Mr. KELLEY. to. Chairman, the eloquent Gentfrom Indiana, [Mr. Voonusssfl whose voice during the war has been so potent in the councils ot the Democratic party, and who has borne so prominent a part on this floor in resisting all the legislation by which the rebellion was to be, and has been, cmshed, in the course of his recent defense of the Presidents message and policy lauded him as a champion of free trade. He said the President had struck “amaul and honest blow" at the protection afforded y the; tariff to the varied in nstrics of the country, and cited this brief extract from his message inproof of his assertion: co"uNnotwry. ahlnouthlrelibrtouarrnt tho propmund lncome of tho ciriust proportion of the bur denof taxation, while in our inmost system. through mcansof which increasedvitality is incidentally imparted to all the industrinl interestsof the nation. the atlas should be so adjusted as to fall most heavil on articles ofluxury, leaving the necessariesof li a usffec from taxation as the ubsolnte wnnts of the Government. economically administered, will juctify.” Entertaining, sir, the viewsI do, and which I propose to submit to the committee, I had found in t t portion of the Presidents message the expression of a desire to foster the industry, develop the resources, and increase the wealth and power of the country. Tillthe gentleman called my attention to the fuctfl. hadnot observed that his expression was enigniatical and suscep tible of at least a double constructionr I Wlll not, however, detain the committee by endeavoring to ascertain the Presidents meaning, which time will disclose; but without abandoning the hope that my apprehensipn i of his words is correct, will proceedlin a general way, to demonstrata that the gentlemans views as to how we may best equalize aud increase the wealth of the people of the U.S. are erroneous. In the course of his remarks he said:.” wh chave twogrout interests in this country.:onoof which has prosirnted theother. The past 4 years of sufforlnmand wurhair thacp urtuno harVeet of the manufacturer. The looms In machineshops of NewEngland and the hirou furnaces of Pennsylvania have been more prolific of wealth to their owners than the most dazzling gold mines of the earth.” Again: "The present law of tariff is being rabid] and I stood. It is no longer a deception. but riithei n detlned and clearly recognized outrage. wdll The agricultural labor of the land is driven to the counter:of the most fistullle monopoly ever before sanctioned by law. m its exorbitant demands there is no escape. The Euro enn manufacturer is forbidden ourporte of trade for car he might sell his goodsntehenper rates and thus relieve the burdens of the consumers. We have declared by law that there is but one market into which our citizens shall goitn make their purchases and we have left it to the owners of the mur kct to fix their own iriccs. The bars statement of such aprincinle force udowsat once the consequence s which flow from it. One class of citizens, on by far the largest and most useful, is placed at the mercy, for the necessaries as well as luxuries of life. of the fostered. favored, nnrl rotccted class to whose aid the whole power of the government is given.” and again: i “ Free trade with all the markets of the World is the true theory of government. ". Sir, as I proceed, it will, I think, appear that we have more than “two great interests, ” and that protection such as can only be afforded by a tariff is required by them all: and that they are interwoven with such exquisite harmony that no one of them can suffer alone; and that to destroy an one is to impair the vital power ofall. (huffo d Samuel Johnson said insubstance that, when he contemplated the many diseases to which human life is a rey and the countless means for its destruction, e wondered that anybody lived to maturity; and when, on the other hand, he beheld the infinitnde of specifics offered for every form of disease he was led towonder that people ever died and the thought recurs to me as I contemplate the condition of our country from either of 2 stand intsthat of the des udent patriot and of himwho conceals his determined treason under expressions of ucquiescent loyalty, or that of the cheerful patriot who knows something of our unmeasured resources. Regarding our ebt, which set forth in figures seems so crushing, and our pension lists, which, embracing more names than did the muster rolls of the contending armies at Waterloo, announce the fearful amount of infirmity, widowhood, and orphanage for which we are bound to provide; remembering how the ruling powers ofother nations hate us; lookin at the immense extent and resources of the British dominions on our north, and considering how sedulously the imperiul Government has pursued the design ot uniting those dominions and constructing such governmental works its would “render Canada accessible to her Majest s forces at all seasons of the year, ” and that as well u n grounds peculiar to Canadians from considerations nfliseting the interests of the other colonies and of the whole empire;” remembering, again, the Monroe doctrine, and the fact that he who occupies the throne of Mexico is, though an Austrian, the creature of the ambitious man whose will is law to France; and, in view of these facts, considering the internal condition of our country, with nearly amillion square miles of our territory desolated by 4 years of stubborn war, and with its people divided into 3 classes, distrusting and sting each other four millions of them born asthings for a market and strangers to the enjoyment of any human right; 6 or 8 milhcns more poor and ignorant nearly as they, and unused and averse to labor, less hopetu and tending each year morenesrly to dependence on the rifle, the net, and the line; and the remaining class, less numerous than either of the other s; but. possessing all the wealth and culture, acknowl edging theinselves a conquered people, but with rare exceptions proving by all their acts that they are unconverted, and that theyhate the Union, its constitution, and the maintained the unity of the one anpetohpele swovbeoreignty of the other as intensely us they did when they began the unholiest war of regard, ing, I say, these facts, the disguised traitor may still hope for the accoinplishment of his purpose, and the den ondent atiiot may well despair. 