Mr. LETTHB. Mr. Speaker the honorable Gentfrom Massachusetts an; read to the House an extract from a letter given him by the Speaker, and written by a negro, asking for protection from congress. Sir, in the same spirit of affording protection to all classes an colors of men who am need it, and from an earnest desire to lay be ore the country a reliable statement of the true condition of the South, I have collected from most trustworthy and honorable persons at the South, who know what they write to be true, and who, whatever may have been their political errors, now sincerely desire a restoration of the Union and its perpetuity to the latest period of recorded time. If I suppress the names of the writers, I will be willing to show the original letters and signatures to any gentleman who may ask me. The 1st letter is from a major general in the late rebel army, and for some time a prisoner in Fort Warren: Ciunirs. SCAROLINA.January 25.1866. DNA! Sin: Your favor of the 24th ultimo only reached me this morning, and though perhaps too late for your purpose, I respond iinmgdiutely to your inquiries. 1st let me say that l h we always felt grateful for your sympathy and kindness to mewhen in prison and your generous cBoristo procure my release.The liberal sentiments of yourscll and othera oapt itnhieon Nsorth entirely revolutionized my feelingsand of your people at least rush of them aswera not under the rule of ii blind fanaticism. which. under the garb of Virtue Jocnis to cover the mostmalignant. Purposes toward us. Before I knew by personal contact that the food peopleot your section Wereas us t generousa. n ureast e good among ourselves. did not distinguis i between you, but hold all responsible for the er iines of the wont class. I say"crimes." for so we re arded the acts of sectional hostility leveled at us. Also freely confess that my prejudice against the radicals themselves have somewiat diminished by discovering that they were capable as individuals O actsof personal kindness while thoy souclit to mm as socially and civilly as a people. A freer interchanircofsocial intercourse between the two peoples would have preventedthat harsh judgmenton both sideswhich resulted in the recent conflict and perhaps led to a radual, eaccful and wise systemof changes, which would nvo been bestfor all parties coneernoddi afar as we can see; but it is in VA"! that we mourn over the past. Let us turn to the considoration of the present and the future. which alone concernsour duty. I returned home in August dast and found the negro civil and orderly. at idle and restless; no more concerned about his future than the stalled feeling perfectly secureofbeingfedandlodgedbyohri.s former owner until January and equally confident that then he woid acquire equal rights.social polit ihc eaol.nalnydfeplrtot irnicptnorwye. with the white man. Nay.si nce police of the military. with its rigid against and localized judicinry. as a protection to him the power and dominionof hisformermaster. Whosel iberties alone it restrained. Many were conti dent that the whites would beentirelydeprivedof all property and right and that they would be the proprietors and rulers of the country. While thenegro was intoxicated by these delusions, fostered as they wereby the system of rule adoptedover the country and the misrepresentations made b many who were connected with it thoughI am gla to saybut in few instances by any in authorityc the white man was corresponding depressed.During the harvestseasonit became evident that unless these views were changed both races would bemadevictims: that famine. ruin. anarchy and Violence would ensue. Then there was a change of system. Negro troops were removed from the interior. Offieers who were doing mischief by their fanaticism were removed. the negro was told by those in authority that though they would be protected m the enjoyment of their emancipation from the dominion of man. et that they.in common With all men. wereyet no or the imerious rule of the great law of labor: that they eoul acquire no property but by their own industry and economy: that t a white man would be protected in his property: that to secure employment they must. Establish themscIves in the contidenee of the proprietors of thesoil; that unless employed by them.t ey themselves must. crish; that from their idleness fho past year they wou d have but a pittancein hand at January; that in the whole State they had not made bread enough to feed the people for 6 months; that only the credit and the means of the planter could save themfrom starvation; that to set ure any advantage from these. they must contract for another year; and that they could only hope for an improvement in their condition at the end of this year as a result of their own industry. But little was said on the subject of politicalrights. but in the main they were encouraged to believethat in the future they might hope for the attainment of equal rights with the white man. At 1st it did not appear that these teachings had muchelfect. They sutailrly looked forward to a sort of millennial state atJan and many of our planters were utterly despairing up to the end of theyear. In the last week sof the year the crops were divided. whcn the negro learned the tirst letterin the alphabet of self dependence.Tho idler found thatfor every day lost from his work during the year he lost a corresponding part of his share of the crop: that on glantations where the handshad been industrious an steady in their labor they received fair remuneration. while on those where the negroes were idlethey received little or nothing.Some wome aobrtlse, to furnishtheir families With necessaries and and even with the means of festivity and merriment at Christmas.while othershad to face the future with nothing to moetits necessities.They realized also their responsibilities as heads of fatnilies. The laborer who has no family was furnished. if industrions. with a competence for a year.while the headof a family. equally industrious.with the same amount in hand. had to 1st provide for his dependents. The negrois not much of a reasoning creature. In the lanuago of one of our state judges of the olden time. “ e never knew the agony of thought" until now: but. these things set him to thinking. The result was that after 2 or 3 weeks of harmless but very foolish dissipation.most of them went back to their old employers and contracted for the present year. In nearly all casesof which I they have heard. are working with a will. a cheerfulness and attention to the general interest of the place wiiich was not surpassed under the old system. It is true. the owners of many plantations have refused to take any but the best most intelligent and industrious of his people. The idle and vicious were refused. These as thave either been employed as laborers in other than agricultural employments, or are seeking day labor in the towns: This distinction is teaching the negro another idea. that there is such a thing as character, and that it has a practical influence upon his welfare. There is flowing out of these new ideasan appreciation of a act which I have endeavoredto impress upon both white and black that their bestinterestsare idention]: that what is bestfor oneis bestfor theother: that mutual confidence and goodwill are essentials to the well beingof both. The tendency is in that direction and if let alone. by the end of the year there will no longer exist any general distrust between the races. but mutual contidenceand kind feeling arising from a senseof mutual dependence. The only aprehensious I feel are. 1st. from the continuance of the garrison! and the Freed mens which. Under the guise of maintiiining the Union and vindicating the ri lits of humanity. Openlg advocate the dos offing Oft ie white to endow the black race. the disfranchisement of the white and the right of sutlragcto the black. malign and tradueeus.sow the seeds of distrust and prejudice and even advocate an appeal to arms to assertwhat they call the rights of the blacks if the cannot otherwise be obtained. The 3rd an lost cause of apprehension is involved in the question of the dispositionof the island lands. For several years during the war the fiwero “ l a occupiedby the Federal armies. They were are only left to ourselves.The employer at the South t ckly peopled with slaves when 1st occupied being among the est landsin theState. To these were added many 1000s of abscouding iicgroes from all partsof the State. They were treated With more consideration than whites would have been under the sauio circumstance! and by the end of the war had come to regard Government while they were taught to believetheir former masters were very devils incarnate.who had forfeited not only property but life itself by their rebellion. which was a tit termination to the career of wretches whose hands and souls were stained with the crime of slavery. Is it astonishing that new. when the white man here is conquered and completely under the heel of every soldier. white or bind: these people set the proprietors at defiance though arme With the Presidents pardon; that the should endeavor to inculcate the same spirit of chance and disregard even ogfrothees authority of the Government upon all the negroes of the State? In some cases they have establilshed a sort of military government of their own: established guards and permit no white man toland on the island without tie consent of the head man. in some cases defying the passport of the commander of the Dept. This will indicate to you the condition of the sea coast of SCarolina aud Georgia. How can we do anything toward making the ne in the interior contented and happy settledin his intentions and plans for the future when he has before his eyes always this demoralizing example of his neighbors? If the lands of the sea – coast returned over to the negroes how can we convince them that the have no right to thoseof the interior? Where is the line to be drawn? If we were only let alone. the negro would soon becomea good citizen. industrious. happy, prosperous. Peaceable and orderly. Ilis condition would constantly improve: prejudices on both sides would be removed, and we would have a peasantry of which any country might be proud. But so long as weare subject to interference between us of a 3rd party, who is here avowedly because we are not to be trusted to maintain the rights of these 3 people distrust will increase dissenswns arise. discontent confusion and despair involve both races in ruin. But the negro would be the victim unless the white man was fore by the poivo orf the Govern amseynotuto yield the country to his African master.Just negro diminish the confidence of the proprietor in labor.just so far do you