Mr. STEWART. Mr. President, I voted for this bill, and have seen no good reason why I should change my opinion; I shall therefore Wote for itagain. Although I am a strong cute for local government, and extremely anxious that these matters should be attended to by the States as early as practicable, still I believe that it was the intention of those who amended the Constitution, as plainly indicated by that amendment, to give the power to the General Government to pass any necessary law to secure to the freedmen personal liberty. I believe that was the intention I believe that is within the legitimate se o e of legislation. I believe that power is in the General Government. I do not believe there is any constitutional argument against it that is worthy of serious contsideration. I fully concur with the opponents of the bill that it would be much more desirablethat the States should do it themselves; and I am anxious that propositions should be held out whereby they may do it, and perhaps it would have been well ifwe had done that in the 1st instance; but when recctlhow very easy it is for the States.0 avm ie operation of this bill, how very little they have to do to “avoid the operation of the bill entirely, I think that it is robbed of its coercive features, and I think no one has any reason to complain because Congress has exercised a power which it must be conceded it has, when it has exercised it in a manner which leaves it so eas for the States to avoid the operation of this bill If passed today, it has no operation in th State of Georgia: it is impossible to commit a crime under this bill in the State of Georgia; and the other States can place themselves in the same position so easily that I do not believe they ought to complain. That we have this power, and that we ought and must exercise it if the States will not do justice to the freedmen, I think every fnir minded man must admit, and that was the intention in framing the amendment of the constitution Now, if I can have attention for one mo ment, I can show that the bill has no operation in the State of Georgia, and that every southern State can relieve itself from this bill by doing a simple act of justice. The 2nd section of this bill declares what shall be offenses under it. It reads as follows: That an person who, under color of any law, statute, ordinance, regulation or custom shall subect or causeto be subjected, any inhabitant of any tute or Territory to the deprivation of any right securedor protectedby this act, or to different punishment. pains or penalties on account of such person having at any time been held in a condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a gun isliinent for crime whereof the party shall hnvo been duly convicted or byreasonofhis color or race, than is prescribed for the punishment of white persons shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction, shall be punished by fine not exceeding 81,000 or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both. in the discretion of the court. He inust do it under the color of a law. If there is no law or custom in existence in a State authorizing it, it will be impossible for him to do it under color of anv law. This section is simply to remove the disabilities existing by laws tending to reduce the negro to a system of peonage. It strikes at that; nothing else. It strikes at the renewal of any attempt to make those whom we have attempted to make free slaves or cons. That is the whole scope of the law. how, if you listen to the act of Georgia you Will see that they can have no law there under the color of which an offense of this kind can be committed. The 2nd section of the act of the State of Georgia is precisely similar to the 1st section of the civil rights bill, taken from it almost in the precise language: "Sec. 2. Abife: That persons of color shall have the right to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be sued to be parties, and ive evidence, to inherit. to purchase, and to have fii l and equal ben ciitofall laws and proceedin sfor the security of person and estate.an(lshall not csubjocted touny other or different punisliment, ain orpenalt for the commission of an act or o enso than sue us are prescribed for 11 its persons committing like acts or offenses." and the 3rd section repeals all laws in conflict with this 2nd section. Then I submit that there is no law or custom in force in Geor gia under the color of which a crime against this bill can be committed; and if all the southern States will follow this noble example, this civil rights bill, which strikes at peonage another form of slavery, will be simply a nul lity, because it Will not exist. When peonage in all its forms (which is a twin relic of slavery, at art of it) is abolishe s in Georgia, your bil has no operation. being so easily avoided by being complied With, by doing a simpleact of justice, by carrying out the spirit of the constitutional amendment, Icannotgive my consentto defeatabill the purpose of which is good, the operation of which is so innocent an may be so easily avoided. I shall therefore give mv vote for the hill.