0n the or (3?ha, ", he who contemplates our geographical pacific",:Illllcll nukes unfit the one Ocean, business neighbors to 700 550 January 31, and 50 millions of the pee le of Asia, and on I the other to 200 an 50 millions of the busy people of Europe, our vast agricultural resources, our unestimated mineral wealth, the magnitude of our rivers, and the natural wealth of the country they drain, the capacity of our people for enterprise, their ingenuity, and their persistenee, and who withal comprehends the laws of political economy and social science, and believes that a free and educated people will have practical effect to great truths, smiles With derision upon him who sees danger to our country in the complicated facts sug rested. I have before me, sir the yellowe pages of a pamphlet, printed in llondon in 1677, which contains a anacea for all our ills, the suggestions of which, illustrated by the experience of our own and other nations, will, if applied to our resources, bring permanent peace and pros perity to our countr, elevate the freedman into the prosperous an intelligent citizen, bless the master spirits of the South with wealth be yond their ast imaginings, and give them, the mean whites, ” as they designate their poor neighbors, as sturdy competitors in the race of life; will reconstruct their broken railroads and canals, rebuild their ruined cities, towns, and villages, and make their barren and wasted fields to bloom and blossom as those of the fair est portions of the North, of Belgium, France, or England. This quaint old pamphlet was written by “Andrew Yarrinton Gentleman, ” and is entitled, “Englands improvement by Sea and Land. How to outdo the Dutch without Fighting, to Pay Debts without Moneys, to set at Work all the Poor of England with the Growth ofourown Lands.” It disposes very effectually of the gentlemans [Mr. VoomuliIs] proposition that free trade “is the true theory of government. hen Andrew Yarrinton wrote, the Dutch were disputing the supremacy of the seas with England, and she was exporting raw materials and buying manufactured articles; and one object of his pamphlet was to relieve the English people from the taunt of the Dutch that they sold their whole skins for a sixpence, and bought back the tails for a shilling a commercial giolicy which the American peole, with rare an brief exceptions, have steadily pursued. To Yarrinton and Sir Gem 6 Downing, author of the Naviation Act, an merican by birth, and a member of the 1st graduating class of Harvard college, England, in my judgment, owes more of her wealth and power than to any other 2 men, however illustrious their names may be in her history. Before they in fluenced her counsels Holland was mistress of the sea. But the Navigation Act and the employment of her people on the owth of her nds, transferre the scepter to n land. The purpose of Downings bill as dec ared in its preamble, was “to so his Majestys subjects in the plantations in a rmer dependence, ” to “increase English shipping, ” and to insure “the vent of English woolens and other manufactures and commodities.” What Yarrinton and Downing tanght their conntr we can pradtice for the benefit of ours. An as England ontdid the Dutch without fighting, so can we outdo her by the arts of peace, and enforce the Monroe doctrine against the world without firing}: gun; and, vast as is our indebtedness, strangers will come and cast their lot with us and liquidate it if, we so legislate as “ to set at work all the ect of” the U.S. “with the Growth o our own lands.” They will bring with them arts and industries and implements With which we are not familiar; will open new uarnes, mines, and cm banks; will build new urnaces, for e, mills, and worksho s; will revive waste lands and open new fie ds, and by creating a home market will enable the farmer to practice skillful and remunerative husbandry, and will create American commerce by enabling our merchants to supply ships with assorted cargoes of American goods. THE om: waxr or OUR cousrnr. Sir, the pressing want of our country is men. We need not sigh for additional territory. We need go to no foreign nation for nny product of agriculture. lead, cinuabar, kaoline, petroleum and the in finite number of substances man has utilized, the extent of our mineral wealth is unmeasured and unimagined and our ocean bound coasts, the immense inland seas that bound as on the north the landlocked Gulf that laves our southern shores, and our grand rivers impel us to commercial enterprise, and proclaim the one grout want of our country to be man. Labor alone can make these unparalleled resources available; and when by securing to industry its just reward we shall develop and attract hither from other landsa supply of labor that will make the march of our conquest over the elements of our wealth steadily progressive, our debt, though expressed by the numerals required to tell it now, will shrink into comparative insig nificance, and the Powers which by treachery and disregard of international law during the last 4 years would have destroyed us, will assume relatively Lilli utian proportions. These are not new t oughts. So long ago as 16.), Locke, in his Essay on Civil Government, sn"i:. Let anyone consider what the difference is between an acre of land planted with tobaccoor sugar, sown with wheat or barley, and an acre of the same land lying in common, without any husbandry upon it; and he will find the improvement of labor may es the far greater part of the value. I think it will be buta very modest computation to say that of the products of the earth useful to the life of a man, nine maths are the effects of labor. Nay, if we will rightly consider things as they come to our use, and cast up the several expenses about them what in them is pure] owing to nature, and what to labor we shall nd that in most of them 99/100ths are wholly to be put on the account of labor. There cannot be aplearor demonstration of anythingthan several nations of