displace the negro by the white laborer. It was formerly bolievedthat the white man could not labor in the summer on the riversand swamps of furl this year by reason of their demoralilat on. next a house and garden pasturagefor a cow and calf of colored is the necessityof referring all questions. urcuu amongus. The negro will not entirely trust the white man so long as he sees that we are not trusted by the Government to which he looks as his own and only protector and as a stern ruler of the white man. I do not mean to say that there is at present in this part of the Stateany improper exerciseof authority by the military, but underthe circumstances their presence alone engenders distrust on the part of the negro and prevents his feeling his dependence upon the Goodwil of the employer. A 2nd cause of afiprehension I have arises from tahmeo presence and toneing of preachers and teachers us who are entirely ignorant of the real feelings taenrdly true interests and chnraeter of both races and bit hostile to the whites and weakly sentimentalon the negro. To this influence may be added the circulation of papers published here and at the North ptlaieig South beun to the experience of the war rind thocam armies and their labors in mid summer in the most unhealthy reions have reversed our theories upon this subject. hould pt: prolabor winter will bring to our doors 1000s of foreigners to till the soil. Negroes are offere own food and clothing. Upon most of them the w are fixed at a 3rd and they are found their provis iwo angs.es Upon one of our large plantations here the are 1/3rd. the laborercing furnished with 1/2 the crop. finding their ofifre wood. Ii. peck of meal and two and a half ounfla bacon perweek. With industry the laborers sbiifl of the crop will be in a good from 3 to 400 dollars. With such induccinents as these offered the Gerinan or Irish laborer, how long would it take to supply the South with white labor? and what in that case would be the condition and destiny of the negro? A great inducement to employ white labor instead arising between the whites and blacks to it military one man court for adjudication. Our civil courts are allowed to excrcise jurisdiction over all eases betwecn white men and this gives a feeling of security in regard to those contracts which under the present system. Contracts with negroes cannot have. I think our people as a general rule greatly prefer the n prosbor becausethey are more accustomed to |t. e canse it is a trained labor and they know it Will succeed if theycan induce its fiiithlu application; but this preference must give way before the insecurity attending it system unless the Government Will change its and leave the white man and the negro face to face to work out theirewn destiny under the Constitution. As to the capacity of the negro for self government you may form as goodan ideaas I. They are at present entirely ifnorant taught of letters and wholly unin politica science. If the next generation were trained and educated with a view to prepare them for the right of suffrage. I do not know that anyone could say that they would not be almost as well qualilied as the lowest class of foreigners after 5 years of residence here. Whether it would be desirable to extend the right of suffrage to either class in those States in which they would have a mniorit of two to one is a question which it is not worthwin O to answer. The negro is the most tractable and mosteasdy governed of all the peoples of earth. Hewould always fist?!. year from two to 3, bales of cotton and 40 to 50 bushelsof corn. ba 3 sidespeas. Potatoes. fodder. itc. worth inciirrent funds upon some of our plantations the k 3 i nbeevtchrebperey of the designing in politics and would capable of competing with the Caucasianin I the race ol intellect. For myself I would ruther concede the right of suffrage to the negro.including all I their children and women. Than to t oiitiiiuc under the absolute rule of those who now control the affairs of the country in Congress. I do not attribute any importance to political rights in comparison with civil I rights and would icl anything of the farmer to secure the hitter. am not afraid to compete with anyone in the management of the negro vote if we would control the votes of his laborers more perfectly thnii the mill owners of Lowell; and capital here in mWrs of that sort would pull together at the same endof the rope. I have thus hastily thrown out my views on this, themselves as a favored class. The peculiar comirehensive subjcct and conclude that there is care oi the I I nothing to fear for the future prosperity of white and black in the South if they are only et alone. In this a view I am free to confess I difier from the great mass of our people. They are Generally distriistful of the negro in his present condition. They doubt that he can ever be induced to work and forget that other motives than those of force may develop even greater energy and aetiyity. But they are becoming more hopeful and are generally disposed to givethesystem a fair trial. As for the white mans disposition to obey thel laws and submit to the authority of the U.S. there. can be but one opinion. All he asks is permission to live and enjoy the accumulations of his capital and labor. the security of his person and the sanctity of his home. He wants peace – subject to. these privileges he is willing to yield everything else. e has an mitted and now submits diii y to every conceivable interference with therights and libertieshe once ed. Men and ladies of tbe highest position now yiel precedence ii ithe highway to their ormer slaves without question and gentlemen do not oven present the rude yostling of the negro or the soldier yielding tweir thmoauytr beem thoenost brjaence the eVen though his wife or daughter of the indignity. All this is I not from personal fear or a craven spirit but to avoid tmry is construction and a further persecution of his counCan there be higher evidence of his readiness to obey the rule to which he is rubyccted I I nowthere is an impression prevailing that there is a spirit of lawlessness and vioence still prevailing in the South. but it is founded on fallacy. In the district in which I live. Since August I haveheardof but one case of violence upon a single negro. Yet statistics of crimes against negroes arecollectedand arrayed againstus. very trial before the military and provost eourts is returned and placed on tile in Washington city and are there examined by Mr. lbUMSPIR and his friends. (oiiiing as they do from all tahgoa in South i.rthmeiy llicoonnspteitouptele the Insttahteistaigesgorof vaitoeljehnecye appear to be numerous and are construed. On to a universal disposition to defy the authority of the Government and laws. Take the statistics of crime committed in 4 millions of your own operatives and see if they would not outnumber ours. There are 10,000 negroes in this district. During the last 6 months there has been no trial of a white man, except for a single act of violence against one of them. Can your statisties show a fairer record? vconsiderin this connection the fuel. that all police is prejudiced and against people partial to the negro and us. not that t! ore is a provost court always open and you will then be able to give the argument its full force. I know. from being a.member of the Legislature of this State. that there is nowhere in SCarolina one purpose or thought. of disloyalty and thntour people are ready to do anything which menmay honestly do to disarm the prejudicos aguinst them and to prove their loyalty. the fixed opinion hereinthat the Goveinnient is suprcmc, I and that he is a madman and a tool who would take J, issuewith it. The next letter is from a northern ladv, who married at the South and has labored zealously, brnvel, and visely to aid this government in the noble Worlt of peaee and reconstruction. My personal experience of the skill, tact and courage of this widow. struggling to preserve the patrimony of her orphan children from the rapacity of land thieves. water thieves and thieves of every color and kind, enables me to assure the House that not one of them, had he been present, but would have felt that the negro was the master and favored child of fortune in comparison with this white woman. almost impoverished. in danger of violence, with the title to her childrens estate in jeopardy, and without the menns of securing the commonest necessaries of life. The guerrillas robbed her of her farm stock, the negroes eat up her irovisions and refused to work for a crop. be costly culture of rice, with miles of dikes and ditches, requires constant attention; the idle and ignorant negroes forced the ear ienter to neglect the dikes flood gates and fiel works necessary to protect the land from inundation, and secure a crop for their own support for the coming year. The negro had been told by the preachers and freedmens Bureau people that the land belonged to them, and that the white men were to be driven from the State; that the Government would give the negro food, clothing, land, and money. such, sir, are some of the practical workings of this bureau. Wniri; HOCSE, NEAR Gizononroirii.S. 0. January 11, 1866. DEAR Sir: Yours of 24thDecember reached ml yesterday: there is no mail to Georgetown nor no postoffice.Which Will explain the delay. You ask meto ire an opinion relative to the presentatullu of the lack race in my neighborhood, with my personal experience as to their disposition to obey the laws regulating labor in the South. nothing can be ine re unsatisfactory to the true friends of the negro than his present attitude. A formidable combination exists to accept no contracts and do no work on the land. Accordingly up to this date nota sod has been turned or the slightest preparation made for planting the crop in March. Cannot tind out what.it is the negroes are driving nt, except it be to disgust and wearyout the planters, so as to cause them to abandon their lands in despair. Early in December I oflered to all my former slaves to hire tbem in a body for good wages and bacon, 5.0. 