Mr. GRINNELL. I am perfectly willing to surrender the most of o labors and rights; but I am not willing, at this. i. of the proceedings of Congress, to surrender this great question of reconstruction to the JtCom on Reconstruction, while I believe if this subject were so referred to that committee it would end the question of reconstruction for this session. I desire immediate action upon the subject; and it is my conviction that if there is any voice, this Congress ought to hear it is the voice of the suffering in political chaos and of the loyal people of the States, demand ‘ing of us early and decisive action with reference to these rebellious States. Why, sir, it is the easiest thing in the world for a man to tear down. Historytells us that Nero set Rome on fire and fiddled over the ruins. Yet it is not known that he could erect a dog kennel. It becomes us not to be destructives where there is so much ruin and chaos, but to be builders. I am willing that these bills presented by the Gentfrom Pennsylvania [Mr. STEvens and the Gentfrom Ohio [Mr. AsHLEY shall be taken up in ComWhole and considered, amending them wherever necessary, if they are not already perfect, as I do not think they are. The eloquent Gentfrom Wisconsin, [Mr. PAINE, I who has mani fested great energy and zeal to destroy, had, I thought, betterohimself with building up and P. f. ill rather than destroying this now amended by the framer by changing a few words. So with the learned Gentfrom Ohio, [Mr. BINGHAM, who spoke yesterday with so much power, but with little constructive purpose. I thought I understood him to be ready for radical methods; yet he desires that this question shall go to the ComReconstruction. if I were on the committee it would seem to me not the most modest proposition in the world for me to urge the reference to my committee of a great question which the House generally desires to consider, giving perhaps the younger members, and from iferent sections, such opportunities as would otherwise be denied them. But the gentleman proposes that we shall defer our action till the constitutional amendment has been adopted or has been well considered. This involves waiting. Why, sir, does the gentleman desire to have that amendment with the animus of traitors hurled back in his face again by those States? What is the fact? The amendment has been fairly presented before the Legislature of each of those rebel States; and every State except Louisiana has rejected it, and that State has yet taken no action. Yet the honorable gentleman desires that we shall wait and hold ourselves in subserviency when those States, he is well aware, still continue to refuse its adoption. The Legislatures of the loyal States have assembled; their Governors have spoken. What do they say? Examine the executive messages and the resolutions of the Legislatures and you will find them demanding stronger guarantees and equal justice, and declaring that it is time to act. The constitutional amendment being rejected by the rebel States, let Congress now go to work and frame governments for those now defiant and rebellious. Let there be justice meted out and safety for the loyal millions. Yet the Gentfrom Ohio thinks that we had better wait; that we had better refer the subject to his committee. I do not disagree with him in his patriotic utterances, but in his methods, by which it is proposed to consolidate and bless a people now to be molded by our will and law. The Gentfrom Pennsylvania, [Mr. DAwson, ] who spoke yesterday and whom I now see in his seat, charges that NewEngland especially desires to put off and hinder this work of reconstruction for mercenary purposes. Here is his language: “We cannot shut our eyes to the fact that, having heretofore profited so largely by shaping the legislation of the country to her own advantage, she is now, with concentrated energy, struggling to maintain that advantageeyen at thesacrifice of the Union of the States. She dreads a full representation of the great agricultural South, acting in conjunction with the great agricultural Northwest and the commercial interests of NewYork and the States of the Pacific coast.” Sir, I feel that I should be an unworthy son of NewEngland and an unfit representative of a State so deeply imbued with her principles if I did not repel this charge as too base for belief in this House. It was the fashion a few years ago to say that the Northwest was allied to the States in rebellion; that it would go out with them rather than abide with NewEngland and Pennsylvania and NewYork. But the contrary of this has been shown. Did not the States of the Northwest during the war with promptness meet every demand of the Government? Did not their troops fight even to the death? And did they not in the last election give more than 100,000 majority against Democratic conservatism and in favor of sustaining Congress? They have not now, and never had, any idea of mercenary or polit. ical alliance with the South. Let me tell the Gentfrom Pennsylvania that the majority in the Northwest is composed of neither traitors nor free traders. They believe in the Union they fought for in the Government; they believe in justice, and ask no peculiar privileges, but seek for the enforcement and vindication of the i. of man as man, regardless of fortune, regardless of color or race. cannot refrain from calling attention to another very unfortunate allusion of the Gentfrom Pennsylvania who opposes reconstruction, whose whole argument ranks him with the destructionists rather than with the constructionists now entered upon the work of Poiofor the States late in revolt. ere is his allusion: “You will remember, sir, that the Roman republic granted the full rights of citizenship even to the aliens 9f conquered provinces, and this regardless of the bitterness and obstimacy of their resistence to the standard of the republic. When once subdued and their defeat acknowledged, they were received into theoitself. of equal rights with the inhabitants am a Roman citizen’ was the talismanic formula which secured the inhabitant of Sicily protection against distant the extortions of a Verres as much as it upon the SevednidHfirlolsm.” any other injury the dweller This is the gentleman's historical illustra,tion, beautiful in itself; and what is the appli.cation he proposes to make of it? That you are to let these rebels in unquestioned, though they may throw the mild offers we have made and constitutional