the Americans are of this who are rich in land and poorin all the comforts of life; whom nature having furnished as ric as any other people with the materials of plenty. that is a fruitful soil, apt to produce in abundance what might serve for food raiment and delight. yet for want of improving it by labor have not 100th part of t 6 conveniences we enjoy.” But to make labor fully available it must be steadily employed and generously rewarded, and to secure these results the employments of a country must be largely diversified. A nation whose territory is broad and remote from dense populations cannot, by pursuing commerce and agriculture alone, prosperor endure. This is the decree of nature. Land, as well as man, requires rest and food; and a purel agricultural and commercial nation can offer neither of these. The social history of the world verifies this proposition. To make a nation prosperous remunerative employment must be accessible to all its peolo; and to that end industry must be so diversifed that he who has not the strength for agricultural or other labor requiring muscle may make his feeble sinews available in some gentler employment. Agriculture and commerce affor few stimulants to inventive genius; diversified industry offers many. Childhood in a purely agricultural community is wasted in idleness, as are the winter months of its robust men, and to realize the truth of the maxim that time is money, the varied industry of a country should offer employment to all for all seasons of the year, that each day may be made to earn its own subsistence and herein is illustrated the harmony of interests, for where diversity of employment is successfully promoted, agriculture finds its readiest markets and earns its rich est rewards: for within accessible distance from the city or town the farmer has a market for those perishable productionswhich will not bear extended transpmtation, but the cultivation of which, in alternation with white or hard cm s, strengthens and enriches his land. But of this hereafter. WHY THE sourn DEMANDEDFRI IE mans. Unha pily, sir, it has not been the policy of those who have governed our count to ierinit, much less to encourage,such nee e diversification of employment and productions. I have before me an imperial octave volume embracing more than 900 pages, and illustrated with the likenesses of many distinguished southern statesmen and teachers. It Abundant as are our ascertained“ stores of gold, silver, coal, iron, copper, Zinc, JR is entitled “ Cotton is King, and pro Slavery. Arguments, comprising the Writings of Hummond, Harperhristie, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and artwright on this Important subjlect, by E., N. Elliott, L L. D., resident of planters College, Mississip i, With an Essay on Slave in the Light of nternational Law, by the E itor.” This volume, so valu. ible the the future historian, bears the imprint of Prich ard, Abbott 8: Loomis, Augusta, Georgia, 1851! and the title age announces thatit was “ published and so (1 excluswely by subscription.” When this work was published, the establishment of the southern confede rucy was, doubt less, a foregone OOHClUSlOl}in the minds of its publishers and their patrons; and there was, therefore no further reason for the son them leaders isguising the purposes they had lllld in view while governing our country in the name of the Democratic party. I referto it in order that these distinguished writers may, for themselves, declare the aims and motives that governed them. The objects they propgsed to attain are thus expressed under the "ad of “ EconomicalRelations of Slavery:” The opposition to the protective tariff by the Sonth arosefrom 2 causes;the 1st openly avowed at the time, and the 2nd clearly deducible from the policy itpursued; the one to secure the foreixn market for its cctton. The other to ohtain abountifulsn ply of provisions at cheap rates. But theyconld not monopo ile the market nnles Qthey could obtain a chEap supply of food and clothing for their amaze and raise t cir cotton at such r need pricesu to uncraell their rivals. A many aduring population, with a mechanical Maison. the from oiuoaarowen, on “scale quella: the protectivepoliq contemplatedit, was concave create a permr mt market or their productsand enhance the price; whereas if I is manufacturing could be preventeadn. d a muttmQ/ free trade be adopted, (In Sou“ mu "m. Minus the principal ooiaion market the cosiitry and the fertile lands of t North WWHL cheap foodde may d for its slaves.” Again: “By the protective policyI the planters expected to have the cost of bot provisions and clothing increasod, and their ability to monopolize the foreign markets diminished in a corresponding degree., they could establiah fm trade, it would uuure the Amtrl can market to foreign manufacture", secure the formsn marks“ for their leading staples, repress home manufacture uull, ufrocrce a large number of the northern must multiply the growth and diminiokl the pm of provisionajee and cloths their slave at lower rum, pioducc their cotton for a 3rd or 4th of prices, riyal all other foriner monopolize the trade countrics under its cultivation. Iri the article throughout the whole of Europe, and build up a commerce that would make us the ruler of the seas.” Again: “The markets in the Southwest, now so imports ni. were then nits limited. As the retentive system, coupled With the contemplatpd internal improvements, if successfully accomplished, would mnrlabilz tend to enhance the pfice of agricultural produgh, ich. the freetrade, afltlMqm lmprovement policy would mccrlainly reduce their value. the 2 systemsum long considered so antagonistic that the success of the one must soupd the knell of the other, Indeed. sofully wasOhio impressed With the necessitiofplo muting manufacturesthat all capital thusemployed Was formally years entirely exempt from taxation. pe: aIlltodwas in vnin that the friends of protection av to the fact that the duties levied on forum goodsdid not nceessnrily enhance the cost to the consumer; that the competition anion the home manufacturers and between them and foreispers hill greatly reduoed the prico o f nearly every