6 dollars a month to the men, 8 pounds bacon, and onepound tobacco.equivalentto ten dolhrs. It was refused with contempt and the declaration that they would never hire for money wages. So matters newstand – no prospect of setting in our lands or making crops while we are dependent on negro caprice. What is occurring now may logically be in erred as the courseto be expectedat every critical stage of planting and reaping. That theyhave secret advisers we know, and also in my own caseI know that my negroes are willinli) to enter into an arrangement for part of the crop. at they dare not do so at present. Regard the freedmens responsible for the conduct the neirroes are pursuing and whatever public speeches they may make for buuaugceomhe their secret agents hold very differen tlan to the blacks, based on the conviction that Mr. rust:Is policy must prevail and all these lands be iron to the nenrocs. As to any disposition to obey laws regulating labor. in no instance have the blacks shown any sense of responsibility to abide by their contracts – they simply ignore them. The U.S. authorities in Georgetown are acting with prudence and judgment, endeuvoring to restore law and order, but the areais too vastan their numbers too limited to he as edicient as the exigencies of the ease require. All iucns eyes and hopes rest on white immigration s the only means of insuring persistent and willing labor. What is to become of the blacks if these plans are carried out I cannot tell: they de sire to live an landed gantry and to be consumers. not producers.This state of things. I fear must have u violent ending. The lacks appear to be in that condition which mayripen into crime. Idleness is the root of all evil and it will prove so here.I am sure. The races can only live side by side by both respecting and carrying out the laws. on as as to the condition efthe white race and their disposition to obey the laws. The very scanty crops made this carwill in most cases barely be sufficient for seed, caving no portion for sale. Of course the planters are very much embarrassed without capital or credit. Iatny donfortahlely very dospondinz. seeing the probabil struggling against hoinrt 1866. Tahned year eersnianlg cuolanrlluyspiaotnieanutd and accept the situation quietly and heroically: in ndoisipnosstaitniocne to obey Its heeelnaowr. hIenadrede odfw they sslhigohutldesthtienre be. Mere policy would dictate that course, even if honor did not bind them to it. The most cordial relations exist between the troops in Georgetown and themilitia; they have been acting together of late as guards and couriers, and the effect has been to effoce all lines of difference and bring about the best understanding. I have given this very imperfect sketchto go as early as possible: The remedy for all thions neiolltsh may be found in inducing the negro to work The next letter is from a son of the Protestant Episcopal bishop of SCarolina. He has a large experience in the treatment of negroes: enmnx. SCAROLINA. January 5.1866. Dun Sin: Your letter of the 24th ultimo has just been reeeived and I hasten to reply and give you such information asiI am able$on the points suggested. The present and futureof the blwk raceis a subject that has been exercising us reatly and a problem that we have not yet been ab O to solve. The negro is remarkable for two things his docility and his djs itnoedlionvantoiotnhitnogljasbmoorroef fauallyy kdienvde.lopI ethdiinnkhitmhetahbainlitiny paylivinir animal. Our experience ef the past year is not encouragingfor the future. It has been impossible to induce him to labor efficiently and I know of but one or two instances in which they have not violated their contracts. either by refusal to work or by unauthorized absence: the consequence of which is that now, at the beginning of theft or it isestimated that there are not more than provisions enough in the tale to supply the inhabitants for 6 months. Onmy fnthsr in wqplantation mhere there are 300 negroes.little or no cotton was made, and not comenough to supply the plantation for the year to come.Their thieving propensities too, haveincreased withthe increased facilities for iseating, and a large Proportion of the stoek huboen killedh them. Tose rating an extent have sueh deprodatziens been car Bureau asentirely I ried. that it has boeu found necessary to keep the hogs and cattle constantly under guard and this plantation has been perhaps, one of the most orderly and btluCtOdlhISGKhbOOtOWda. Sfuund also very difficult to induce them to harvestthe crop after it was made and 1000sof bushelsof grain have beenleft to rot in the fields. “hat I have stated is tnee sttit money xopfear liletnhceepolf anotneers motatnh.ebSuttat the Act.n current this time the planters are endeavoring to Illilki) arrangements for the year; but the freedmen almost universally refuse to contract. require such terms as are impossible to be aoced to. have heard them in many ignostancessay "that i re had provisions enough to on for sometime, an that they positivelywould not work for any niu n.“ nd the impression generally is that they will idle away their time and do nothing as long as their supplies last. (they have last r ccoenilvyed their proportion of last years crop.) and will O to work when necessity forces them to it. They have an ine rdinate desire to own land or at. least to plant for themselves and applications are constnntly mode to the planter to rent land. This cannot be done, however. nono security can be given for the payinent of the rent and orgoricnee does not warriint the idea that the negroWI l work diligently and industriously even for himself and again he has not the meansof planting for himself neither provisions for tit“! year, nor utensils nor animals With which to p on. This is a glooiny picture: and mnst GOHVRtchSaSt to my mind our future is anything but bright. Still. I do not regard the experience ot last year altogether conclusive. I do not know that we can take it as a criterion for the future. the ncgroes last ear were highly related by tht new born freedom. Their minds were inflamed by the ignorant soldicry constituting the garrisons throughout the country, and by fanatical newspapers circulated among them merely for political purposes, entirely misrepresenting the condition of things, and inducing themto believe that the alamndosng and property of the Whites were to be divided them; thus bending the idea that freedom consisted only in exemption from labor, and not that it is the privilege to vote for themselves and to enjoy the fruits of their labor. Still. Notwithstanding all have conducted themselves with commendable propriety. indicating no disposition to violence, and indolence and thieving being their chief faults. which I hope in time may be overcome, when the evil influences which have conexercised upon cthem shall have passed away. Those who have been apparently most zealous for the welfare ef the negros havein truth been his worst enemy. "is best friend will be found to be the cl master, who hasl lived cc withhim. understnnds him.an is willing to raise him as much as possible from his present condition of ignors ncosr I degradation. The nInvtoeillnligleenftoIrriiuiisdeofuftlhpeur Spooustchstsheiseslnaorgweapyroo fomr taing. O gr population without clevating him by means of systemture. The planters arcall anxious to give the of freed labor a fair and earnest trial for another year.but few are sanguine as to its results. The realest difficulty in the way is the impoverished condition of the country. If the negro Will work at oll it will be when he is paid weekly or daily ya es, and his lost time constantly deducted, thus bringing before him the result of his indolcnec. But the fewest possible number of lllfll in the State areoble to do this, and the only resource left to them is to given share of the crop. This is too remote an inducemen to procure from them constant and patient labor, an up to this time I have not heardof a single plantation on which they have contracted to remain. coTuhnetr utter prostration and destitute condttion of the show clear l how earnestly and ivdhy hat an honest purpose the southern people enlisted in the disastrous war from which they have Just cuierfiled, and with the same earnestness and honesty have t By taken upon themselves renewed obligations to the national government. I thinlt it, a remarkable fact; and one proving hop, law. ebiillua and order loving are the people of this State. that after u workof fo r years.:1 er tht disbunding of lurge urni cu.with on y military law to restrain and that to been gorced by a mere nominal risen in each district, we have not heard of a sing O caseof highway robbery, and very seldom of personal violence of any kind and nn m dividiial maytravelthrough the most thinly inhabited portion of our State inp fleet security. Rest assured. sir, that the people of this State have acccple with a l sincerity the condition of things, and as they were true to the lust to principles which they had long cherished and deemed of vital importance to their welfare ta, rsoaewtielldtthoewyabrdettrhueemto with Government which moderation, discretion and wisdom. Their earnest desire ll omie moreto beathniiledinto the councils of the nation and to havea voice in the enactment of such laws as may be necessary for their future security, and for the restoration of their beloved country from the utter desolaion and rain that no)! exists. The integrity efthe non-will neveragain be threatened by the southernStates. Of this the North can require no renter security than is affor edi ntheir entire help lessnesasnd prostrntion, from which they Will not recover for generations to come. The bone of contention has been taken away. Slavery is dead forever, and could not be restored ii desired. The earnest endeavor of this State will be to elevate the social condition of the negro, and by a u experiment to deci c the question. whether he can be governed by reason.as he ms been by coercion and e mealsa uselul member of society. To this end our Legislature has pnssed a code of laws givm them saulmilorostge every privilege of the white man. at of are not yet readyfor, nor are the bodyof ll, fair and honest the people yet williu to accord it to them. The nort ern peoples liouli not insist upon our giving up at once our prejudices while they adhere to theirs. Time. the great softener of all things may produce great changes and the negro may be found capable of takin a much higher )O$lilOllilllllCFOCldlECtllt than that which is now accorded to hiin: butniy firm conviction is that he must go doivn before the resistle secucrgy ionfg the Annie Saxon. Isend you some papers contain the code above mentioned. I you may prove successlul in putting ogocisvinnfcaenrcaltyicthisamt and preiudice and in effect in the restoration of our meniers oncemore to the nlls of Congress. With high regardand esteem yours, respectfully. Hon. J. W. J. AVIS. CKAXLEB. Cotnscrons rricn Ixrsiini. Rnvriws, Tnmn tSTIllCo!r SonrnCnoniiu LUXBIA, 8.0. January 15, Diua Sin: In reply to your letter of inquiry as to d this epeoosnitdioitnioton wofotrhlgeainied gorboeeystinhethlaiswsse, kcctionIwaonudldtsheir, flmtusa general thing the negroes are orderly and we I. behaved.but do not.show much dISDQFIlHOHto work. Their ideii of freedom secuis the the priirilege of do nothing. heyareout mindful of