Mr. STEWART. Mr. President, I desire to do not wish to continue these desaltory. make a few remarks inre ly to the Senfrom Ohio, and this bill beingIiefore the Senate calls up the precise question upon which I desire to occupy the attention of the Senate for nmoment upon the subject discussed by the Senfrom o io. Without attempting to make a speech, I wish to remark that Iiere is a practical measurebefore the Senate for the benefit of the freedman, carrying out the constitutional provision to protect himin his civil rights. I am in favorof this bill. It goes to the utmost extent that I think we are entitled to go under the constitutional amendment. There is another bill introduced by the Senfrom Illinois which must go along with it, which provides civil jurisdiction for the protection of the freedman. Under this constitutional amendment we can protect the freedman and accomplish something for his real benefit. I was accused by the Senfrom Ohio of having sympathy for the southern white people. I have never expressed that sympathy in this Hall, but. I now confess that I have sympathy for the masses of white people of the South. I have sympathy for the women and children by who have been suffering under this tremendous war. I have sympathy even for those who have committed these crimes and made the nation mourn. Our duty to punish criminals does not deny us the right to sympathize. I have sympathy for erring humanity always, on all occasions; and, since I am charged with having sympathy for the South, without ever having expressed it, I take this early opportunity to express it. I have also sympath for the widows and o bans of the North that have been bereaved byrtIiis terrible contest, who are forgotten in our efforts for the negro. I have sympathy for the poor negro who is left in a destitute and helpless condition. I am anxious to enter upon any practical legislation that shall help all classes and all sufferers, without: regard to color the white as well as the black. So far as this question of negro suffrage is concerned, I say it stands upon a different basis from the other propositions discussed by the gentleman, and toother positions assumed by the President. I do not believe that we must arrive at the conclusion that there must be Universal suffrage throughout the South, without regard to color, before we can organize those States. This is the only issue between us now. If this question were out of the way, we could settle everything else in 2 weeks, at least so far as a portion of the southern States are concerned, and we could receive such southern representatives that are loyal, and none other. As the Senfrom Ohio has said, there would be no difficulty in agreeing upon everythingolse, if it were not for the question of negro suffrage in the South. We may as well meet the issue here and understand each other. This is the issuethe only issue before the country. We all want the Union; we all want the Constitution; we all want to see each State enjoying the blessings of that Union and constitution alike; but there are some who are determined to sac rifice the Union and the constitution unless they can achieve the right of suffrage for the negro. In order to ascertain whether this question stands upon a different basis from the other conditions made by the President in reorganizing the southern States, it is only necessary to ascertain what was the verdict of the war. The President, undoubtedly, under the war power, had a right to demand of the people of the South a compliance with that verdict. It is universally conceded that the conucror has the right to demand the issue decidedin his favor, to claim the verdict for himself upon all the issues of the war. Anything further than that has been always, during all ages, regarded as an outrage against law and humanitv. When other conditions have been impose upon a fallen people, no matter whether it was a do mestic or a foreign foe, than those that were involved in the contest; when the conqueror, after he has been victorious, has imposed new conditions and new restrictions because he has the power to do so, it: has been charged as cruelty, and it has been universally rerded as unjust. Now, in order to know what the President should do under the war power in making peace, it is necessary for us to determine what the verdict of the war was. When this war commenced the only issue presented to the country h the lenders of the Union organization was the mica of the States. That was the 1st step. No other issue was then placed before the country. I, for one. embraced thatissnc. Idid all I could in my humble sphere to encourage and aid in vindicating that issue. The union of the States we resolved must be maintained in its full integrity at all hazards. I advocated from the very 1st hour the vigorous prosecution of the war, as all loyal men did, an der this motto of the Union. We commenced to force the southern people to obey the Constitution. We said they had no right to secede. That was the 1st proposition. 1n the progress oft c war it was ascertained that the negro had become an element of strength to the South; that they were using him as a war power; they were using him in their trenches; they were using him to raise provisions for their army; and it became necessary and proper that that war power should be taken from the South; and President Lincoln, patriotically and properly, thank God, had the oldness to issue his proclamation and strike a blow at that war power. We then declared, and the nations honor was then pledged, that we would maintain for the negro his freedom. Then the issue became the Union and the freedom of the negro. These propositions then became involve in the war, the issue that was being tried, and which was to be tested by the result of battle. Was anything else put in the issue then but the union of the States, submission to the laws, and the abolition of slavery? The war termi nated without any new issues that I am aware of being involved in it. Was the issue of negro suffrage ever involved? Was it involved by the emancipation proclamation? Was it involved by any resolution of Congress? Was it involved by the constitutional amendment? If you intended that it should be involved when you passed the constitutional amendment abolishing slavery, why did you not incorporate it in that measure? The South fell; their arms were taken from them; they were compelled to submit to the laws. Then what did President Johnson do? He did what he was bound to do; he carried out, literall, the verdict of the war. He had a right to claim that, because that had been the issue and it had been decided by a higher tribunal than Congress the highest tribunal to which man can resortarms. The verdict was then made, and if he had not carried out that verdict, if he had not demanded everything that was included within that verdict, he would have been recrcant to the principles of the Constitution and to his oath of office. How did he find the South? Congress was not in session. He found the South in a condition needing government. He said to them, in effect, “Fellow citizens, you are conucred; you made several issues with us, and it has been decided that you shall stay in the Union; you must abandon secession forever, for that is the verdict of congress; that is the verdict of the war; thatis the verdict of every instrument of authority under which I act; and under my authority to execute the laws, and as CommanderinChief of the Army and Navy, I require of you to reudiate secession.” ns there anything more required? Yes; the President by aproclamation, which proclamation had been sanctioned by Congress, had abolished slavery, the constitutional amendment not having become a law at that time yet, that was a part of the issue of the war, and consequently he required that they should abolish slavery; and then he said, ” I invite you, fellow citizens, to complywith this verdict; it is plain; the world understands it; organize your State governments and a ply to Congress for representation there.” Some of those States having complied, perhnplsI am not discussing that l questioncome ere for admission. They are told by members of Congress and Senators