article row oil; protected: that foreign manufacturers I. we?! li, and always would, advance their prices according lo our dependence upon them; that ornestico9m petition wns the only safety the country had 105 foreign imposition; that it was necessary we a null become our own. manufacturers in a fair do new render ourselves independent of other n atipnsin one ofw nrus whcllns to guard against the vacillations in foreign legislation; that the South would bevasdy the gainer by having the market for its irodncts 1? its own doors and avoiding the cost of their transit across the Atlantic: that. in the event of the rimmision or want of proper expansion. of our manufactures by the adoption of the free trade s slemdlw imports of foreign goods tomeet the public wan“ would soon exceed teability of the people to pay and inevitably involve the country in bankrn to! Southern politicians remained inflexible nndre us to accept any policy egeept free trade and the utter abandonment of the principlo of protcction. Whether they were Jealous of the greater prosperity of the North and desirous to crip o its energicsfor whether they were truly foarfirl o bankruptmg the Souiluve abs 1 not wait to inquire.” The author doubtless felt that it would be sacrilegions to inquire too curionsl into the motives of the ministers of a nionare so absolute as King Cotton, but we, who do not live in the fear of his majesty, may freely, and not 551 without advantage, consider the questions propounded and again, in connection With the assertion that with slave labor they could not become manufacturers, and must therefore remain at the mercy of the North, both as to food and clothing, unless the European markets should be retained, the writer says southern statesmen saw that " Combination of capitalists, whether annoyed in manufacmnnn wool, cottonor iron, would draw labor ftrhoemprtohdeu cultivation of soil, and cause large. allies of low income consumers, and that roads and cam ls, connecting the West with the East, were effect usliiieans of bringing the agricultural and manufacturing classes into closer proximity. to the serious 11)u)ry of the planters.” These honest and fearless exponents of the free trade of which the Gentfrom Indiana [Mr. VOORHBES] says the President is an advo cate seem to have considered the chief and of manZ that is, of all American men, save slaveholding planters, to be to reduce cheap food for slaves; and in this boo, so remarkable for its frankness, we find a quotation from as ech made by one of them, which runs as followsi " We must precept the normed Mflfwona, ores thes14 lus labyr mto auntallure, promote the on imlion our unim roced"intern lands, until provisions are nomultcphe and reduced inmice that the slave can be fed socheaplyas to enable us to grow our sugar at Ihrccccnlga and Then, without protective duties, Wecan. rival Cuba in the production of that staple and drive bar from our markets.” RESULTS OF FREE TRADE. By the persistent and domineering pursuit of these on s by the South, and the unhallowed spirit of compromise which always controlled e North, the manufactures of the country were destroyed; and the West (for great railway thoroughfares had not then been constructed) having been reduced to dependence on the South for her market consented with Pennsylvania, NewYork, and NewEngland, to her own ruin. It may be that having deprived herself of any other market her poverty and not her will consented; but the story of her seduction and ruin is thus happily told in “Cotton is King:” The West which had long looked to the East for a market had its attention now turned to the South, the most certain and convenient market for the sale of its products; the planters affording to the farmers the market they h in vain sought in the manufactureis. In the meiin time steamboat navigation was acquiring perfectionon the western rivers, the great natural outlets for western produce, and became a means of communication between the Northwest and the Southwest, aswell nswith the trade and commores of the Atlantic cities. This guys an impulse to industry and enterprise west of the Alloqhanies unparalleled in the history of the country. While then the bounds of slave labor were extending from Virginia, the carolinas and Georgia, westward over tennessec, Alabama, Mississippi, and Arkansas, the area of free labor was enlarging With equal rapidity in the Northwest, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, an Michigan. Thus within these provision and cotton regions wars the forcsts cleared away or the prairies broken upaim ultaneously by those two antagonistic forces. Opponents no longer, they were harmonized by the fusion boef itnlgieitrhienstetereasmtsb, otahte. cTohnunsecatlisnegwlinaks between th in a tripartite i nnceformed, In!which the westem farmer, the soulhern planter, and the English manufacturer became united in a common bond of interent, the whole giving their support to the doctrine of free trade.” With this unnatural alliance the work seemed to be completed, and in verification of the theories of the northern leaders of the Democratic party who, like the Gentfrom Indiana, [Mr. Voonnens] took their, opinions from the southern planters, the commerce of our country should have rapidly expanded, and GreatBritain furnished a market for all our surplus grain. But what were the results? The aboring people of the manufacturing States were soon Without employment and living upon past earnin s. The depositliues in our savings anks ran own; the banks of discount and deposit lost their specie; merchants made small sales, or sold on long and uncertain credits; and sagacious men saw that bankruptcy impended over all. The ruined people of the North and East were unable to pay for the products of the South or West. Large numbers of them. aban doning the callings to which they had been traine, and in the pursuit of which while providing amply for the support of their families they, Mid have accumuted capital and added to l I the national wealth and power, became unskill ful farmers on mortgaged lundin the distant West. England, no longer simply mistress of the son, but the commercial mistress of the world, seeking