today and do no think of tomorrow. The idea budget very current. amenithem that lands were to be distributed nine them the Government. They feel disappointe about uh I find. howaver. that a great many are ofinring now to go to work who before refused and I. th yore it not for the evil effects reducedby the miso icyousn cuts of the Freedmens ureau. That the na go raoleosnwgou soonall seethe folly of attemptingto without work. his bureau has caused a: great deal of mischiefbyitscourse. It hasinculcated. Tchreromneine dusside as of the views of the Government intq of the negroes, and the agents have in great many instance sspoke a in one way to the whites and anotherto then recs. This has madethemlose the confldcucoo hot i, from it. As and much evd has resulted to the dispositionof the whites. there i no doubt but that it is far better an anybody could ever have anticipated. Genera Grant has given a true and correct account of the enact state of there Ill a things. ener. not only acquiescence but active desireon theyart of all to cooperate ml. the government in wiping out the Fast and working together for the future. feel percctly conVince that the admission of the southern Representatives would be the luau oration of a new era of prosperity. You of the hurt who have not been down erato Witness the actual state of things can have n ceptionof the general very poor conprostrate condition of this section. nFdathmei liaecstuwahlsotactoeuonf (tIeEdStlhltellitrIOltlh almost all income by 1000s.noware almost in a state of starvation. I believe that in this place not less thun 6 or 8 common street earts are driven by outleuicn who betore the war owued property ynluc at $200,000a.nd who now support their families on from one dollar to one dollar and 50 cents erday which they qet tor along of wood or other hauin. What makcs it worse, a are in this conditionor a mostso: there are none With means to help the others. Yours. very truly. JAMES GIBBES. ducal.” 3rd District of SCarolina, Jens W. (leashes. The last letter I shall present to the House is from the late presiding oliicer of the Senate of SCarolina, now a judge on the bench of the highest court of that State: Slim Sourii Cancun, January 4, 1866. Dim: Sir: Yonr letter of the 24th ultimo did not reach me until yesterday. The subject matter on which you desire information is full of difficulty and surrounded by so many comdieting views thot it is not an eaaytas toarrive at.an opnion which onewould accept as just and true. tiring the whole war the slave population de meaned themselns in a quiet and peaceful manner. Though our niule citizens were absent in the army, tin the large iniiiority of whites at home were womn and children.stil they exhibited no indication of iinl tii onisni or even restlessness. They worked with spirit although they knew that the products oi their labor in large proportions contributed to the suppovt of the confederute army. They went cheerfull to the son coast to aid in the erection of batteries unifortifications, wmitohd [stvliaoiulagbhllii close proximit to the Fedenl peoportunity o escape. it we! a rare thing that onefai ed to return the his home on the expiration of his term of service with the entry, chhoawnegveear.popfea 3 d Federal forces during the warun to "come over the spirit of dreams." and wherever their the U.S. military appeared evenonly marching through the country, not only did they, to agreat extent.perceive and appreciate the new influence but in numii inbers they abandoned their old homes an associations and in many instances their children. to follow their new fortunes, as they supposed.led by their deliverers, carr ing with them all thespoilson which they could lay their hands. Even if confided to them Inflj fflfltflll capacityt Many who had better undmstandins. u n more sense than the others remained, saying that if they were to be free they would prefer to he at their old homes, and near their masters.who they thought would befriend and aid them. Those, however, who did remain, from Ogle moment they supposed themselvi“ free althoug not doing much O active wrong. Sti were sullen impertinent and altogetheridle. After the authorities compelled them to contract for plantation work for the ast year.on really good terms, them. They were so regardless of orders and instructions that all obedience was at up end, and theresult was that although they had a direct interest in the crop, but little comparatively. was made. In many instances the ink was scarcely dry on the before contract its terms were violated and no kindly advice or threat of punishment by the provost court could induce themto the pursuance of a course which was demanded.as well y the engagements which they had in writing assumed as by a senseof their own ibnegnaenfidta(nudiewseclefanrte. for Evmapriloouy serrse waseorno gender faolrl by yield to trouble the authorities with complaints which were apparently not of mnch consequence in themselves. but when considered in relation to their influence on the crops weres criouaund important. They hadbeen stopped by the soldiers and had heard reported from of onions in high authority. that they were to havelan 5given to them and this ideaof sudden acquisition of iroperty for which they had not toiled sthoet imrceodntsoid boeraatmioons.tT thhienognstl uosnce own htiincu head busnotribl nearly the close of the year. Wrapped up in this conceit of soon possessing lands they decmed making contracts for the coming year and appeared to prefer contracting with an one rather than with their former masters though not inclined to contract at all under the idea. I suppose. that the would not be regarded us really free unless they lo the service of their fomer owners. At the incoming of the new year.although they became satisfied that they were not to get land from the Government.they still appeared to be chary of contracting and are now wandering about from place to place.W Illine settled views hoping that something better may “turn up" for them. Of course there are here and there exceptions to the class thus referred to. In some instances you may find them reasonable and disposed to do that which is right and to make such provisions for their families as would be dictated to them by a proper sense of duty. Whether in the South crops can be raised by voluntary rleamboarine sf ttohebe cotelosrteed people it is wainll etxapkeerim more than a year to solve it. The delirium which possesses the freedmen induced by their suddcn freedoin must pass away and must be succeeded by the sober 2nd thought of cool and uiiinllanied judgment. These have always had someone to think for and take care of them: to guard them against the cold of winter and the heat of summer; to supply them not only With food and clothing. But with me ical attendance and to teach them.in fact. how to take care of themselves. My apprehension (I trust not well founded) is that they will not work during the present year. Even if they make engagements; for it uppenrs beyond doubt. that they cannot be impressed with any regard as to the observance of a contract. Even utter they assume it. Whcn this is the case. but can you oxpect us the result ot lobor when that aboi can only be secured and compelled throuah the medium of a contract which one of the parties thereto thhoilndgs. in utter disregard? Education inn do some apparent tin thteim fruit toscoofmtheis. cInulttuhreeicnatneroimn. ywbheamtiasdtoe become of the tree? It must live and nothing can be looked to for its reservation but its proper culture and training by t in white man under the kind aid of Providence. To this ciid Ifeel satisfied that our whole people will contribute inspired by the duty which they have assumed in their renewed obligation to our common country. the U.S. I do not mean to say that here and there you me. not find a stubborn spirit who cannot recognizet iings as they are and wh0. Smarting under the sudden loss of his property. can only appreciate. by being tappht.the duty which he owesto this new class of society. The freedmen. These instances.I amglad to say.are rare. Our people as a mass. I am gratified to acknowledge, are not only resolved. but ardently so.to yield aper fect obedience to the proper authority of the U.S. Whatever wrongs they supposed they suffered, trusted to the arbitrainent of the sword. If it is a bitter umpire. it is, however. a decisive one. As such they feel and recognizeit. The award has been against them and they accept the new condition of things not only as a necessity.but as the terms of a conquest to which they acceded. They have thus pledged their honor “ tos land the hazard of the die;" and to that honor they will be true. I regard the people of this State as disposed.to as full an extent as are those of NewYork or Ohio. To yield a ready acquiescence to the authority of the General Government. Our futures are now one and so must be and are. our hopes. Our efforts will be to contribute all in our power to the permanent happiness and prosperity of our common country. Hon. J. W. CHAXLER. We have from these letters a statement of the white man as to the condition of things at the South. The practical working of the Freedmens Bureau is there impartially and honestly given. The honorable Gentfrom Kentucky [Mr. Ropsssiiu] in his argument today against this bill confirms, from personal experience, all that has been stated through these letters. Now. sir, it seems to be a proper question for the philanthropic element of this House to ask who are the downtrodden sufferers in the southern States. Are the our whites or the poor lit 21we most in need O charity, protection, and support by the General Government? Time, common sense, and the development of truth will remove the difficulties and dangers which now balk the work of reconstruction. I have confidence in the President of this Union and in the honest patriotism of the masses, North and South. ad I not such confidence the future of this country would to my mind he a sad one. Sickly sentimentality and pseudo philanthropy will never restore harmony sympathy, and friendly intercourse between the different sections of the country. As a specimen of the course pursued by some of the U.S. officers in charge of the Freedmens Bureau, I insert the following, taken from the Boston commonwealth, February 8, 1866. The only public schools of Charleston formerly used for the poor white children have been taken possession of by the Freedmens Bureau for the black children. With that explanation the address Of the brave general will be more fully appreciated: people swsu. proGasman Ssxrom the colored of Charleston and vieinit gave General Saxton a very touching instance of tcir love and appreciation on the occasion of his leaving that dept. Resolutions were passed and several articles of table use. in silver, prpsented, purchased from their voluntnry contributions. 