exclaim over his rave in a burst of agony, “ Would to GodI ad died for thee, O Absalom, my son, my son I" Mar Surratt was convicted, of course. She was tried by a court martial. Her immediate execution was ordered. She entreated for 4 days to enable her to overcome the shock and t“he better to prepare her soul to meet her God. Not an hour, " thundered forth the voice from the War Dept; “ on with the gallows, the coflin, and the grave; the angels of heaven shall not rejoice over this repentant sinner.” Agents of mere sought the ear of higher authority, and ro ablya more mercifu heart, but Preston in was janitor that day and they Were excluded. here is Preston King? Echo answers where? She was thus executed speedily and notwithstanding application had been made in behalf of her heart roken daughter for her remains, so that she might pour forth her sorrows, mingled with the gratitude and love which a daughter feels for a beloved mother, over her grave, those remains are still in the keeping of the War dept. Pontius Pilate delivered the body 0 Jesus to Joseph of Arimathea, but a worse than Pontius Pilate is here. Is this a specimen of northern civilization and Christianity? These things were done by northern men without any denunciation by the great northern, enlightened, civilized, and Chris tian Republican party. Not one word have I read or heard from your Philli ses, your Beechers, 'your Cheevers, 'our Grec eye, or your strong minded Massac usetts women, in rebuke of these most demoralizing acts, and as they touch upon everything which they think Vl cious, they probably do not disapprove of these transactions as coming in the way of Christian advancement and progress. Let us look now at a southern ictnre. John BrOWn was arrested for a crime indred to that of Booth. He was in the most formal manner tried, bein allowed every facility for defense, no specia test oath being urged to prevent the services of any advocate. He was legally and justly convicted to he hun. Between his conviction and execution amp e time was given him for the settlement of his worldly affairs and for the preparation of his soul for eternity. After execution his remains were placed in a decent coffin and thenhauded over to his friends that they might observe such obsequies as they might think becoming. This took place among that “rude, illiterate, semi civilized” people called Virginians, who had for their Governor at the time even Henry A. Wise. Look upon this picture and then on that. The North is very learned, but I do not think she has any Christianity or civilization to s are. What she has she had better retain for orne consumption, and, as I hope for improvement. She is more learned than the South. but which is the best educated? I have thrown out these observations in the hope that I may induce the Gentfrom Minnesota, and others who think like him, to withdraw his objection to a reunion based upon the uneducated condition of the southern people. But, sir, denunciation and revenge must, as was expected, have their fling against an honorable reunion. The presentment of the civilized and Christian North it is attempted to reuse against the unfortunate men of the South by epithets unbecoming the learned man or the patriot. They are denominated “ mur derers, ” “red handed rebels, ” “conscious trai tors.” Those who use these epithets must see, if they will reflect, that they are not true. The must know that JeffersonDavis, Robert. Lee, Stonewall Jackson, and the 1,000 others who engaged in the late contest, never could be answerable for the charge of murder and conscious treason. Stonewall Jackson rests in his rave, and your own 010quent Beecher has i lustrnted his character an res cued it from such an imputation. Time will defend the character of Davis and Lee. That their acts imposed upon them no consciousness of crime I have no doubt. The words of JeffersonDavis, in the presepnacret'iong the Senate, breathe the strongest conviction of rectitude and a desire for peace, and to avoid bloodshed. I will read a short portion of them: “I find in myself.perhaps, a type of the general feelingof my constituentstoward yours. I urnsure I feel no hostility to you, Senators from the horlh I amsure there is not one of you. whatever sharp discussionthere may have beenbetweenus to whom Icannot nowsay, in the presenceoluiy God. I Wishyou well: and such.I am sure, is the feelingof the people Iwhom I represent the ward those whom you represent. I therefore feel that I but expresstheir desire when say I hope, and they hope, for eaceful relations With you, though we must part. hey may be mu tually beneficialto us in future, as they have been in the eat. if you so will it." " “ n the course of my service here, associated at diffurent times with a great variety of Senators.I seenew around me somewith whomI have served long: there have beenpoints of collision; but what evrr of offense there has been to me.I leave here; I carry with meno hostile remembrance. Whatever offenseI have given which has not been redreased