Mr. CONKLING. Mr. Speaker, of the spirit of this article, or of the assault made upon me personally, I, of course, shall take no notice. 1 rise to correct the error of fact into which the writer seems to have fallen. The proviso denounced, having passed this House by more than 2/3rds of its votes, and awaiting only the favorable action of the Senate to go to the Legislatures of the States, should not be in cumbered by misrepresentation so gross as this. I take occasion, therefore, to state the facts as they arc, not from any pride of aternity, but to give the proviso a fair hearing before the public. It is not true that NewYork will lose by it in any event. Should N NewYork disfranchise every black man within her borders, and should every southern State give every black man the ballot, NewYork even then could not lose a single Representative. This is made clear by the U.S. census of 1860. NewYork had in 1860 only 49,005 colored persons all told, and this was 20%. less than 20 years ago. The number of population necessary to one Representative is 127,000, so that should NewYork shut out all her black people the number is too small to take away a single Representative, and too small to add one should allthe blacks be counted. What is true of NewYork is still more true of every other State heretofore a non-slaveholding State, because small as is the colored population of the State of NewYork, it is larger than that of any other northern State, Pennsylvania alone excepted. The House will see that under the amendment no northern State would lose a single Representative to which it is entitled now, even should the southern people admit their entire colored popullion to the right to vote. This is not to e expected, I take it, for the present at least. with the amendment working as the southern States will probably allow it to work, at all events until the blacks are better prepared to become voters than they are now, the necessary result will be to increase the representation of NewYork and all the other States in which the colored element is small. Had we adopted the idea of making male voting citizens the basis of representation, it might well and truly have been said that NewYork would 1056. By the census taken only last year there were in NewYork 399,456 aliens, that is to say, nnnsturalized foreigners. They are all counted now in the basis of representation. They all will be counted under the amendment aswc passed it. But in the basis of voting citizens they would all be excluded, and the State would lose at once 3 Representatives and the fraction of a 4th. Several other north crn, States would lose, some of them in still larger proportion, by the voting basis. Why should they submit to such a loss? The loss would go to the South. Why? Because emigration moves on lines of lati tude, not on lines of lon. itude. Those coming here from the Old World esp in the same ran e of temperature to which they are accustome. They do not land at Charleston or NewOrleans, but at NewYork, and then spread westward. Migration from the North to the South is likely to be of our native population, carrying citizenship with them an swelling the basis of representation whe rever they o, whereas the North willa ways have a large musion of foreigners not yet citizens and therefore, if we should base representation on male citizens alone, we should inflict on the North a perpetual and increasing loss, and give the South a perpetual and growing gain. The amendment we have adopted takes from the States North and West nothing, and it has the further merit of providing not only that all citizens shall be represented as they now are, but that all foreigners shall be represented also as the now are.