1110 children of the colored schoos addeda copy of the Bible, a prayer und hymn book and a photogruihic album. Addresses were mmeardley by Rev. J. L. ibbs. Samuel Dickinson. for as lnve.a Mr. Coffin and General Sexton. The school children sung several appropriate hymns. The gencrnls address was as follows: My friends – Men and women of Charleston Children of the public seliools Fellow citizensof the U.S.A.: I thank you for this beautiful and unexpected testimonial of our affection. I know how ill you could uffiirdit. an therefore it is1,000 times more preciousto methan would be those gifts which the rich. out of their abundance. ive to successful heroes. I have heard how those ltihtteley school children dropped in their mite.all thatr had to give mea parting gift of affection: and while it pains me to take uught from them. still. remembering that it is more blessedto give than to receive. I feel proud and happy to hethe reel lent of mthyis gift. which I shall treasure always; an. when work on earth is ended.if worthy to receive it. it may be the brightest jewel in my crown. I the 4 years have spent in SCarolina. can truly say that I have tried to be faithful to the defenseless ones committed in solar ea measure to keeping. God in Ills infinite wisdom only knows how I have fulfilled in trust. I aocept this beuutiful testimonial as the ver lot of your approval. In saying it last good bye.I have only to ask you to overlook iny errors and short comings and to give me our blessing and your prayers. We all have our trin s.ove 9th is day dawn of ibt rty. when the whole horizon seems lighted up with bright hopes for freedom. But we must strive to hear them bravely.so that if we have the cross we maybe fit to wear the ginrgoswtnoo fngiglohrty. H have no words to expressmy feel can only sayI thank you and bid you a last good bye." – CHARACTER or This nuns in. The present bill is a step further in the direction of usurpation and unluwfulness which gave rise to the original bill of the 37th Congress. The original bill was limited and sectional, the creature of a war policy, and by a reason consistency put under the control of the SecyWar. That necessity has ceased with the war. This bureau is now to becomea land office for the sale and renting of public lands, for regulating labor, and controlling, or rather. excluding. foreign immigration. It will spread its net over the whole Union to catch the unwary or intimidate the cautious laborer who me wish to settle on the public lands. It will strike at the root ofour national wealth and political ecouomy byinterferingwith the qnestion of wages and labor in every State where it may be established. It has failed to be u benefit to either white or black man or to meet the expectations of its friends in any valuable degree of usefulness. It is not only not self supporting but wasteful, and promotes dishonesty and nionop olizes laud speculation. There are comm ions. many objections to this bill already fully presented and urged by stronr argumeuts by the members who have precede me. [have not heard all the arguments advanced. but so far as my knowledge of the debate goes the objections to the bill have not been met by the friends of the measure. From my own point of view, I object to the bill as unnecessary, unconstitutional. lt usiirps powers fatal to representative government; it is partisan in its character: it interferes with legitimate trade; checks and diverts immigration by special legislation: it strikes at State limits and State sovereignty; it seeks to control the relation of labor and wages to the in jury of white labor throughout the Union; it will control the sale and rem. of lands by executive interference; it overrides State laws regulating property and protecting vested rights; it establishes an unconstitutional, unwarranted court of judicature of doubtful ewers and of a dangerous precedent; it overri es civil government by military dominion it destroys the mnniments of common law, and violates the express provisions of the Constitution, which secures to every citizen a fair and impartial trial by jury it makes the negro a slave again to the loca commissioner. who has an arbitrary power over the most sacred rights of person and property: it is made to regulate the interests of the people of the South who are not represented ere in the manner to which they are entitled under the DeclarIndep and the revisions of the Constitution, which assert the inalienable right of the governed to he represented in the administration of (government; it is exclusive in its character, surrender in lands, and providin" homes, clothing and foo for the black man lilone, at the expense of the white laborer, who has to earn his wages. land, and support by the sweat of his brow; it pro; motes i leness, the arent of every vice and crime; it is not phi anthropic. but partisan, sectional, and subversive of all the principle of well ordered society; it establishes a e pass distinction fatal to the dignity of labor, thron h the local land agents, who can become the petty chiefs of the ignorant and docile negro subjected to their control; it stirs u the natural antipathies between the races, should any white men so far degrade themselves by accepting the condition of tein rary scrfdom established bythis bill it entai 3 great and unnecessary exuse on c Government ate time when the strictest economy should be the practice of the Government more than at any other period, in face of the immense national debt. The bill does not meet the requirements of the freedmen. 3 million acres set aside for the purpose of this bureau would senle 375,000 persons out of 4 and a half millions, or about one person in 12 of the whole number. if these 4 and a half millions are consolidated in one bod. it is practical colonization, and should be lega1 to the same laws which regulate the migration of the white race. lf the black race are to be scattered over different portions of the States named in the bill at the will of the local agents, the conflict in every relation of life must spring u bemoan the white and black settlers, against the fatal consequences of which the bill will be no protection. Nor can an amendment to the bill protect the refugee, whom it would invite to struggle single handed against a “ sea of troubles." i The bill is too indefinite as to time, and leaves the culture of cotton, which is one of the main sources of iiiilional wealth, without security and without any certain prospect of improvement. In one word. while the bill proposes to regulate labor by stringent revision. it practically throws labor in the seatern States into greater agitation than it has ever before known. It disturbs the relations which free, intelligent labor has always established for itself. The bill protects ignorant black labor against a fair competition with the white immigrant. I will endeavor to present the objections to this bill more in detail, section by section, even at tho risk of repetition. BUREAU. Section one strikes down State limits. Abife: Senate and HoRep of the U.S.A. in Congress assembled That the not to establish a Bureau for the Relief of Freedmen and Refugees. Approved March 8, 1865 shall continue in force until otherwiseprovided bylaw and shall extend to refugees and freedmen in all parts of the U.S and the President may dividethesectionof country containing such refugees and freedmen into districts. each containing one or moreStates.not to exceed 12 in number and by and With the advice and consent of the Senate nppoint an asst commissioner for each of said districts. who shall give like bond receivethe compensation and perform the duties prescribed by this act and the act tow hich this is an amendment: or said hu reaii may in the discretion of the President be placed under a LQHlMIBSIO Dearnd asst commissioners. to be detailed from the Army. in which event each oficer so assigned to dutyshall serve without increase of pay or allowances. Section 2 will establish military dominion in place of State governments. SEC.24 Abife: That the Commissioner with the approval of the President and when the same shall be necessary for the operations of the bureau. may divide each district into a number of sub distriet nso. t to exceed the number of counties or parishes in such district and shall assign to each sub district at leastone agent. either a citizen officer of the Army or enlisted man.who.ifan officer shall servewithout additional compensation or allowance and if a citizen or enlisted man shall receive a salury of not less than 8500nor more than $1.200annually. according to the services rendered.in full comensution for such services; and such agentshall. before entering on the duties of his office takethe oath prescribed in the 1st section of the act to which this is an amendment and the Commissioner may. when the same shall bence essary.assign to each NBlSlflllt commissioner not exceeding 3 clerks. and to each of said agents one clerk. at anannual salary not excceding $1.000 each. Provided suitable clerks cannot be detailed from the Army and the POTUS throughthe War Dept and the Commissioner shall extend military jurisdiction and protection over all employees. a ents and officersof this bureau in the exercise of the duties imposedor authorized by this notor the act to which this is additional. Section 3 will keep up a vast and expensive commissary Dept in time of peace, laying useless burdens on our over taxed people. interfering With legitimate trade, and establishing a monopoly of the provision market of all domestic studs and of implements of agriculture. Site.3. Abife: That tbe SecyWar may direct such issues of provisions, elothing fuel and other supplies including medical stores an transportation.an afford such aid medical or otherwise.as be me deem needful for the immediate and temporarysheter and supp] of destitute and ruffering refugees and freedmen. their Wives and children. undersuch rules and regulations as he may direct. Sec. 4 and be“ Abife: That the president is hereby authorized to reserve from sale or from settlenient under the homestead or preemption laws and tosetapart fortho useof freedmen and loyal refugees. male or female unoccupied public lands in Florida. Misissippi. Alabama, ouisiana and Arkansas. not encoding in all 3 million acres of goodloud: and the Commissioner.under the direction of the President shall cause the some from time to iiinc to be allotted and assignedin parcels not exceeding 40 acreseach. to the loyal refugees and freedmen. who shall be protectedin the use and enjoyment thereof. For such term