customers who could pay for what they purchased, bought her grain from the Baltic, from Egypt, or wherever she could buy it cheapest or with greatest convenience; and the western farmer, having an plied the coarse provisions that were require as clicap food for the slaves, and more costly food for 250,000 masters, saw his wheat rot in the field, and consumed his corn as fuel. I But what was the effect of this freetrade alliance upon the interests of the planters? Did it enlarge their markets, increase the price of their staple, and by a golden harvest to, them seem to compensate for the universal ruin in which it had involved the people of the North? We will see. Had cotton manufactures in this country been fostered, the manufacturers of England and America would have been competitors in the cotton market, and, as competition among buyers ever does, would have maintained the price of that commodity. But the mud pursuit of chea food for slaves had destroyed competition or the planters product. Their policy adgiven England and her continental rivals a monopoly of the markets of the worldfor cotton goods. They had made England, to whose ports the fabricants of Europe went for their supply, their only customer; and she, having nn immense accumulated ca ital which yielded but small interest, while they were needy debtors compelled to borrow, and often at any rate of interest, found herself in a condition to control the price of their commodity. Perceiving the vast relative importance of a continued supply of cheap cotton to an immediate return of interest on the capital involved in one years supply, the English merchants accumulated cot ton to an extent that enabled them to decline further immediate purchases from those who were always in debt to their factors, and whose necessities would soon comel them to sell at any price and the author from whom I have quoted so extensively gives us, on page 72 of the volume, the legitimate result of the folly of the chief American party to the tripartite alliance in favor of free trade, when he says: “Cotton. up to the date when this controversy had been fairly commenced. had been worth in the Euglish marketj an average price of from 29I10to 484 o cents perpound; but at this period a widespread and ruine us depression occurre cotton in 182fi having fallen in England as low as119l0to 18910cents perpound.” Thus had free trade, the reign of which the Democratic party is endeavorin to restore, accomplished its mission, in the U.S. Commerce, manufactures, and agriculture, involving the merchant, the artisan, the farmer, and the lunter, were all prostrate and at the more of the capitalists of GreatBritain, whose selfisness is onlyequaled by that of the class whose urro rice an unreasoning will had thus subjected 5:2 entire people of our country to their control. EFFECT OF FREE TRADE ON THE POOR, WHITES OF THE SOUTH Mr. Chairman, having ascertained the result of the plunters freetrade polio upon theirown interests and those of the people of the North, let us contemplate the condition of the masses of the people of the cotton States. I will not detain you by any reference to that of the slaves and free people of color. other occasions will be more fitting for that. But on nearly one million square miles of territory which the planters regarded as their exclusive domain, were some 6 or 8 million people designated as “poor” or mean whites, ” to whom are accorded all the rights of citizenship, and I will inquire whether their interests had been promoted by this policy, otherwise so unmitigated! selfis? Let us, in contemplating their condition for a few moments, o it, not from our standpoint, but through the eyes of southern men. Mr. Tarver, of Missouri. in the course of a paperon Domestic Manufactures in the South an West, published in 1847, says: i nt"oTthweoferelime psopulation of theSouth may be divided c slaveholder and the non-slave holder. I am not aware that the relative numbers of these two classes have ever been ascertained in any of the States, but I am satisfied that the non-slaveholders far outnumber the slaveholders perhaps by 3 to one. In the more southern portion of region, this the non-slaveholders possess, generally, but very small means, and the land which they possess is almost universally poor, and so sterilo that u. scanty stiioibns;isatonndetehicsmalolrtchfaetrctialensbaeild, boeriivnsgdifnrotmheiptsocsusletisysaion of the slavehold or, must ever remain out of the power of thosew o “ have ponq. heaTvhdiys usptaotneaonf dthdinegpsreisssaeg strheeatmdorarawlbeancekr gained s obfears the poorer classes. The acquisition of a respectable position in the scale of wealth appears so difficult, that they decline ths hopeless pursuit, and many of them settledowninto habits of idleness, and become the almdst passive subjects of all its conscqluencas and I lament to as that I have observed f ate years that an evident ctorioration is taking place in this part of the PPDJuliltIOP, the younger portion of it being less css industrious, and in oveg point o View css respectable, than then an ces rs. Governor Hammond, when addressing the SCarolina Institute in 1850, spoke of this portion of the people of the South when he said: “They obtain a precarions subsistence by occasional jobs, by hunting, y fishing, by plundenn fields or folds, and too often by what is in its effects ar worsO triulinu with slaves and seducing them to plunder for their benefit.” William Gregg, lisq., when addressing the same Institute in 1851, said: v "From the best estimate that I have been able to make, . but down the white people. who ought to work an who do not, or who are so employed as to be wholly unproductive to the State, at 125,000.” “By this it appears that but one5th of the present poor whites of our State would be necessary to operate one million spindles.” “ have lgng been under the impression, and every days experience has strenghened my convictions, that the evils exist in the wholly neglected condition of this class of persons. Any man who is an observer of things can! hardly pass through our country without being struck out the fact that all the capital, enterprise and intelligence