Mr. DOOLITTLE. Mr. President, the Senfrom Massachusetts [Mr. Wilson] has been pleased to allude to resolutions adopted by the Legislature of Wisconsin in relation to myself. It is not my purpOse to speak upon that subject to dny; but those resolutions are of such a character that I shall ask the indul gence of the;Senate on some properoccasion to speak on them and give my views at len th. I shall not, therefore, dwell upon that subject now. There is, however, one point which I wish tomention before I take my seat a oint not stated by the honorable Senfrom enusylvania. In the convention of 1864, upon the platform of which Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Johnson were elected, the Union party assembled at Baltimore declaredsolcmnly in the face of the world the terms on which the rebels should submit, and declared for an amendment to the Constitution of the U.S. which they would press; and because they stated the terms and stated the amendment. to the Constitution upon which they would insist, and stated no other terms and no other amendment, the man or the party that stands up now to insist upon additional terms or additional amendments is goin beyond the platform of the Union party which elected Mr. Johnson and Mr. Lincoln. Mr. President, I do not stand here to charge other men that they are false to the Union party or the creed of that at party which gave us power; but I stand ere to resist that charge when it is bronghtagainst me, or brought against the Administration or the President. When it is averred by gentlemen on this floor that he proves false to his party, false to its creed, false to its fundamental ideas, I hurl back the charge and say to those gentlemen, it is you who abandon the creed of the party and not the President. The 1st resolution of the Baltimore convention states that “it is the highest duty of every American citizen to maintainagainst all their enemies the integrity of the Union and the permanent authority of the Constitution and laws of the U.S.; and that laying aside all differences and political opinions, we pledge ourselves” to the prosecution of the war upon this basis alone. he Constitution, the integrityof the Union. the supremncy of both, was our platform, and we aslied all men to vote for our candidates and fight our battles to victory is on that basis. What terms did we say were to e given to the rebels? What does our platform so. about the terms? In 1864, in the midst of this gigantic war, and when we were ressing the rebels to the point of surrender, what.did we say? What were the terms? That is the question. “ Resolved, That we approve the determination of the Government of the U.S. not to compromise with rebels or to offer any terms of pencoexcept such as may be basedupon anunconditional surren dor of their hostility and a return to their just allo isnce to the Constitution and laws of the U.S and that we call upon the Government to maintain this position, and to prosecute the war with the utmost ssiblevi ortoths complote suppression of the rebellion. in ful reliance upon the so f saorilice, patriotism, heroic valor and undying devotion of the American people to their country and its free Institutions." We declared what the terms should be to the rebels no compromise, but surrender to the Constitution on the laws; and we determined to prosecute the rebellion to the end on that basis, and upon that alone. We went further, and declare in reference to an amendment to the Constitution what we would demand and all that we demanded; and what was it? “ Resolved.That as slavery was the causeand now constitutes the strength of this rebellion, and Is it must be always and everywhere hostile to the principles of republican government, justice an the national safetydemandits utter and completeextir pation from the soil of the Republic; and that while we uphold and maintain thencts and proclamations by which the Government ip its own defense has aimed a death blow at the gigantic evil. we are in favor, furthermore. of such amendment to the constitution. to be made by the people in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit the existencenfslsvery within the limits of the jurisdiction of the U.S. " That is the amendment we demanded; we did not demand any other. In the platform of 1884 did we demand suffrage, unqualified and universal, to the negroes of the South as a condition of the surnender of the rebellion? Not at all. I say that the man or the rty who stands up to say that that is a art of the creed of the great Union party which put Mr. Johnson in power speaks falsely. It is not true. I hurl back the charge. It is he who undertakes to insert this new programme that is false to the party, false to the creed upon which it won its victory. Whether it was urged from England, in the letter of Newman, whether it was urged by wendell Phillips, of Massachusetts, whoever has urged this new idea, it has “been war upon the creed of the Republican Union party of 1864, upon which Mr. Johnson was elected; and therefore those who undertake to chxc him with betraying the cause or the or of the party because he refused to assume that great power in his hands to enforce negro suffrage ii on the people of the South against the Will of the States, and who assert that he is false to the great