Mr. BUCKLAND. Mr. Speaker, this is a jomt resolution, and if passe by Congress will require the up roval of the President2 and is founded upon t it; principle that it requires the action of the legislative power of the Government to admit representation into the conrcss of the U.S. from States which have been in rebellion against the national Government. Is not this enough, at least as regards Tennessee? It seems to me that every one really desirous of recognizing the present loyal government of Tennessee by admitting her Sens&Reps into Congress, ought to be satisfie with this resolution or something like it. Those who desire to keep Tennessee out indefinitely may consistently vote for the committees resolutions in their present shape, for whatever the intent ion of their authors may have. been, the practical effect of the passage of the resolutions must be to keep the Tennessee representatives out of congress during the present sessmn. If the President shoal approve them, the cannot go into effect until the Legislaturcof lennessee complies with the required conditions, and there is no telling how much time that will require, as there cannot be a quorum of the Legislature until some time in April. We have already declared that Sens&Reps shall not be admitted into either branch from any of the States lately in rebellion until.Congress shall have declared such State entitled to representation. I am Willing to go still further, and say that the right of representation must be restored to these States by force of law, by not of Congress approved by the President; but in passmg such an act I am not willing to raise any unnecessary issues, or present to the President for his approval any gentleman s theories as to whether those States are in or out of the Union, or whether they are States or Territories, or Whether the present government of Tennessee, and the acts performed by it, are void for the want of the assent of Congress. There is no necessity for presenting these issues in the case of Tennessee. Nothing can be gained by it, but much may be lost. If we believe what the committee say, that “ the people of Tennessee are found to. be in a condition to exercise the functions of a State within this Union, ” and have organized a government re)UbliCfln in form an not inconsistent with the constitution of the U.S., which proclaims and de notes loyalty to the Union, and we have faith in the loyal people of Tennessee that they will prove true to the Union as they have done ieretofore, then let us pass an act or resolution in plain terms, strippe of all unnecessary and useless issues and theories, and of all unnecessary and humiliating conditions, declaring the facts, and that the State is entitled to representation in the Congress of the U.S. If the President refuses his approval of such a measure the resonsibility of keeping Tennessee out will be fairly upon him, and for one I am willing to go before the country upon the issue. But, sir, I am not willing to vote for a resolution declaring that the State of Tennessee is a Territory; that the State is out of the Union, or that the present State government and all acts done by its authority, are null an void, and I do not believe that Congress will be sustained or justified in unnecessarily presenting these issues. There is much less difficulty in agreeing upon practical measures than upon particular the ories, and kherefore, if harmony among the true friends of the Union is desirable, it can be best promoted by uvoidinv, in every measure, all unnecessary issues, alI useless theories, and, in short, everything not necessary for that particular measure, leaving every measure to stand or fall upon its own merits. The country wants less the orising and more practical legislation. Let us try Tennessee 1st. If she prove faith less, then we may well doubt all the other States. If we cannot trust such true Union soldiers as Colonels Stokes and Hawkins, and such men as Maynardand Browulow and others, Who are known to have been true from the be ginning to the end of the war, then we may as well say at once that we will not trust any citizen of these States, no, matter how faithful he has been to the national cause, no matter how faithfully and well he has served in the Union Army. Mr. Speaker, great pains have been taken to convince the loyal public that the people of the South are not acting in good fait i toward the Government of the U.S., and that they are even now preparing to take advantage of the 1st favorable opportunity to renew the war. That there are some men in all of those States who entertain such sentiments and purposes, I have, no doubt. It would be wonderful, indeed, if there were not. It would form an exception in the history of civilWars and in the history of human nature itself. No doubt there are men there, as there are elsewhere, whose importance or prominence in public life depends upon keeping up civil commotion or sectional strife, and who will make use of every opportunity and pretext for prejudicing and in llaniing the public mind; but they are compar atively few in number. I fully believe, sir, that the great mass of the southern people are submitting to the Government in good faith, and desire to live in peace as American citizens, and to have restored to them the rights and privileges of American citizens; and I do not believe they can be deceived or driven into another rebellion except by such acts of oppression as would drive any people to desperation. Take, sir, a candid survey of the whole southern people and the circumstances which have brought them to their present deplorable condition; the passions inflamed by the war; the destruction of property and life; the annihilation of the very foundations of all their domestic society; hopes blasted, and the disgrace and chagrin of utter defeat, and you will not be surprised at the instances of insubordination an out rages, though when grouped together in one view they appear to be numerous and excite our indignation. Even at the North the demoralizing influences of the war have largely increased crime, notwithstanding the people are prosperous and are reoicing at the results of the war. Therefore, I am not disposed to condemn the whole southern people on account of the conduct of comparatively few, nor because they exhibit a natural sympathy for each other as companions in misfortune. I do not expect them to denounce each other as traitors an criminals, but I do believe that the great majority of the people are satisfied that they were misled and that they made a great mistake in taking up arms against the Government of the U.S. The people of the South ought to understand, if they do not, that if the war is ever renewed by them, nothing will satisfy the people of the loyal States short of complete Qhbjugation, perhaps extermination. But, sir, I think considerationsof sound policy, of justice, and of humanity dic State that we should avoid all unnecessary causes ofirritation, and seek rather to conciliate than to increase or keep alive the feelings of hatred and discontent which the war has left