is employed in directing slave labor; and the consequence is that a argeportion of our poor white people are wholly neglected, and are suffered to whilo away their existence in a state but one stop in advance of the Indian of the forest.” Hon. J. H. Lum kin, of Georgia, in a paper on the Industrial egeneration of the South, published in 1852, in advocacy of manufacturing establishments which had been attempted in Georgia, and the establishment of which had been resisted on the ground that they would become hotbeds of crime, and endanger the safety of slavery, said: “It is objectedthat these manufacturing establishments will become the hotbedsof crime. at am by no means ready to concede that our poor, degraded. halffed halfclothed, and ignorant population without Sabbath schools or any other kind ofinsiructiou.mentalor moral, or without any just appreciation of charactci will be injured by giving them employment which will bring them under the oversighto employers who will inspire them with selfrespect by taking an interest in their welfare.” Down to that time free trade had certainly done but little to bless the poor white people of the South. Nor does it seem from recent descriptions, and from our observation of them in military prisons and hospitals, to have materially benefited them down to the present day. J. Mr. Gilmore Esq., “Edmund irke, ” inhis discourse on the social and political characteristics of the southern whites, before the Jersey City Literary Association, estimated the number known as the “mean whites” at over 4 millions, and described them as “herding together in sparse communities and gleauing a sorry subsistence from hunting, fishing, vand aching, in the mountain districts of irgiriin. upper Georgia, Alabama, Mississip i, and in the sand hills of NCarolina and the barrens of tennessee, and throughout the rest of the South; as hovering around the borders of large plantutions, quarterin themselves upon the chiv alry, stealin the corfrom their crests and the hams from their smokehouses.” He said they were tolerated by the planters for the 200,000 votes they gave foxslave arid the mad theories of the planters, and adde, flliey are far below the s avos in morals and Civilization; are indolent, shilll888, lhlevlllg lying i a 552 January 32, given to whiskydrinking, snufiidipping. clay eating, incest, and all manner of social vices. Not one in 1,000of them can read; not one in 10,000 can write;” and he said that he “had met man who had never seen a book or newspaper, an some who had never heard of a Bible or a offingbook.” Mr. B. C. mnnn. an accredited correspondent of that journal, in a letter to the NewYork Times, dated Montgomery, Alabama, October 23, 1866, ” said: There is a olamofboin in all the southern States known as poor whites. no little monosy llnhlo ad. Iective does not give the faintest Idea of these things with bodies and souls. Howu der the heavens thoy live is a qumtion for the philanthropist. if indeed that pardo of benevolence has ever visited the reion in which the exist the homes oftho poor whites. Iwnitha vai. snitavtoal punish Fort a few days ago in company officer we stopped at the shobaug of onnaetive ef st. heTsheespecies: Most of those r whites are ever. Was a Soalnn(dllm alldvilal nlkw, lhboumt hwaedolinveleddiunptohne. phloawce we found h iu fior 30 years. For a long time he modulus living by manufacturing turpentine; but ltihveed true peosnruwnhoautth years agp and since then he has sugar hasraised, buying nothin: but eggs and coffee. for which he traded chickens and long. wI1liathsWcvifuenwlitatlsecohf iltdheen nylhacrr msiodled, lean and in her mouth. I and apipe spondent and shteolCdlldhneor t kwnoaws awnheawt stphaapter corre was. I endeavored to explain and found that shedid not know what a news spur was. amigo!sherarities within Dam male:q)Mo Is. The husband could not read or to his name. but could drlnk like a fish. Both husband and wifo had on wooden shoes. while the nature had exphriobvit ideeddnfoor fteheetm covering except what “ Throughout the southern portion of Alabama. upon both sales of the nv r, is what is known as the piney wood: country. I; is one of the most barren sectionsI have ever seen. Neither corn nor cotton will grow to any extent. Sweet potatoes are the chief reduct and this vegotable and bacon, nllttle corn read. form the bill of fare morning. noon and night all the year round. These people are scattered all through these pincy woods and we in loghuts which in a way protect them from the tempoptuous weather and violent storms of wmd and rain which howl through thlfl barren waste during certain periods of the year. Oh, how I been the recipients o1puintyctohuensteepdowoorbeseianngdswunh hoehaarvde of EllffUlxlllKS during the long. long years of African I every and Dixon, the traveling correspondent of the Boston Daily Advertiser, whose admirable letters prove him to be a keen observer and faithful riporter, writing from Fort Valley, Georgia, ovember 16, said: “Wbotbeg the NCarolina or SCarolina sandelnller or the Gdierotregaiaterc]raocrkethr. e lowest in the scale of difflcult to say. lemon existence would be The ordinary plantation negro seemed to mo, when I 1st saw him in. any numbers. at the veilrityic bso, ttom of not ouly probabilmes. but also possi so far as they nffect human relations: bu wheth sehsapveinegimreenaschoef dthayeowthloitweerradeeep must be oredite and beastly of squalid and wretched nesl. However, poor or igno rantor unclean or improvident he may be. I at found a never or a better enoonndoitiwohno. ahnaudnndoetfianteledalosnt ngvinagfuo or desire thing callod freedom. a shrewd some ervahon. These 3 instinct o selfpres ideas. or, let me say. shadows of hitihdiemaso. Udtoonfo tht embaokuend thse creature a man. but they of brutedom. The Georgia cracker. as I have seen hint since leaving Milledgeville. scemslo me to luck not only all that the negro docs. hutalsn even the desire for a better condition and the vagpo longing for an enlargement of his liberties and his rights. I walked o utinto the country back, of Albany and andersonvillc, when at those places, and into the country back of Fort Valley this