Mr. GRINNELL. That conforms entirely to the sentiment entertained by the State of Iowa, that gave 37,000 Union majority, where the loyal press seem to be unanimous as to our having made a bargain. Not one of them ever held that they were bound to receive these States upon the mere adoption of the constitutional amendment, and P. thankful to my friend for this testimony, and the report of this minority will stand as a permanent document as developing the truth in regard to this question. It demands as a condition the incorporation of impartial suffrage in the constitution of every State desiring admission. The waves of public opinion, rolling higher day by day and week by week, proclaim it is no settlement. Millions of freedmen know that their civil rights cannot be assured without suffrage in States now ruled by the spirit of barbarism. Tried loyalists who fled for their lives, learned judges, exgovernors, and legislators, who have come back to their homes, from which they were driven by this war of traitors, now ask, “Shall it be said of the American people that, after fighting for 4 years at the sacrifice of 100s of 1000s of precious lives, they are now ready to surrender to conquered enemies who, having in vain tried to destroy the Constitution, now claim its protection?” They have “rebel State governments in each rebel legislatures, rebel parish officers, a rebel police, a rebel public sentiment, which sustains a rebel press, a rebel church, and a rebel bar, and swarms of exrebel soldiers ready, when the proper time arrives, ” to precipitate the southern States into another revolution. The unwilling testimony of our enemies is proof of this. Their press publishes their shame of selling men into . By the court rec ords the late lords of the lash go unpunished for the murder of men struck down wearing the scars of the valiant sable soldiery, and even their Moses “they wot not what has become of him” who has changed his Israelites, discharges the criminal held for trial. In Texas, the remotest State, where 1000s just free died by violence the last year, General Sheri dan testifies that “the trial of a white man for the murder of a freedman would be a farce.” A nearer State illustrates the same spirit, where the light from the torch of the incendiary almost illumines the dome of this Capitol. It must be said by that Christian patriot, Judge Bond, in reply to the persecuted poor, “When we think that all the outrages of which you complain, and the burning of 12 churches and school houses could take place, and all the pulpits remain assilent as if the millennium had dawned, it is marvelous.” Not only refusing to provide schools for those whose fathers have cleared away their forests and reaped down their fields, they are intolerant of the purest beneficence of the teachers who come to the victims of slavery, delivered by the valor and blood of our soldiers, to brighten the future of the downcast and rescue them from ignorance and crime. They even doom to the cell and to wearing the ball and chain a devoted instructor on charge of vagrancy. Small homesteads in numerous cases have been taken away from their happy occupants by the greed of pardoned rebels, and a border State, that availed itself of the military service of 30,000 of the colored race, imposes a fine by law of 5 dollars, and takes from its owner his gun, though he bought it of the government, and bore it during the war. That State, which is the adopted home of the now royal prisoner at Fortress Monroe, forbids, by statute, negroes from purchasing or leasing real estate except in corporate cities and towns; and thus in various forms do the States fill up the measure of iniquity. That neither of the States have cheerfully modified their laws; that the murderers of the colored race by 1000s go unpunished, and that the more than savage butcheries at Memphis and NewOrleans attest the spirit of the people; what have we to do but to hear the oof God, that we now lay the foundations deep and strong, subjecting the conquered neither to banishment nor to execution, but to laws which are impartial, and their execution to our friends rather than to our ene mies? Happily for our country, the rebel States spurn the provisions of the constitutional amendment, which relieves the Government from an obligation to keep open the implied conditions, if ever made. It spares us the dangers which would attach to the return of rebels in spirit so early, and the shame of being a party to giving the rights of millions of a proscribed race into the keeping of traitors to their country with that motive only to enact impartial justice, which is found in a promised increase of political power. Had their evil spirit been exorcised by a sense of their poverty, a consideration of their crimes and the clemency of the Government, the great party of freedom might have been divided in counsel and a restoration possible on a basis of white suffrage and rebel rule; but now, thanks to the Almighty Ruler, who causes the wrath of man to praise him, and who from the revelation of on passion brings the greatest deliverance, the way for radical methods is open and the duty of congress made plain and the demand for action imperative. Congress has not yet breathed political vitality into those States in rebellion. Their political chaos is as complete as their rebellious deeds were methodical and infernal. Brutality, chi canery, and a mysterious inspiration drawn from the dispensary of power, exalts treason and treads loyalty under foot, and the 1st duty of Songress, and one which can no longer be delayed, is to give an impartial, just, and constitutional government to the people lately in revolt. It is no mean or light work overturning theseState bastiles “that not one stone shall be left upon another.” It involves that reorganization spoken of by President Johnson “when the old leaders must be put aside and new men broughtforward.” It summons the spirit which inspired the martyred Lincoln at the cemetery of Gettysburg to counsel “that we here highly resolve that the dead shall not have died in vain; that the nation shall under God have a new birth of freedom, and that the government