idea of the party, or false to human freedom, make a charge that is utterly without foundation. The charge rests on those who make it. What has Mr. Johnson said about the question of suffrage in the southern States? He has said always just what Mr. Lincoln said: it is a question which belongs to the States; it belongs to, the States of the South, and it belongs to the States of the North. They are to judge for themselves. If they choose to extend suffrage to the negroes, it is well; if they refuse it, teresponsibility is on them alone; the Federal Government has not the constitutional power to assume to enforce it. Sir, this whole war upon the Administration, as well as the war ii on myself as a humble supporter of the policy of Mr. Lincoln, which was inher ited by Mr. Johnson on this very nestion, has grown out of the fact, and that a one. that so far as I am concerned, in the State of Wise on sin, in the convention of the Union party which laid down its principles last fall, lpas a member of that convention and as chairman of the committee on resolutions refused to adept what certain men, in my judgment carried awn by their fanaticism, if not almost insane on this subject, insisted that we should adopt a resolution declaring in favor of universal negro suffrage at the South as a condition precedenli to the southern States being recognized and their representatives admitted into the Congress of the Union. Sir, the Senfrom Massachusetts wonders why it is that God, in His inse rutable providence, has suffered this great aflliction to come upon us, that Mr. Johnson should stand upon the same ground which was occupied by Mr. Lincoln, refusing to exercise the power which the Constitution gives to no Dept of the Government, to impose upon the States of the South the conditions of suffrage. Wliv, he asks, has God, in His providence, suffered this great affliction to conic upon us? Mr. President, I do not deem it an affliction. That there is a President occupying the presidential chair this day who believes and maintains thp rights which the Constitution reserves and defen sin the several States, that he is willing to defend the rights of the States, is in my judgment one of the greatest blessings that God, in His prov idence, ever vouchsafed to this country. Sir, this country has been in great peril, peril of dissolution, a peril out of which we have ese aped at last; at a pgril equally as reatis impending over it. W tis that peril? ot a separation of the territory which constitutes the Union, but the wiping out of the States, the destruction of the rights of the States, the trampling under foot of that which is absolutely essential to the liberty of the citizen. I tell the Senfrom Massachusetts that there is, and there can be, no liberty for the individual citizen unless you defen the rights of the States. In defending the rights of the States you defend the liberty of the citizen, for there alone can it be defended. This Government cannot defend the rights of the individual citizen; it covers a whole country; it is impossible in the nature of things that it can do end the individual citizen all over the country. He must be defended by domestic legislation, the municipal tribunals, the local laws, the independence and action of the judiciary and the Officers of his own State. Sir. as [read the previdences of Almighty (iod that are transpiringbefore us in this great crisis, 1 look u ward toward heaven and thank the Almighty uler of the universe that He does permit now to occupy the presidential chair a man who from his convictions and by all his education is determined to protect, preserve, and defend the rights which belong to the States under the Constitution. That is the way I read the teachings of Providence in this great crisis. Mr. President, I had occasion to remark and for it I have personally been criticised very much by some of the public press and other persons in my own State that the people of the northern States to a very great extent were being imposed upon by false reports thut are coming up from writers, corre spondents of newspapers and others from the South: men some of whom are engaged in the business of plunder, who desire this state of anarchy to continue, who fear that if the government is perfectly restored their occupation, like Othellos, will be gone; men who are plundering in cotton and the other productsof the South. 1 made this statement and Ibe lieve it to be true, and the remark which I made in reading an extract from what was stated by a gentleman of the State of Alabama, who in his letter to me said that the state of opinion and feeling at the South was bein caricatured at the North, drew from Colone Tarbell of the State of NewYork, of the NewYork volunteers, a letter from which I will read a few extracts. I never read letters with outmentioning the name, for the reading of anonymous communications is a practice that I never indulge in. I refer to it as evidence of the fact whichI stated. I say this statement which 1 made on. a former occasion called from him this letter: “ DnnSia: Allow me to saythatI have beenin the States of Georgia. Alabam and Mississippi since Decemberlast; that I wasa his and am alilepublican, and hence looked closely at southern society. I have no hesitation in denouncing the