Morningand on each occasion Ifoll in with 3 or tbur of thesp cracker families. Snob filthy pov ortygmobfoul ignorance, such idiotlonnbemlity. such bloensgtxmpslli. nstincts, such groyellng desires. such mean you would questionmy veracity noaman if I were to paint the pictures I no tric of words can have soon] Moreover. around one of thrse make plain the scene in and guano can embody habitations: no fertility of lan. the simple facts for a northern ims isnedarcaenly dbtphlencvars negro nimeein w. !h“oh even Boeingitself effort will load the poem unto Intr –llxcent manhood: but I if it almost doubt respmecltlabbeility possible to ever hittlus l white trash into Sir, is not the Gentfrom Indiana [Mr. Viosonuass] mistaken in asserting that free trade the true theory of government.” and can npolicy which produces such results as I have depicted be wise? Can we rely on it to pay the interest on our debt, to meet the pensions we owe to those who have been disabled in our service, or to the widows and children, or aged and dependent parents, of those who have laid down their lives in our cause? such free trade as he advocates can produce but one result; and that is bankruptcy, personal, cororate, State, and national. It is against the nws of nature and the providence of God. It involves as a necessary consequence idleness for 1/2 the year to all, and for all the year to many of our people who would find adequate and remunerative employment under a system of diversified labor. HOW ENGLAND ESTABLISHED HER SUPREMACY. The propositions I have enunciated are not deduced from our exerienee alone. All history ailirms them. ther nations have tried free trade and ever with the Same result. England, the workshop of the world and mistress of the seas as she proclaims herself tried it, and from the time of Alfred to that of Edward the Confessor, sold her skins for a Sixpence, and bought back the tails for a shilling, by exchanging her unwrought wool for Dutch and Flemish clothing; on the question as to how population might be prevented from exceeding the ability of the lens to feed the people perplexed her rulers throughout the long period. Even so late as the 36th year of Elizabeths reign a law was enacted against “the erecting and maintaining of cottages, ” which, after reciting that “great inconveniences have been found by experience to grow by erecting and building of great numbers and multitudes of cottages which are daily more and more increased in many parts of this realm” enacts that no such tenement shall be erected unless 4 acres of land be attached to it and Charles I, in 1630, issuedaproelamation “ againstbuilding houses on new foundations in London or Westminster, or within 3 miles of the city or kings palaces.” This proclamation also for bade the receiving of inmates in the houses which would multiply the inhabitants to such an excessive number that the could neither be governed nor fed. The population of England as quadrupled since then, and her modern capitalists, reurding labor as raw material, maintain a supply in sufficient excess of the demand to cheapen it to the loWestPoint, to which end the British islands raise a quarter of a million of people, chiefly Irish, for annual exportation feeding them in their unroduetive infancy and childhood; yet the Englis people are better fed, clothed, housed, and paid than they ever were before. The chan c has been wrought by the diver sification o or industry, which has been accomplished by so legislatin as to set at work all the poor of England with the wth of her own lands; and the contrast which Ireland precents, of years of famine and an industrious people, whose attachment to their native land is intense, fleein by millions from the homes of their childhood and the graves of their ances tors is the result of that onesided free trade which England has forced upon her since the Union, by which her woolen, worsted, silk, cot ton, and linen factories have been destroyed. Protected by her legislation of 1783, these and other branches of diversified industry were pros perous and her people contented at the date of the Union. But English free trade having done its work nothing is now of so little va no in Ireland as an ablebodied laborer with a good appetite. Let him who would understand the causes of the miseries of the Irish people and the depopulation of their country read the 13th chapter of Henry C. Careys Slave Trade, Domestic and Foreign. It is a brief story but pregnant with instruction. I cannot tell sir, when England 1st deter mined to abandon dependence on the duetion and exportation of raw materials, at find by reference to McCallaghs Industrial History, page 74. that in 1837she passed an act imposing “Aduty of 40 ship persuck on nllwoel el ported by exported bnynotirvooumzuecrors. Beanndexstixyteyasrhil Plinarglsiaomneanltl was held at Wostmineter that went st? ll some furtherin the direction i) growth enacting th no wool of English should o transported cyond seas and that aplalrts cloth workers should be received, from whatever they should come and lit places shonl be assigned them with divers liberties and privilege, and that they:should have a certain allowance f om the afieuphl they might be in a way of living y then While England remained a purely agricultural country her capitalists encountered the difficulties which those of the South have to over come and Wade, in his History of the Middle and Working Classes, page 81, says: po“sIintion the ycnrlm we have evidence of a strung disto vazmn conmon laborers, in a complaint of the House of Commons t give at masters are obliged to their servants high wages to prevent their running away: that many of the runways turned begyznfl and lived idlo lives in cities and l)0rot1 gh:. hllhoui!h they have sulliclent bodlly strength to gain a livelihood if willing to work and that the chief purt turned out sturdy rogpes, infest –lug the kingdom With frequent robberies. There are those who utter such complaints in our days, and especially do lore the fact that they “ are compelled to give their servants high wages to prevent their running away.” At a meeting of the planters of Marlboro district. SCarolina, the proceedings