of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.” Too long have we delayed in establishing governments for those leaders, the greatest of criminals, and for those who surrendered unconditionally as prisoners of war. Our now leniency 2 years since would have been regarded with gratitude and astonishment. Now we are cautioned not to fire the southern heart, and the Constitution is cited as in the way of that just policy of reconstruction which every true patriot desires, and who but their timid confreres in crime and political associates will doubt the power of the &: to protect its own citizens in the right of suffrage? Mr. Madison said: "Should the people of any State by any means be deprived of the right of suffrage, it wasjudged proper o, should be remedied by the General Govern Inent. We apply the remedy most proper by the testimony of Justice Story, who in his Commentary declares “That a perfect equality of rights, privileges, and rank was contemplated by the Constitution among all citizens.” In the opinion of the martyred Lincoln the laws and partialities growing out of slavery and caste were alien to the spirit of the Constitution; and it can be no secret that our present Chief Justice holds that those States which had disfranchised a majority of the people never had a RFG. We have then the highest authority for striking at the center of these aristocracies which have been the nurseries of treason, and are bound by every consideration of honor to see that there is meted out impartial justice and full political rights are assured to our friends who now stand before us as the loyal but defenseless victims of the master spirits of the laterebellion. This is our opportunity. We are sum moned to the work of “appropriate legislation” which was to enforce the emancipation proclamation and to make haste as we remember the late court decisions, and hear the supplications of imperiled friends, witnesses of the carnival of cruelty and blood in unconstructed States. Nothing being more plainly decreed in the book of fate than that the bondman was to be free, is it less plain that, having shown the patience of a philosopher, intelligent sympathy for our cause, and heroic devotion in the field, that he is to have the rights of a freeman and means for their protection? Dare we intrust this work to those who feel “since I have wronged you I have hated you?” Can we be a party to holding millions in a condition of. serf. while regarding the inference of our ene. mies that it is less safe to intrust a loyal black man with a ballot than alate disloyal white man? No, the cure for evils in southern society is not the whipping post nor a remanding into partial slavery, i. the going forth of the citizen with the responsibilities of a man, having a recognition by his Government, with the means formental and moral improvement, and a ballot which both awakens respect and becomes a weapon of defense. “Let us alone, ” they cry. That has been the criminafs supplication in all time. “Give us peace and guano, ” they ask. No, that is not their great want, but the humility which is one of the 1st evidences of sorrow for crime and the humanity which will raise up the lowly who have been the victims of their des potism. To become coequal members of our political family they must open their eyes upon the party wrecks, the strewn and broken tim bers which tell of the ignorant conservatism of captain and pilot. Conservatism! That of today offers neither a retreat for the man nor ledge for the growth and virtue of his party. The idolators of fossils who on aii occasions and with prolonged speech shout Constitution are akin to that class described by the Virginian who declared unwittingly that when they said Union they meant nigger 3 times. They propose to save nothing good which is really endangered; and having intrusted their loco motion and progress to that very conservative steed, with eyes turned backward to his load and a facility for britching labor rather than with the collar makes only such down hill strides as are easy and convenient to that memorable abode of the chief conservatives of our time, the slough of despond. All compassionate generals sparing of ammunition, fearful of the temper of their sword; neutral States and political constitutional saviors have their day, and are to sleep with the Bourbons of all nations. These lessons cannot be lost upon the radical governing power of the nation. Its mission is to reform, to preserve, evoking into being a freer, nobler life. Yielding a principle and refusing to demand impartial justice through fear it becomes occupied with sordid plans, disgusts the moralist, and dampens the ardor of the young and heroic whose service has been determined by the nature of our boldness, constancy, and trust in the Almighty Ruler. It is a party only worthy of success, as represented by the opposite of effete conservatism in the bold and poetic imagery of Job, who has in his war horse pictured the worthy leaders in a holy cause: “He paweth the valley and rejoiceth in his strength. He goeth on to meet the armed men. He mocketh at fear and is not affrighted, neither turneth he back from the sword. He saith among the trumpets Ha! ha! and he smelleth the battle afar off, the thunder of the captains, and the shouting.” Sir, we are acting in sublime concert with the peoples of the world now overturning the wrong and remodeling institutions as never before to insure popular rights. The plea and 'demand for suffrage has the charm of an inspi ration and is in alliance with the power of Omnipotence. It gives that charmed eloquence to England's great reformer which sways mul titudes like the forests bent by storms, and rocks the chief power of Europe to its base. The victorious arms of Prussia have enlarged the sympathies of her nobility, and the liberal ideas of King Frederick William have given univer sal suffrage to his Germanic dominions. Spain, in preparation for this boon, assures a free education. Alexander of Russia, more considerate than the late “patriarchal masters” of our Republic, builds school houses for those born in slavery and gives them a homestead, and bold and timely action in behalf of our