Mr. HOWARD. Mr. President, I do not propose to occupy the time of the Senate at any length on the subject of this resolution, and yet I think it due to the country and to Congress that the resolution should pass. There has been a state of war existing in Mexico since 1862. It sprang into existence in consequence of disagreeing parties in that republic, and an attempt on the part of one of these parties to overthrow the republican government of Mexico as established by her constitution and to establish another government in its place. In this condition of things the Emperor of the French saw fit to intervene and to espouse the cause of one of the parties, whose object was the overthrow of the republican government long established there. The pretext for this wanton, totally unau and unjustifiable intervention on the part of the Emperor was the undoubted fact that the Government of Mexico was indebted in a considerable amount to certain French subjects, and that the republic had not been able to pay the amount of their claims. Osten sibly the cause of the war on the part of France was the enforcement of this claim; but nobody can for a moment doubt that that in debtedness was but a hollow pretext for this bloody and wanton war. Its object must be looked far beyond that claim. The intervention looked to the complete subversion of the republican government in, Mexico and the establishment there of the imperial power of France under a protectorate which the emperor had seen fit to extend to Maximilian, who, by his advice and connivance, was called at the head of affairs in Mexico by what is commonly known as the priest party. The Government of the U.S. have not thus far, as I understand it, made any very strenuous efforts, either by diplomacy or otherwise, to procure the withdrawal of French forces from Mexico. The war has been raging for years, and has been prosecuted by the French army with great bitterness, and in some cases with great barbarity, if we are to credit the rumors brought to us by the journals of the country. I. do not, however, propose to enter into the character of the war. "What I want to know, and what I think the country desires to know, is the present exact political and legal posture of the republic in regard to the government of the U.S and in regard to the Government of France. The state of war has interrupted our trade with Mexico; it has greatly involved our relations with the legitimate Government of that oand our own interests, the interest of our commerce, the interest of our own citizens, the interest of mankind generally, require that it should be brought to a speedy close. We are not in formed to what extent the imperial forces have succeeded in subjugating the people of Mexico; we do not know today how many towns or cities they hold in their possession, or how important may be the conquests they have made; and I have been waiting with great patience and a feeling of great personal indulgence to the honorable chairman of the ComForRel of this body for some report, some statement by which I could learn the exact pesture of affairs there. I think the same anxiety has filled the breast of more than one Senator. The country and the world have been amused for the last 15 or 18 months with occasional rumors that the French army were about to be withdrawn from Mexico, and that consequently the usurper Maximilian would retire again to his home, the people of Mexico be left to enjoy their own sovereign right of self government in their own way, and peace be thus restored. I am without faith in these rumors. I wish to call the attention of senators, and especially of the Chairman of the ComForRel, to a few facts in this connection. As long ago as the 10th of April, 1864, the Emperor of the French entered into a solemn convention with Maximilian in regard to the amount of force the Emperor was to furnish to him in his expedition to Mexico. I hold in my hand a document, containing several of the articles of that convention. They read as follows. I desire the attention of Senators to the convention, so that there shall be no mis: apprehension in regard to the conventional relations existing between the Emperor and Maximilian, and no mistake as to how far the Emperor is bound to continue his military forces in Mexico. Articles one, two, and 3 of this convention read as follows: “ART1cLE 1. The French troops which are now in Mexico will be reduced as soon as possible to a corps of 25,000men, including the foreign legion. “This, corps, to protect the interests which have cMaeuxsiecdo, the intervention, will remain temporarily in under the conditions arranged by the following articles: “ARTICLE 2. The French troops will evacuate Mexico according as his Majesty the Emperor of Mexico shall be able to organizethe troops necessary to replace them. o “ArtTICLE 3. The foreign legion in the service of France, composed of 8,000men, will, nevertheless, still remain for 6 years in Mexico after all the forces shall have beenrecalled, conformably to article tpwaoss. Dating from this moment, the said legion shall into the service and pay of the Mexican Government. The Mexican Government reserves to itself the faculty of shortening the duration of the employment of the foreign legion in Mexico.” It is plain from this that the continuance of the French forces in Mexico depends entirely upon the will and the interests of Maximilian himself. The Emperor of the French stipu lates to furnish him with at least 25,000 French troops, and this force is to remain in Mexico so long as he desires. At all events, whatever disposition may be made of a portion of this large force by Maximilian, the Emperor is bound by his contract to permit his foreign legion to remain in Mexico for at least 6 years from the date of the convention. That would be until the 10th of April, 1870. Now, sir, I have yet to learn that this convention has in any respect been altered or modified by the consent of the 2 contracting parties. know that we have had many rumors that the French troops were about to depart. We had a story during the last sum mer, and we were told, if I remember rightly, that the whole of the French forces would be withdrawn by the 1st of November; but in stead of this rumor being verified by the facts it