mr for which satisfactionhasnotbeen demanded, have, Senators. in this hour of our parting, to offeryou in apology for any pain which in heat of discussion. inflicted. I no hence unencumbered of the remem brance of any inj ury received and having discharged the duty of making the only reparation in mypower for any injury offered. "Mr. President and Senators. having made the announcement whieh the occasion seemed to me to require, it only remains for me to bid you a final.a"flieu." These thoughts and words are characteristic of the man, and stamp the charge of murderer and conscious treason with falsehood. How is it pretended that he is guilty of treason? His sovereign State seceded; he went with her and joined in defending her independence. There was a time when but few enied the right of secession. From the earliest period 0 our Government it has been asserted and claimed. Great and ruling parties have proclaimed it; Stateshave sanctioned it; states men of the highest character all over the land have avowed it; commentators on your form of government have expounded it; and can anyone in such a state of facts dare to denounce the act of secession us treason in a Government of free 0 inion '3 The doctrine of secession was born with the Constitution It became a ruling principle of the ruling Democratic party. inserted in their platform from 1798 to the late war. NewEngland formally determined to gractice “.011 an occasion which she thought emauded it. Ohio, through her high officials and ablest statesmen, declared her ctermination to adopt it. Josiah Quincy sanctioned it. John QuincffAdams in a most formal address before the istorical Society of NewYork, in 1839, most emphatically announced it as the true doctrine. But, sir, I have alluded to this doctrine of secession, not with the view of defending it at this time, but a wish to introduce an authority connected with a fact which is known or recol lected, I expect, to butfew. William Rawle, formerly of Pennsylvania, was one of the ablest lawyers in this country. In 18:24he published a Commentary on the Constitution, awork frequently referred to as authority on the exposition of that instrument, not only at the bar, but by subsequent commentators. His 1st edition was soon exhausted, and in 1829 he published a new edition of his work, in the preface to which he states: “In this edition the principles laid down in the 1st remainunaltered. The authorhas seenno reason for any change." Thus, after havingin the edition of 1824laid down most clearly and emphatically the doctrine of the right of a State to secede from the Union, he restates the doctrine, after mature reflection and study in his 2ndedition, declaring that “he had seen no reason for any change." I would now, sir, merely refer you and this House to his able exposition on the subject as contained in the tiirt 2nd chapter of his work. Now, this wor of William Rawle was approved of and strongly indorsed by the ahlest and profoundest lawyers. It was introduced as the text book on constitutional law in the schools and colleges thron hout the land, and during the Presidency 0 John Quincy Adams was adopted as the text book on the Constitution in the Military Academy at West Peint. It was the text book when JeffersonDavis was there, and was placed in his hand as a cadet and student in that institution. He learned his 1st lessons of secession through the agency and teaching of this Government itself, and it may be his misfortune but surely not his fault, that the lessons thus rilled into him have made a lasting impression on his mind. What possible justification can any man have, under such circumstances, in making the charge against him of being a “conscious traitor'?’ Would a common edagogue chas tise a pupil for having learne and understood his lesson too well? I can hardly believe that the devil himself, were he to place the Book of God into the hand of a fallen angel in order to subjectit to perverted criticism, would punish him if he were to be convinced and turn Christian. What should be the conduct of this Government under such circumstances toward JeffersonDavis and those who from strong conviction of the correctness of their course acted with him? Justice and public honor demand their immediate release and restoration to their rights, the more especially as such a course cannot in the least conflict with public safety. Away, then, with these charges that these people are murderers, red handed rebels, and conscious traitors! They spring only from unreflecting excitement or from a depraved spirit of revenge, and with wise and considerate statesmen and patriots should never be allowed to interpose obstacles to the reunion which all such must now desire. Away, too, with the expectation that the southern people will ever degrade themselves by freely accepting conditions from the benefit of which you exclude their own chosen leaders! This should and will neverbe. Let the people sweep these obstacles aside, and as we were enemies in war, in peace let us be friends.