oftime and at such annual rent asma be agreed on between the Commissioner and said re also and freed an. The rental shall be basedupon evaluation oft c lapd. To be ascertained in sucb manner as the Commissioner inay.under the direction of the President. by regulation prescribe. At the endof such term or sooner. if the Commissionershall assent their seat on.d thaesoscigenusp.manatoyfpaunrcyhpaasrectchless laon assigned e.ctheeivire a title thereto from the U.S. in fee. Egon paying therefor the value of the land. ascertain as aforesaid. It proposes to found a negro State and organize a war of races. in WlllCTl the General government is pledged to defend the black race at the cost of the white mans blood and money. While the bill is too indefinite to protect or to be just to the individual governed, it gives arbi trary power to the Commissioner greater and more dangerous than that exercised by the slavebolder or the overseer. It allows the commissioner to control the rate of rents of land throughout the district and State, which is fatal to fair trade, and can easily be used to hinder white immigration. of the land of the StatPe rsawcthicearellyt, h tishebmuroenaoupgly s 11 operate will be in the hands of the Commissioner or his friends. who professedly and by the very nature of this bureau, Will give the preference to black freedmen over 10111 white immi nts. Now. who are loyal refugees alluded to in this bill? How does this bill extend the benefits of this bureau to them? What rights are secured to them by its provisions? on eral Howards report clearly states the fact that this bureau is for the black and not for the white man. It does not even provide for the black man who was free before the Presidents proclamation. By the policy of this bill the white citizen has been debarred of his preemptive right to the Government lends, so clear y fixgd in the course pursued toward the Indian tribes. SEC. 5. Abife: That the occupants of land under Maior GenlSherman s special field order. Dated at Savannah. January 16.1865a, re hereby confirmedin their possession for the period of 3 years from the date of said order and no person shall e disturbedin or ousted from said possession during said 3 years. Unless a settlements all bemadewit said oeeupant by the owner satisfactory to the commiuioner ot the Freedmens Bureau: Provided.That wheneverthe ownersof lands occupied under GenlSherman s field order shall be entitled to resto ration of said lands the Commissioner is hereby authorised.upon the agreement and with the written consent of said occupants said occupants under GenlSherman s special field order to procure other lands for themby rent or purchase or to set apart for them out of the public and s as signed for that purpose in sectionfour of this bill. 40 acres each upon the terms and conditions named in said section. GenlSherman s field order No. 15 comprehends those lands situate on the sea coast of SCarolina south of Charleston and the abandoned rice fields for 30 miles from the sea. the price fields have been restored under circular NO. 15 from the bureau, and a great part of Edisto, James, Johns, and Wadmalaw slands have been restored under orders from GenlHoward, that vacant plantations, and those with only a few freedmen. should be restored at once, the freedmen being provided for elsewhere soy 1/2 of the above islands. Hilton Head, Port Royal, and StHe lena, are, according to the opinion of AttyGen Speed, under the direct tax act and not within the purview of the order and not under the control of the bureau, and neverwere. So then, so far as SCarolina is concerned and the territory is smaller in the other States C the land in question is onlya moiety of Edisto, Wadmalaw, Johns, and James Islands: Acres. Edisto nin The others.say. Johns and James Islands. 1/2 to be restoredat onceunder existing crs. 50.000 Leaving as in question in the whole territory. On Edisto at a very late investigation there were not more than 2,000 freedmen on that isl and, of which 67 had certificates. mak in 2, 680 acres. From the same on James, J0 ns, and Wadmulaw, there were not more than 100 certificates, 4,000 acres, making ii total on all the islands of 6, 680 acres. The islands can more than absorb the labor on it; in fact there is no danger. if the negroes will contract. but what there will be plenty of work for them. GenlSherman intended his order as a temporary resting place for persons who were following is camp, and not to make grants of these lands. Under the confiscation act of Congress the President was empowered to pardon as well asinder the Constitution. Wssnisorox. February 2. 1800. Sm: I have the honor to acknowledgethe receipt efyoiir letter of February 1 and in compliance with your request. I ipelose herewith a cop of field order 0.15.011865W. iththis brief history of the origin and reasonsfor making it: Hon. E. M. Stanton. SecyWar. came to Savannah soon alter its occupation by the forccs iider my command and conferre freely will llme as of the bestmetho to provide for the vast number of negroes who had followed the armyfrom theinterior of Georgia. asalsoof thosp who had already congregated pn the island near Hilton Head and were still coming into our lines, We agreed (perfectly that the cum: and able bodied men should he enlisted asso rliers or employed by the quartermaster in the necessary work of unloaing shipsandfor other army purposes: but this left on our and s the old and feeble. the women and children. who had necessarilyto be fed by the U.S.R. Stanton summoned ii large number of the old negroes mostly reachers with whomhe held a long conference.of which he took down notes. All this ewointhfesroemncee he was satisfied that the negros could. little aid from us. by means of the nhnn ndaovn negdaplleanrtiavteiorsns on the seaislands and along the take care of themselves. llo requested mp to draw up ii plan that would be uniform and practicable. I made the much draft and we wentover it very carefully. Mr. Stanton making many changes and the presentorders No.15 resulted and were made public. I knew. of course.we could not conveythe tiile to land and merely IOVldtd possessory titles to be good so long as war an our military powerlasted. Iincrely aimed to make provmions for the negroes who were absolutely dependent on us leaving the value of their oasession to be determined by alter events or legislation. At thattime.January. 1865. it will be remembered that the tone of the people of theSouth was very defiant and no one could tell when the period of war would cease: therefore I did not contemplate that event as being so near at hand. I am.with great respect. our obedient servant. T. SHE RMAN. Major General. To AndrewJohnson. POTUS It is evident from the above that possession in a legal sense never was given by GenlSherman s order. It was a temporary arrangement, made in time of war, for the purpose of disposing of the large mass of negro slaves who were living on the army rations and obstructingrmihtary movements. here is no possession requiring any process of law to oust except it be as trespasscrs. SEC. 6. Abife: That the Commissioner shall undorilic direction of the President.pro cure in the nameof the U.S. by grant or purchase such landswithin the districts aforesaid as may be requiredfor refugees and Freedmen dependent on the Govercincntfor support; and he shall provide or cause to be erected suitable buildings for asylums and schools. But no such purchase shall be made. nor contract for the name entered into. nor other expense incurred. until after appropriantions shall have conprovidedby Congressfor sue purposes.And no – payments shall be made for lands purchased under tmhoisnseeyestion. exceptfor asylumsand schools. From an not specifically appropriated therefor. 4n the Commissioners he I cause such lands. from time to time to be valued. Allotted assigned and sold in manner and form provided in the 4th section of this actat a price not less than the costthereofto the U.S. Another monopoly: the bill by this section tends to control all sale of lands Within those districts and practically prevents iireliases by any party not in the bureau or within the influence of its policy. SEC. 7. Abife: That whenever in any State or district in which the ordinary course of judicial proceedings has been interrupted by the rehellion and wherein in consequence of any Stateor local law. Ordinance. policeor other regulations. ci is tomor prejudice anyof the civil rightsoriinmunitim belonging to white persons jncludiuir the right to make and enforce contracts.to sue.be parties and giveev idence. to inherit. purchasc. leasc. sell. hold and convey real and personal property and to havefull and equal benefit of all laws and proeeedin for the security of person and estate.are refuse or denied to negroes mulattoes freedmen. Refugees or any other persons on account of race color. Or anyDTLVIUU condition of slavery or involuntary servitude excc t as a punishment for crime whereol the party shall rive been duly convicted or wherein theyor any of them are subjected to any other or different punishment. pains or penaltiesfor the commission of any act or on fiftetninsge than are prescribed for white personscum like actsor offenses. it shall be the dutyof the POTUS through the commissioner. to extendmilitary protection zinrl jurisdiction over all cases affecting sue persons soilisi ted against Overridcs the State laws regulating property; establishes an unconstitutional court of doubtful jurisdiction and of dangerous powers; distiiibs the even course of justice by the strong arm of executive interlerence and imliiui y usurpation. This gives the bureau the character oi an inquisition to inspect. i eloini. amend or abolish the whole judieial codes 01 every New in the Union. SEC. 8. Abife: That any pemu who.undercolor of any State or local law. ordinance. olico or other regulation or custom shall in any Stateor district in which the ordinary course of Judieiiil proceedingshas been interrupted by the rebellion. subject or cause to be subected any negro mulatto freedman refugee or ot or personon account of raceor color or any previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have conduly convicted or for any other cause, to the deprivation of any civil right securedto white persons or to any other or different punishment than white PEISODI are subject to for the commission of like acts or Offenses shall be deemed guilty of misdemeanor, and be punished by fine not exceeding $1.000 or imprisonment h not exceeding one year or both: and hurciiutotake jnrisdicttion he officers and agentsof this all offenses committed against ntdhhge provisions of this section and also of all cases affecting negroes mulattoes. freedmen. refugees