behind. But, sir, it is the duty of the Government to provide for its.future safety, and insist upon such measures as will secure to every American citizen the natural rights of life, liberty, and property, in all the States. If an citizen of Ohio chooses to go into South arolina, or Mississippi, or any other State, for pleasure, for business, or for permanent settlement, his rights must be respected and protected. If the State authorities refuse or are unable to protect them against unlawful combinations ofany kind, then the people of that State should be declared to he in a state of insurrection against the national Government and treated accordingly. The people of the loyal States will never again submit to the indignities and outrages which were perpetrated upon northern people at the South previous to tie war. A repetition of these wrongs will most assurredly lead to anothercivilWar more terrible than the one we have just passed through. The people of the South should be made to understand this. If the Constitution of the U.S. does not now confer upon the national Government the power to provide against such outrages upon the rights of American citizens, which I think it does. then I say it is the duty of Congress and the President to insist upon such an amendment as will confer that power. It is for the interest of all the people, orth and South, that the national Government should have that power, and in my opinion it is absolutely necessary to prevent another civilWar. I have already said that the Government was bound to protect the rights of the loyal white people and the loyal colored people of the South, for a Government which either can notor will not protect those who sustain it, when in peril, is not worth fightin for. Now, sir, were I perfectly sure that all these rights would be respected and protected by the southern people I would vote today for restoring them to their practical relations with the Government of the U.S and to the control of their State and local affairs, without asking them for but a single amendment to the Constitution, and that would be upon the subject of a portioning representation. Much has been said, Mr. Speaker, about this being a white mans Government, and it is substantially a white mans Government and must always remain so. If universal sudrage were granted to the colored man as well as the white man, it would nevertheless remain the white mans Government, for it is impossible that 5 million colored people could control 30 million white people, or have much in fluence in the Government; and the proportion of colored people to the white must rapidly ecrease on account of the large immigration of white people to this country. According to the census of 1860 only 2 States SCarolina and Mississippi had more colored than white people; an if the people of those States are ivise in the future they will soon have a preponderance of white people. If this is to continue to be exclusively a white mans government, then I say that none but white men should be represented in Congress or have any influence in the election of President. All white men should have an equal voice. There is great injustice in allowing the vote of one white man in Mississippi to be equal to 2 white men in Ohio in electing the POTUS and members of Congress. I think a white citizen of Ohio is as good as a white citizen of Mississippi or any other State, and I shall insist upon his vote having as much power in the national Government, notwithstanding my Democratic colleagues, [Messrs FINCK and LE BLOND] judging from their votes, still cling to their old party doctrine, that one southern man is equal to 2 of their constituents. But. sir, if they will put that issue fairly to their constituents I think Ithey will hardly find them consenting to that doctrine. The provision in the Constitution which gave the slave States representation for 3/5ths of their slaves was a concession to the slave aristocracy against the people of the free States. It was, in fact, a representation for property, and had no more foundation in justice than to give representation for horses and cattle. Now that slavery is abolished that provision of the Constitution ought to fall with it. My own opinion is, that representation should be founded solely upon voters. It is the only principle which will place all voters upon an equality. It is a mistake to say that a voter represents anybody but himself. He may or may not agree in political sentiment with fe males or others whom he is supposed to.rep present but he only represents himself in the republican sense of representation. I know several instances where husbands were bitter copperheads, and their wives were devoted and active supporters of the Union cause. Did these husbands represent their wives when they voted for Vallandigham for Governor of Ohio? I am willing to let the noble and patriotic wives answer the question for themselves. I am none the less favorable to this basis of representation because I understand it to be ia vored by the President, on the contrary, that is to my mind an additional reason why we should give it a favorable consideration. Looking at all sides of this question, Mr. Speaker, my mind is forced to the conclusion that the especial friends of negro suffrage over estimate the importance of the influence which it will have for the welfare of the colored people themselves, and the influence it will have on the national Government. I doubt very much whether it would prove beneficial to either. But my time will not permit me to discuss this question further. wish to say, however, Mr. Speaker, that I am not wedded to any particular theory but will support any practical measures which will accomplish the objects I have indicated. I am very anxious isfy the people both North and South so that they may again meet together in cordial friend ship, and on terms of perfect equality and with mutual respect. It is perfectly idle to think that a mere fraction of the people of any of these States can control the State government for any great len h of time, nor O I think they ought to do iti they could. It is contrary to the fundamental principles of republican government. It may answer or a time as a mere temporary necessity, but it cannot endure long. I advo cate the recognition of the present government of Tennessee, because I think it due to the loyal people who formed and control it, and because think it will prove beneficial to all the people of Tennessee, and is demanded by the loyal sentiment of the country, and for other reasons which I have stated. But, sir, I hope before this Congress adjourns measures willbe adopted by Congress and by the people which will justify a general amnesty to all the people of the South, exec ting always such men as are responsible for the starving and murdering of our soldiers when prisoners of war, and such men as were guilty of other cruelties to our sol. diers, in violation of the rules of civilized war thagineasures shall be devised which will sat. fare. such fiends in human form are unfit to breathe the air of this world. RECONSTRUCTION