amendment in your face, We are to embrace them without a guarantee. They do not say they are repentant. They do not confess they were in the wrong; theyonly want to come into the family of the {. again; and having great experience in oath taking and.the leaders can with greater facility sting the heart of the old mother even to death. Now, sir, to make his illustration pertinent he should apply it to the 4 million black men in the South and of mixed colors. They were our friends, and they are still intelligently loyal. That cry 2,000 years ago, “I am a Roman citizen, ” was an exclamation which commanded respect and protection all over the world. But what today is the condition of our friends in the South? The black man cries out: “I am an American citizen!" He wears the uniform of an American soldier. What is the response? “Make the trial of his murderer a mockery. Trample him down. Pursue him to the death.” We cannot close our eyes to the fact that not less than 5,000 of these defenders have beencut down by those southern traitors, those yety men whom gentlemen would bring backhere to give them a numerical respectability. Yes, sir, let us apply these words to ourown time, and then we }.} not be deserving of the reproach of the civilized world. We certainly will deserve that reproach if we do not suctor the imperiled millions and see justice done to those who fought in defense of the life and liberty of the nation. What is the demand in this bill? Itisforfoll justice. Can it be obtained without restricting these States? Ask any Democrat heroifhes willing to extend equal rights and privileges in these ten States. No, sir; they are no in favor of taking one, step in that direction though they do not allow in a neutral State man to carry the gun which he used against rebels and in our cause. They fine them.5 dollars and take away the gun if found in their possession. And in Mississippi a blackman cannot own a rood of land outside of into porated limits. Is that liberty? Yetweh" men saying, “O brothers, come back; ". gress is waiting to forgive you of the ten rebel States for all your starving of prisoners your robberies and murders.” I cannot be a party to any such transaction and I appeal to this House in the effulgo. of this century, in the name of its soldiers". all true hearts, that we shall do justice." tle poorest, that we shall at least protect o like i. the altarwho cry “how long, how long I do not advocate the gallows for all traitors; ido not say we shall hang them." it is my conviction that some of them so suffer. Nor will I talk of punishing these o by exile. No, sir, I would not be lost." o manity so far as to banish such miscreas: o so lost to honor, to other countries..; not even poison Austrian society northe" Australian convicts with their presen” n: we propose is to allow them to remain o the loyal, to let the black, meno rights with them. If that be a pun: o: to these rebels, very well; it is solar shotthe their expectation and desert. We o right to say to exslaves now friendle. an Carolina and Georgia, that they shall o: equal chance in the race of progress". ures enemies, and that in these incipien”. da none unconvicted of crime shall bed” Wolce. ii mid his will demolio.o.o. the people there. Is it a dog." i. not tors to make our friends their equals? fear that; I only fear the wrong make a compromise with injustice". " borne not want to see the woes we have of again brought upon the country by a compromise which would invite the vengeance of a just God. Mr. Speaker, this question will take care of itself, only allow the ballot. You will find these Democrats under political bonds taking the biack men under i. care, as in this city I am told since the colored men have been entitled to vote the Democrats begin to court and caress them; and to suppose that thatingen ious, unscrupulous party, that managed to keep itself in power for 40 years by o: to the prejudices of Irish votes and by the use of whisky, is so scrupulous in methods and choice as to its companions as not to seek the negro vote by fair promises, is a manifest absurdity. Let them be welcome to such a fraction as the can earn by good conduct only. Let the black man have the ballot, let him have justice meted out to him; for he deserves to be enfranchised. He was our friend when the clouds of heaven rolled black over us; and our responsibilities only began when we broke his chains and made him a soldier of the Republic. Let me relate a little incident. It is known in this House that I was very anxious that all the black men, North and South, that could possibly be enlisted should be placed in the Army to help put down the rebellion. I introduced a resolution to that effect, and it passed the HoRep. Shortly afterward I met Mr. Lincoln, and he asked me to come to his room, when he aid tomo offinf resolution implies that we are not doing all we could; but I am glad that Congress has indorsed the policy of actively enlisting black men. It implies that if they are enlisted and fight for the country it must do something more for them. It is a great day for the black man when you tell him he shall carry a gun. Now, ” said Mr. Lincoln, “tell your people in Iowa, and your friends in Congress if you choose, that the time has come when I am for every body fighting the rebels. Let Indians fight them; let the negroes fight them; and if you have got any strong legged jackasses in Iowa that can kick rebels to death they have my hearty consent, ” [laughter;] and added, “ When you ive the negro these rights, when you put a gun in his hands, it prophesies something more: it foretells that he is to have the full enjoyment of his liberty and manhood.” Happy for the nation's future if we would take up the prophecy and make his philosophy our guide in this political crisis, and never be a party to a wrong done to a human being because he is black or because he has been a slave. I had intended before I closed to have rend an extract from a memorial address to this House by Judge Thomas J. Durant, of NewOrleans, in behalf of the loyalists, in which he describes truthfully the condition of that country, the murders and outrages that prevail, and I might read from the scores of letters just sent to the venerable gentleman near me [STEvens] which are enough to stir the blood of age and ought to convince us of the necessity of early and prompt action. I will ask to have the concluding portion of the memorial read.