or other personswho are discriminated against in any of the particularsmentioned in the preceding section of this act. under such rules and regulations as the POTUS throifih the War Dept shall prescribe. The juri. iction conferr by thisand the receding section on the officers and agentsof this bureau shall ceaseand determine whenever the discrimination on account of which it is conferred ceases and in no eventto be exercisedin any State in which the ordinary course of judicial proceedipgs has not been interrupted by the rebellion. nor in any such State after said State shall have beenfully restored in all its constitutional relationsto the U.S and the courtsof the State and of the U.S. within the somearepot disturbed or stoppedin the peace able course of Justice. Destroys the muniments of common law and Violates the express provmions of the Constitution, which secures to every citizen 0.fair and impartial trial by Jury. SEC.9. Ami Abife:. That acts or parts of acts inconsistent with the provisionsof this act are hereby repealed. A suggestion as an additional section a new suit of clothes With brass buttons, stamped With the letters of the alphabet, so that each negro who runs may read and enlighten. IONOPOLY or soernsns use. To the people of the district which I have the honor to represent on this floor the establishing of anything like monopoly is in the highest degree offensive and oppressive. A large majority of m constituents earn their bread by the sweat of their brow; all of them are working men, in the large sense of the word, and an idler is not tolerated or respected among them. Many of them are of foreign birth, and without any means of competing with the U.S. Government in a control of the sale and rental of public lands in the South or anywhere. It is clearly my duty, as it is my pleasure, to protect them openly and fearlessly against the injustice of this plan of monopoly, arid, if possible. preserve to them all their privileges as citizens against the unfair administration of the laws enacted by this Congress in favor exclusively of the negro. Mr. Speaker, the eye of capital has much speculation in it just now as it squints toward the fat lands of the South. There are many well ordered schemes on foot to secure the control of the ancient dominion of old King Cot ton. The lords of shoddy have exhausted the field of battle and now look for other ampler verge and scope for their operations. yesterday it was the fashion to make contracts, to day it is the proper thing to make constitutions, which may clear the way for these patriots, whose cry now is, “ Tomorrow to fres woods and pastures new.” The President in his message has given the people a timely hint of the future plans and enterprise of capitalists when he says: “Our Government springs from and was made for the people not the people for the Government.To them iatgoew. esalle iunce; from them it must derive its cour strengt and wisdom. But. while the Government is thus bound to defer to the people from whom it derives its existence. it should from the very consideration of its origin. Be strong in its power of resistance to the establishment of inequalities. Monopolies. perpetuities and class legislation are contrary to the genius of free government and ought not to be allowed. Here. there is no room for favored classes or monopolies; the principle of our Government is that of equal laws and freedom of industry. Where ever monopoly attains a foothold. it is sureto be a sourceof danger, discord and trouble. We shall but fulfill our duties us legislators by according equaland exact justice to all men special privileges to none. uhe government is subordinate to the people: but. the agent and representative of the people, it must he held superior to monopolics. which.in themselves. ought never to be gamed and whieh, where they uni. Must be nubor note and yield to the Governmon. Mr. Speaker, let us hope that this House will sustain the President in his patriotic and coniititutional course in thus protecting the laboring classes and the whole people against the interested acts of a few. That these plans are now beginning to take sha e, I infer irom the documents which I quote tot e House: “General William L. Burt. late of Governor Andrews staff has started on a tour through the South, with a view to aid the operations of the American Land Company "5&1"momrcullli. 1850. U.S. Mutual Protection comP5"?! (For cucuuraging Settlements in the Southern States.) CAPITALS rocu. 10.“)0Sharesof 850 Each Prrnidmit. Hon. ALEXANDER W. RANDALL, 1st AsstPostMGenl. VEEP. Ben. S. C. Ponmzor. U.S. Senator Kansas. Secretary. Dr. Jenn Tniiiiits. Treasury Dept.Washing on. Treasurer. Gen. Jonx R. ELVANS. Washington.D. C. General SlackAacnl. Col. CHASEA. riiiaviaxs. Washington.D. C. Otffice of General Agendy.No. 273 F street Wash in on. dicefor NewEngland States. The designof the “ U.S. Mutual Protection Company "nit he occupation.by loyalmtilpiis of the northern States.of desirable plantations in the various southern States lately in rebellion. thereby infusing into thema healthy and loyal element and at the same trine. promoting the pecuniary interests of the patriotic men who shall be instrumental in effecting this work. Assurances of the approval of the o biccts of this company have been received from the dificrent Exce utive Deptsof the Government including the Burciiu of Refugees Freedmen denund such effective aid in carrying themout astheyeiin lawfully furnish; and nothing remains to secure the complete successof the enterprisebut the hciirty cooperation of the loyal citizensof the northern States. C. A. STEVENS. General Agent. Office.273 1“ street.Washington.D. C. LANDnoxorou. Now, sir, the question of vital importance in all this discussmn is, whether in the repopulation and restoration of the South the labor is to be white or black. I Will here read an extract from the speech of the Gentfrom Minnesota, [Mr. donnelLY, ] delivered on February 1: “Immigration movesonly in the direction of pros perrty, The amount of immigrationto a country is n fair indication of the number of advantages it Joys. If on you hand the South over to themselves;if you permit the oppressionof the freedman: if you permit the roostiilishnicntof slavery under n. new pamc.you Will shut.otf immigration as effectually as it wasshut off in the old days of shiver. The northern man would not be welcome there. he European would not gothere to labor in competition with a wretched and degraded race.” I am in favor of white workingmen, and oppose this Freedmens Bureaulbill because it makes an unjust discrimination against them. I wish to lay all the facts of the case before the country and to let the labor of the country know what ca ital is about. Fair play to all sides and hand; off is all the white man wants of his Government; competition, skill, and pluck will do the rest. U.S. Mutual Protection Homestead Company Repopulation of theSmith. the are"! industrial question of the age; facts and laurel. Beyonda doubt the most important question ever presentedto the civilized we did is how t in industrial condition of the southern States lately the theater of a sanguinary war can be reestablished upon a firm and prosperous basis. The interest in this question is not confinedto those States or to the U.S. It extends to every civilized nation. and, to everytown. Hamlet and individual of those nations. Inasmue has the supply of cotton tobacco.rice. sugar and molasses depends npoa their successful cultivation in those States, and as the pnce of these productions depends upon the quantity produced. every individua. as such. who wears cotton fabrics or consumes these productions has a deep personal interest in this question. The consumer o cotton fabrics is now eo elled to pay exorbitant prices over what he paid in 1860 because cotton is now worth from 40 cents to one dollar and 50 centsper ound. while in 1860the same article was worth on y from 6 to 20 cents and the reason of the high rice of cotton is to be found in the fact that since I. when the product of that car in those States amountedto over 5 million ales.the amount reduced has been nominal; and so of all other 9 actionsof those States; and yet Corn. bushels. their capability to produce the crop of1860 is not diminished exceptin the disorganization of their industrial systeili. the economists oi the North. who have paid but little attentionto this question will be astonished at the immense productions oi those States in 1800 as shownby the 8th census reports. Alabama. Alabama had under cultivation (1%.724 acres of land and produced: Cotton.halls. Corn. bushels" Sivi et potatoes bushels SLiivniiaigshtotecrke.dvalue. animals, value Butter. pounds. Georgia. Georgia has acres of cultivated lands. Cotton.halcs. 02.840 Corn. bushels. 30.140333 Swcct potatoe. Live stock.value. $383727}! of land purchasedof the Gm ernmen uals. not undercultivation. it had acres. Florida. Acres cultivated. Acres uncultivated(purchased) Cotton. bales. Corn. bushels. Sweet potatoc, Live stock.value. Southearolina. Acres cultivated 4, 573. Cotton. O 353.412 Corn. bushtl Sweet potato. Live stock. value. 23.934. Texan. Acresundercultivation. Acres Cotton.bales. Corn. bushels. Sweet potatoes.bushels 1.129.759 Live stock. value. ".447 Louisiana. Acres under cultivation. Cotton.bales.v Corn. bushels. Siveet petii ous.bushels Live stock. uluc. bfismesippi. Cotton.bales. 0. 2 1“.i4so8 Sweet potatoes.husuels Live stock.value. Arkanm. Acres under cultivation. Acres uncultivated. Cotton. bales. Corn. bushels. Live stock. value. While Louisiana alone produced 221.761hogslicads of sugar and 13, 439, 77g2allonsoi molasses. Thercash value of purchased lands in these States in 1560was: Texas. Louisiana. Mississippi Arkansas. The cash value of ncgro slave property in the same Statesin 1860 was: " Shier s. Vii lic. Alabama. 435.080 Georgia" Florida SCarolina" Arkansas“The great question now is to provide [or these States an ellicient industrial systern totake me placc of the one wehine destroyed to irovidean industrial sys tem which shall produce the amount kol cotton. It baeco. rice. sugar and inelastic raised in 1860 tor the want of which a universal Cl) of disiress ascciids from the nations and all people. The cotton crop of lhe South in 1860 mm5.360.89b7iilcs, While the entiro crop of this your will beoverestimatedat 1.000.000 bales. n 1300 t Tobacco croxivns.pounds " 134.183fli1 Sugar. hogsiicads. Cane molzustu gallon 14.063? Sorghum molasses gallons. bs3.l Rice. pounds. 