Mr. SpilEWART. On the 17th ay of March, 1866. When the Empire State of the Seuth is willin to go thus far it is quite as far as your civil rights bill here goes; it contains the same provisions as your civil rights bill when by the voluntary action of her Legislature Georgia thus provides, is it not all important that we shall agree on a plan and present it to the South before we do anything else? The civil rights bill maybe all very well, but it does not reach the res evil All must realize the fact that the civil rights bill does not reach the real and substantial evil. We all know very well how such laws operate in States hostile to their principles. You recollect the fugitive slave law to which the North was hostile; you recollectthatit was entirely ine erative there. So in the South any law to which the people there are hostile must be enforced by the sword or not enforced at all. Every man knows that. If we can do nothing else; if it is impossible to rest ore this Union without enforcing these laws by the sword, so as to redeem our iledges and protect loyal men, then it is the duty of this nation to use the sword; but if there is another course, if by putting the question to the South and askin them if they will adopt. our proposition an grant these people their political and civil rights we can secure the result, that course should 1st be tried; let force come only when that fails. 1st submit the question, particularl when you see the Empire Stateo the Sont marching so near the point we are desirous to attain. How would a voluntary proposition of this kind operate upon the South? In the 1st place there would be parties there. The party who would contend for the political and civil rights of the negro would be separated from the other, and as soon as that party came into power and got a majority it woulil be reenforced by the loyal blacks, who would be allowed to vote under the restrictions they might adopt. Thus it would be strong; but if on impose negro suffrage by force against all the South, an allow no effort on their own part, you make them all enemies, you bring on conflicts which humane men must seek to avoid. Then I say that it is important that we should act immediately upon this question; your other bills may follow, your civil rights bill and every. thing else may follow. The grand thing is to commence so that action may be inaugurated at once. Tour candidates in the North are working in the dark; they do not know the plan that Congress is (going to adopt. They are struggling in the dark I say the whole country is in confusion over what will be the platform of Congress. Any man that goes from here to talk to the people must promise a platform; and why promise“! Why not perform at once I There is another consideration that, if we would do anything for the freedmen, makes a proposition of this kind a paramount necessity. A proclamation of the President appeared in the papers yesterday which declared that peace was restored throughout the South, except in Texas. That, I suppose, restores the writ of habeascorpus. That, I suppose, renders the exercise of force, if not impossible, rather impracticable, under the present condition et things. But this proclamation does not do somethings; it does not repeal the test oath; it does not remove disabilities; and we have something left yet to offer for justice. If this offer be made, and the South do not accept it and injustice be subsequently done, the Loyal masses of the North Will then see to it that justice is done. They demand justice; but they demand of us, while we pass laws, to make propositions which shall secure justice; and I believe that this matter is of so much importance, to be disposed of at once, that the whole attention of Congress should be directed to it; because, I tell you frankly, that if no plan is presented by Congress we shall have anarchy, or we shall have to adopt the plan of the Prosident. We shall have to choose between his law and anarchy. That will be the position in which the people will be placed in less than 3 months, unless we say upon what terms the southern States shall resume their former relations to the Union. The question will be put to the loyal men, will you have anarchy and bloodshed yourselves, or will you allow the negro to How that qu will be Ultllnfiireryak deuce only knows. I appeal to the Senate position, to at it in some fold Let us senit to the country, cr. some foundation. If I have now, enough of the particular views of dlff gentlemen in it, let lie hear their views. Lei mise. The views of the resolution were no original views expressed by me, but they were taken from yourselves; they were taken from the Senate; they were taken from the country, and incorporated in this resolution; and I ask ofyou to make it the special order, and give it your special attention. On that motion I call for the yeas&nays.