reports in northern newspapers of outragesupon the blacksand upon northern settlers as utter fabrications or malicious exaggerations. I traveled by rail, by water, horseback, on on foot, in company and alone, by day and by night. totally unarnied except a pockct knife. purposely. O only and frankly declaring to everyone wasa Tim onand Black Republican. I metothers who had traveled on horsebackfrom Florida to mississippi. who like me. were Republicans, and I do assure ou would sooner travel throughout the South than theNorth, sofar as personal safetyis concerned. “To go from hereto the South is like passing out Oflllt. work of the week"nto the Sabbath; iill is quiet, all are trying to war for a living, for all are on a level and comelled to work with their own hands.Yankeelan does not presenta more active, industrious scene than the whole South. nor could Yankees display more energy, ingenuity, recuperative power in starting on nothing. o saythat the Southis caricaturedin the North does not expressit; she is slandered. vilified, with k edly. infamously belied. Were the South to come North she would not recognizeherself; if sbedid she would disown herself. Were the North to go South she would be astounded at the misrepresentations and falsehoodsand with the cruelly unust and erroneous sentiments prevailing hero. he North is all wrong, not in its consistent antislavery sentiments, but in its impressionsof southern character. The nexrocsareneither hatednorill treuted, northern settlersare not molested; the South accepts the sit uation in good faith." I will not read all this letter, but one or 2 more extracts. The writer says further: “There are just grounds of complaint against the Freedmens Bureau officers. Most of them are interpsted in plantations and so many are corrupt and incompetent that the service, the Government, and the North are scand alized by their conduct. Let me go further, and assure on that the South cannot be forced into another out rank. The southern people are loyal." on will also perhaps remember the report of the seizure of a boat laden with cotton on the Tom bigbee river. which was charged to the account of Iuerrillas. Having beenin the vicinity, I am enabled to state authoritatively that polities ind nothing todo Withthe affair. The fact was that the party was A. aonibinatyoncf northern and southern men to: tezlein a graneise ale. Itr wats simply Ithe to a pan systema on on steii imzcinulwinkiilciial; Um“ “Gilli M.Darfidbatod." o l v "I have personally known of cases of vagabonds from the L orth arrested by State laws for actual criiiics. yet appealed to am received military protcction on the false plea of persecution becauseof northern sentiments! Because it landlord would not allowa black man to eat at his table with his white guests, his hotel was closed by an officer." But not to be too lengthy, I as su reyon.sir that this terrific public opinion that is driying the North to the support of the starth ii and dangerous centralization of power in Falsehood and misrepressentation. I I expect to he Judged by my Maker at the Great day of final judgment. state to you solemnly that from extensive travels in these states from conversations with all classes and colors, and alter listening to 100s. I believe before high Heaven that all these newspaper reports of hatred to and outrages upon blocks 1y whites and of the molestations of northern settlers are baseless, wicked fabrications. concoctedand reported ox ircssly to createthis fearful public opinion which s iould sustain the chu nIze of t to fundamental principles of the Constitution, devfled by our forefathers with a wisdom and fore sight they themselvesse arcelycomprehend." Mr. President, the reports of GenlGrant, the reports of Genera Sherman, the reports of General Steedman, the reports of those men who have been sent as agents, traveling through out the South iu all its length and breadth, speak in very much the same character of the mass of the people of the South. There are exceptions, it is true. There is anarchy in some places. Bad men, wicked men, drunken men may engage here and there in riots and in oppression, but the great mass of the people of the South this day accept the terms which we laid down in the platform of 1864; that is, “unconditional surrender to the Constitution and laws of the U.S. ” They have gone further, they have adopted the amendment to the Constitution of tm U.S. forever abolishing slavery, and putting it out of the power of any State to establish slavery forever. They have done all that we demanded in the platform of 1864. More than that, sir, under the advice of Mr. Johnson, as President, while they were reorganizing their governments. they went further: they repudiated the rebel debt by their constitutions. They accepted the situation, accepted it in good faith. I undertake to say, therefore, Mr. President, that all this war which has been waged upon Mr. Johnson and his policy since the present Congress began its session has been a war without cause. He has stood upon the policy of his redecessor on the points to which I have reerred. He has stood upon the platform of 1864. I carry the war into Africa, and I say you are the men that are betraying your party and your creed in making these charges against Mr. Johnson and his policy.