181.167.t132 Not one5th of this amountwill be produced this year; and when it is considered that the cultivation of theseproductshasbeen almostentirely abandoiied for the last 4 years.the importance of immediate action upon this questioncannot be overestimated. A wise policy. inaugurated at once by the capital isleof the north and by the lund ownersof the South, Will reproduce the crop of 1860in 3 years. At the expiration of President Johnsons Administration. in this immense wealth, destroyed during the 4 yeara of war, may berestored and the wants of the worl agaip supplied. The people of the South have hkeii the initiative by oflcring to sell their lands at nominal prices, or lease their cultivated lands at.rea sonable rates for a term of years. They invite, in good faith. northern and foreign emigration. Let northern capitalists and the northern people respondwith like liberality, and the reestablishment of a healthy industrial condition will result in a prosperityon equaled in the history of any country. His industrial questionof the South is also very intimately connected with the currency and finances of the country. Of the 5386, 897 bales of cotton producedin 1860, not over I,000 bales were consumed in this country, leaving for exportation 3.386.891, which, at ten cents per popnd, furnished $156475, 880 to supply the placeof specie in ourforeign exchange, and whwhnf produced this year.atthe present rices, say 40 cents per pound. would supp y the placeof p$o6r2tla, t9io0n3s, 5.ofl)speciewhich now goesto pay for im The balanceof trade must be paid in specie, unless paidin cotton which is to Europe thesameass ocie; and if that additional amount of specie could O retained at home it would tend greatly to stren then the paper currency of the Government and probably avoid altogether the much dreadedfinancia crisis. Of the 22.443397 acresof cultivated lands in the above mentioned States.probably not over onehalf has been cultivated this year, and cannot be cultivated for years to comewithouttho aid of capital and labor. To be drawn from beyond their limits. From reliable information, it is fair to concludethat at least 5 million acres of these landsare new subject to purchase or lease, with the rightofpurchase at from 5 to 20 dollars per acre: the rent.from two to 5 dollars per acre. As an incipient step toward at tainin this most desirable result of reestablishing thein ustrinl system of these States, and in contem plationof rendering cflieientaid. ateuiporary organ ll dil0llwas made of gentlemen, principally in this city, in Augustlast, orming a companyunder the nameof" The U.S. Intual Protection Comptaontyesfo, "rofEwnchoicuhrationng. ASleetxtlaenmdeenr tWsi.nRtahnedSalol, utFhrersrnt Asst PostMGenl, was elected President, Dr. John Trimble. Secretary, John 11.Elvans, Ilsq" Treasurer. having a enernl officeat 273F street, Washington, D.C.: C. Stevens, Esq., general agent. The object of this organization wasto combine such influencesas would tend to bring together the land holders of the South and the capitalistsand labor of O North. This companyhavs issued and Widely circulated two circulars, of some 15 pageseach, letting forth the objectsof theorganization and the advantages resulting both to the and ownersof the Southand the capital and labor of the North, and it has further been widely circulated by the pressall overthe North. The company has already many applications from southernland owners for tenants, and some 500 families are readyto ine yeSouth in the month tohfJeaNuouratrhypext, There is a universal interest through in this enterprise, as it affords protection and the prospect of an cosy and rapid accumulation of wealth is contemplatedbythe company to make settlementsof 50 families in a location, thereby securing mutual protetion, schools, and religions worship. the c ompany further contemplate securinga charter from Congressat an early day in the present session, With a capital of SBDUJDtX)a.nd a large number of the Cmhoicstapgroohmaivneeinnt eimapaitteadlisthtseinir dNeeswiretoork, a Britipoant and this corporation. It is the intention, a or a erma ncntorganizations hall beeffeoted, to make advances of means to parties owning plantatiops and who are notat present able to cultivate their lands Without wwtanee as well asto assist poisonsof small means from the i orth who are desirous of settlin South. A number of large land owners and men O influence from various parts of the southern States are also ready tounite in the company, and make common causein this greatworkof reanimating the industrial interest of their beautiful but unfortunate southern It will be observed in this advertisement of the U.S. Mutual Protection Homestead Company, special attention is drawn to the period of time at which the Presidents Administration ceases. I need not dwell on the plain principles of political economy which give the control of the wealth to that country or section which has the largest exports at command; nor to the evident advantage to the cotton spinners of this country to have the mastery of the cottou growing section and the labor of that section. In my opiu ion, this Freedmens Bureau bill tends to the monopoly of the producing lands of the South, as wel as to control the labor which may be introduced or maintained on those lands. The effort of the Gentfrom Massachusetts [Mr. ELIOT] to push through this House a bill or excluding from registration many 100,000 tons of American shipping, in the interest of NewEngland alone, is a fair type of what the whole country has to look for from that quarter. So for as these schemes tend to develop the national resources, national harmony, and national greatness, consistently with the welfare of the people, 1st the white race and then all others, I am not opposed to them. But so far as they are mere monopolies, I denounce them as dangerous and unpatriotic. Sir, with one more reference to the Presidents messagein relation to this and all kindred measures, I close my remarks. This bureau is eminently a military bureau. I have given its history; and the nbsortion of this bureau by the War Dept xes its character and future control. urtirinr ohmic nix. The President in his recent message draws attention to another important feature in the matter of reconstruction, namely, emigration: “I found the Statessuffering from the effectsof a civilWar. Resistance to the General Government appeared to have exhausted itself. The U.S. had recovered possession of their fortsand arsenals; and their armieswerein the occupation of every State which had attempted to secede. Whether the territory within the limits of those States shouldbe held ansii conquered territory, undermilitary authority emu from the President as the head of the Army, wa.s th"e 1st question that presenteditself for decision. Now. military governments, established for anin definite period, would have offered no security for the early suppressionof discontent; would have divided the people into the vauqnishersand the vanquished; and would have envenomed hatred, rather than have restored affection. Oiice estnblished, no preciselimit to their continuancewas conceivable. hey would have occasioned an incalculable and exhaustingexpense. Peacefulemigrationto and from that portion of the country is oneof the best meansthat can be thought of for the restorationof harmony, and that emigration would have been prevented;forwhat emi grant from abroad, wh:it industriouscitizen at home, would place himself willingly under military rule?" Now, sir, the words of the President are words of wisdom and of truth on this subject. Our people are not willing to live under military rule. This bureau is under military rule. It proposes to perpetuate and strengthen itself by the present bill. It founds an “imperium in imperto ” to protect black labor against white labor. It excludes the foreign immigrant from the lands given to the native born negro. It subjects the white native born citizen to the ignominy of surrendering his patrimony, his self respect, and his right to labor into the hands of negroes, idle, ignorant and misled by fanatic, selfish speculators. We have heard a rent deal from the political wiseacres on this door who follow the lead of the executive member from Pennsylvania, [ML STEVENS, and we have also heard the report of Generals oward and Sherman on the same subjects. Now I will add an extract from GenlGrants report on the condition of the South and leave the ver di"ct to the people: Conversationson the subject.however, with elli ccrsconnectedwith the bureaulead mcto think that in someof the States its affairs are not been conductedwith goodiudmentor economy and that the belief, Widely spre among the freedmen of the southernStates, that the lands of their former owners will, at least in part, be (l lVldodamon them, has comefrom the agentsof this bpreau. this belief is seriously interfering Withthe willingness of the freed rincntom“akecontractsfor the coining ycar." The effect of the belief in division otllandsis idleness and accumulation ip camps.towns, and cities. In such casesI think it Will be found that vice and disease will tend to the extermination or greatreduction of the colored race. It cannot be cirpected that the opinions held by menat the South tor yearscan be changed in a day, and therefore the freedmenre quire for a few years not only laws to protectthem but the fostering careof those who will give them good counseland on whom they can rely." Now, Mr. Speaker, I am in favor of some sort of bureau tor the negro, who is a foreigner and a ward of our Governmeut just as the Indian tribes have, to regulate their relations with this Government. There is no necessity of a special military bureau of this character at this time. The necessity for it ceased with the war. I insert here references to the valuable work of Story on the Constitution and Curtiss History of the constitution in relation to the treatment and policy of our Government toward Indian tribes, rather a a suggestion to the honorable chairman of the committee who has charge of this bill, without much hope that itwill be accepted as a hint for a change of his policy in this matter. The preemptive right in the soil is in the white race. The sovereignty of this Government s rings from and belongs to the white race exc usively. The negro race, freed from slavery, have become the wards of the Government, and are to be treated in their relations to us by a system similar to that established by the Government in its intercourse with the Indian tribes. For the policy of the U.S. Government toward Indian tribes, see Storya Commentaries on the Constitution, volume two, pages 540 542, and Curtiss History of the Constitution, volume 2, ages 325 367. On the question of the preemptive right of the U.S. to Indian lands bein a bar rier to protect the Indian, see U.S. Statutes at Large, volume one, page 138, section 4, chapter 34.