turned out that France was increasing her force in Mexico and sending additional regiments to uphold the tottering throne of the adventurer. I will not pursue the subject but a step further at this time; I do not deem it necessary; but I wish the learned chairman of the ComForRel to give this subject his most earnest attention, and to inform us whether there be not some means by which the friendly intervention of the government of the U.S. may be speedily used for the restoration of peace to Mexico and independence to the republic. Sir, we have been, according to my apprehension, on the very point of recognizing the authority of Maximilian as Emperor of Mexico. I call the attention of Senators to a o very small of the diplomatic correspondence which as passed upon this subject. The French version of our relations with France is best stated in a paper in the Memorial Diplomatique, published in Paris, under date of March 12, 1865. The document bears upon its face very strong evidence of being official, or at least semi official. Allow me to read a passage or 2 from it. The writer says: “As soon as the note of the notables of Mexico, conferring the crown upon the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian of Austria, had bysion the subsequent adhe of the ayuntamientosobtained the legal sanction of the country, the French, diplomacy, made it its duty to assure itself of the true dispositions of the American Cabinet in regard to the new, empire of Mexico. President Lincoln and Mr. Seward, at Washington, as well as Mr. Dayton, at Paris, did not ceasetort the weii defined purpose of the government of the U.S. to respectthe results of the free vote of the Mexican people.” Here comes the passage to which I desire attention: “They added” Who? The POTUS, the SecyState of the U.S., and Mr. Dayton, our minister at Paris– “that out of fo to France, whose friendly sympathics for the Union were confirmed by her scrupuous neutrality in South, the war betweenthe North and the President Lincoln, in case of reelection, for mally, promised to enter, into diplomatic relations with the Government . if I he was gen: X: recognized by the other Powers of Europe and merica.” I believe he has been so recognized. “The best informed American journals agree in stating that President Lincoln only awaited the date of the renewal of his functions on the 4th of March to recognize officially the new Mexican empire; and this recognition positively decided upon and making a part of the political programme of the Government at Washington, will no doubt establish without delay between the 2 countries relations of perfect understanding and neighborliness. "Never in its discussions has the Cabinetof Washington allowed to transpire the slightest allusion to the Monroe doctrine” enAtinredlyin this respect I believe the writer is correct "still less has it from this leading point made reserves implying any right whatever in the internal affairs ofoIn effectthe last attempt at conciliation between the confederatesand the Federals harovpe urpevealed to us that the initiative tending to the Monroe doctrine does not belong to the eravteesrn, mwheon, t of the North, but to that of the confed in a common undertaking based upon this doctrine, saw ameans of bringing back the opinion of the population of the South to ideas of conciliation and Federal unity.” Now, sir, I wish to know by a formal, solemn report from one of the standing commit.tees of this body, whether it be true in point of fact that Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Seward or Mr. Dayton or any other accredited organ of the U.S. has ever proposed, directly or to recognize the authority of Maximilian, Archduke of Austria, as the legitimate or even defacto ruler or governor of the republic of Mexico or any portion thereof. I wish to know how far this intrigue has proceeded and who are parties to it. While I say this, however, I am bound to say in truth that our minister, Mr. Bigelow, in Paris has upon more than one occasion intimated, in terms which could not be mistaken, his willingness, nay, his anxiety to recognize the authority of Maximilian as the Emperor of Mexico. I beg to take one more step, sir. The paper from which I have read was one of the inclo sures contained in the dispatch of Mr. Bige low, the American minister at Paris, dated March 4, 1865, numbered 55; and Senators have seen what were the views then taken of this subject by the French Government, if the paper itself from which I read can be regarded a proper exposition of those views. In the inclosure from which I have read you will see that there is a positive statement implicating the American SecyState in the plan to recognize Maximilian. There it was writ ten and printed in plain terms. On the 28th of March, 1865, only a few days after that dispatch was sent by Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward, the latter writes him the following dispatch, to which I call the attention of the Senate: SIR: Your dispatch of the 14th of March, No. 55– Which contained the inclosure from which I have just read charging the President and the SecyState of the U.S and the American minister at Paris with favoring a recognition of the imperial government of Maximilian in Mexico– has been received, and I have read with much interest the papers which accompany it That is, this paper which I have read and which illustrate the disquietude now prevailing in Paris. Fortunately, I have in my dispatch of 15th in stant, No. 71, explained to you the views and sentiments which our military and political situation sug ests. We want our national rights. We are not ooking for ulterior national advantages or aggran dizement, much less for occasions for retaliating in other forms of hostility against foreign States. e are not propagandists, although we are consistent in our political convictions. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM. H. SEWARD. John Brgelow, Esq., &c. Making no allusion whatever to this distinct allegation contained in the Memorial Diplo matique of a purpose on the part of our government, including him by name, to recognize the authority of Maximilian; omitting all no tice of it, passing it over in silence as if it were a matter utterly unworthy of his notice.