States will send cheer to millions in the Old World; while a deferring of impartial suffrage will leave our people of the boasted “free Republic” beneath the subjects of king or autocrat. Our war, with the revulsion of parties and the exemplary conduct of those who are the wards of the nation, have brought us most unlooked for colaborers, represented, as examples, by the Boston Post, that embodiment of hunk erism, which declares “that to give suffrage to the negroes on the same terms as is given to the whites is wise, just, and politic.” The Chicago Times, in the past unequaled for fervor in a bad cause, ic making no atonement at least evinces its sagacity in this language: "Is not negro suffrage inevitable, and is not the quickest way to get the negro questionout of the way at once to concedethe suffrage, making issue only on the degree to which it shall be conceded? We know that many Democrats have not reached this advanced view of the case and that such still feel in clined to revolt at the proposition of negro suffrage in any degree; but let us tell them that it is always wise to accept the inevitable when the inevitable comes.” The Herald, deemed inveterate and more truly the indicator of the winds than the king thereof, steps from the ranks of the laggards in its old age to outstrip its juniors, asserting: “The question of negro suffrage, which entered largely into this debate, is one that forces itself so prom inently upon public consideration as to have become a political necessity, and will have to be settled in favor of impartial male suffrage, restricted within certain limits of intelligence.” Have these waifs no significance to the timid? Will the party that has, amid the throes of civilWar, become strong, heed the prejudices of ignorance, fearing its vine us inspiration, and dare to be unjust by neglect of. those now im who, in great numbers, without the ope of promotion, went from under the lash and stole away from the slave pen, or broke from the coffle gang, to nurse our sick, pilot our armies, or take their place in the ranks of our brave soldiery? Then it will be denied the pleasure of gleaning from these fields “where the red rain makes the grass grow;” then the humble laborers who have made our majorities at the polls, remembering that the royal arms of Lilliput were an angel lifting a lame beggar from the earth, will retire in sadness and abjure your party creed. Those religious denominations, representing the conviction and zeal of millions, have, in their late annual gatherings, spoken with united voice for that comprehensive justice which no constitutional amendment now proposed will as sure; and the conditions of their future cooperation must be our adherence to principle and the recognition of a God in our history. Mr. Chairman, I do not despair of the adoption of a safe and radical policy. Our long marches and decisive battles have a parallel in mighty civic victories, which have a voice for the timid. “Lowly faithful, banish fear, Right onward drive unharmed: The port, well worth the cruise, is near, And every wave is charmed.” That clemency of the conqueror to rebels, as shown by President and Congress, has brought out a timely development of the proud unsub dued spirit, which would dictate the terms of restoration. I regard it as related to a won derful chain in God's providences. Our 1st Bull Run defeat, which menaced this capital, awakened the moral sense of the nation to its crimes, and pointed out our dangers and duties. It was preparatory to the warning proclamation of President Lincoln in ja.1862, which traitors in arms would not heed, and was followed by the loss of slavery, that for which they began the war. And now when they scorn the mildest terms of conciliation ever made to rebellious spirits, the question of rights and ballots for the long degraded and defenseless, need not be committed to the caprice or love of power reigning with the dominant class. Let history speak with her trumpet tongue from the graves of nations that consented to the degradation of its mean est subjects, and, if wise, we shall be warned by the fatal compromises made by our fathers; and, now about to shape the destinies of millions, shall not forget His paternal care of those who survived the slavery of Egypt, the perils of the sea, and wanderings in the wilderness, in giving them homes, protection from ene: mies, and wise and devoted friends. I regard it as a delusion that representation here by the rebel States will strengthen or as similate the nation. Congeniality of spirit is a prerequisite. Let the disloyal spirit just evinced at a fair held in this city be exorcised, where the ballots for the rebel General Lee were as 6 to one for our great captain, general Grant; let rebel airs no longer on festive occasions drown our national song; and if there be a loyal pulsation let it bring out the stars and stripes, so long overlain with the rattle snake flag; unlock the cemetery gates closed against the sable patriots, who would strew the flowers of affection on the graves of their comrades; bid the Lone Star State desist in her demands for the removal of our dead from their graveyards, that the dust of “hireling soldiers” mingle not with that of her “noble and heroic dead;” make political preferment in city and county possible to a Unionist, and for the time penitents should detain their sons from the college lectures on moral philosophy by expirate Semmes, “the mildest mannered man That ever scuttled ship or cut a human throat:” and at least, when safe and convenient, arrest defiant murderers at large, that the cry “I am aloyal American citizen” be no more the signal for a visitation of cruelty if he be an American citizen of African descent. Demons stood aghast at the cruelties unatoned for endured by our prisoners, and hell doubtless waits for the coming of those leaders in rebellion whom we seem to have no laws to punish. Strange that they should desire a return on any terms, and more strange our leniency, and that we have not met the expectations of the country and made impartial suffrage a condition. This withheld by the suppliants, my vote for their return will not be given. Never, never!