of which I find reported at length and properly attested. in the Charleston Daily News o December 9, the following, with many like resolutions, were adopted: Resolved, That. if inconsistent with the views of the authorities to remove the military. We express the opinion that the plan of the military to compel the fdreeseidreudmbny to the contract with his former owner. when latter is was. prudent and absolutely “Ifc good, That we. the planters of the district. Pledge ourselves not to contract with any freedman unless ho can produce a certificate of regular discharge from his former owner. Resolved. That under no circumstamce whatsoever rent land to any freedmen. nor Wlll we permit them to live on our promises as om loyfs. “. lfmoloed. That no system can o prosent which can devised for flu: secure Ruccruws here the discipline and management of the freedman is entirely taken out of the hands of the planter. amine invoke the authorities to FEGOSHHtMh) is fact, which cannot but be gpporent to them. " habitcoofomlpezki Tnhant wegorroeoqsuaccsttatsh comuirliitearrsy. sthoecreifiass. eatnhde constables. to serve writs and notices npon planters a systems o destructive to good orderand discipline.” It is evident that neither the thundera of Gill mores “ swamp angel, ” nor the bowl of her ponderons shells, had sufficed to awaken these somnolent gentlemen to consciousness of the fact that the 14thcentury had passed in the Palmetto State. Englishmen in thoseoarly days exhibited the same elements of character as the negroes of our days, show in that however the complexion of races may differ the impulses and yearnings of humanit are the same in all times and among the children of all climes. Each man embraces the elements of perfect manhood and the germ of every human iaculty and emotion; and the AfricoAmerican, in his newfound freedom, desires, as did the English laborer of the 14 the entn, to work for whom at what he feels hesleases, o can work best, an in the field which will give him the amplest reward. Slight as the stimulants applied to British manufacturing industry by parliamentary protection hadtion been, they caused the lamb holders to manifest as much anxiety for despotic control over the laboring people as do the pardoned rebels of the Sout and Wade tells us that the complaints of the ommons in 1406 furnish evidence of the competition which had commenced between rural and manulhe tuxing industry at that day, and that “To avoid the statutes missed some years before for compelling those who. had been brought up to the low till the ware 12 years of sgo to oontiune in husbandry all their lives. agricultural laborers hull no course to the expedient of sending their children into cities and bororughs, and binding them apprentices when they were under that age; and that burther. in order to counteract this. it was enacted that no perlsionng. Sunless possessed of land of nrentul of 20 shil a you should bind children of any age apprentices to any trade or mgstery within a city. but that the children should be brought up in the occupation doifttmhonlur. parents or other busmesr suited to their conBut even in those dark days the British Government seems to have been more enlightened than they who claim the right to legislate for the South, or Brevet Brigadier General Fullerton, late Commissioner of the Freedmens Bureau at NewOrleans; for it provided that such children were nevertheless to be allowed to be sent to a school in any partpf the king dom; which their proposed legislation and his arbitrary orders or the government of the laboring people of Louisiana would effectually prohibit. These stupid parliamentary restrictions on the freedom of laborers were not to endure forever, an the regress o ng an in the deVelopment of lier resources has been marked by a constant] growing system of protection, not always judicious, sometimes in ngin the rights of the subject, but tending constandy to build 11 the power of the kingdom, increase the material comfort of the subject, and give her ascendency over the nations of the world. In 1727 Dean Swill appealing to the Irish people in behalf of Ireland, said: “One causeof a countrys thriving is the industry nfthe people in working u all their native commoditiesto the last: another. the convonlency of safe ports and havens to c out thoirlroads as mwch manufactured, and bring those of other sasll the man red. as the nature of mutual commercewillal low; another. the disposition of the people of country the to wear their own manufactures and import caonlivttelonice lnottlhyinlig vefuwrinthitouuret., food, or drlnk us they can These were not abstract notions with him, for by that time England had become thoroughly protective in her policy and was increasing in population, wealt i, and power; while Ireland, though not wholly disregarding the necessity of protecting her own workmen and developing or resources, exhibited a tendency to be governed by that plausible but shallowest of economical sophisms which teaches that it is wise, regardless of all other circumstances and conditions. to buy where we can buy for least money and sell where we can sell for most, and was sinking in the scale of national consideration. How protective England had become is illustiruted by the met that from having for many centuries exchanged her raw wool for manufactured cloths, she had in 1660 prohibited the exportation of unmumlflwhtred wool. This prohibition continued till 1825 and to protect or silk mamrfaeturers, from 1765 to 1826, she prohibited the importation of silk goods manufactured in other countries, and confirmed the parliamentary prohibition by a reservation in the treaty of commerce concluded with France in 1786. She also prohibited the export of tools and machines used in various branches of manufactures. In 1696 she prohibited by special act of Parliament the exportation o Lees stockingnames machine invented nearly a century before. She also pprohibited by various acts the exportation of certain machinery used in woolen, silk, cotton, and linen manufactures. such favor did protection to English labor find that her laws prohibitin exportation were made to embrace presses or ies for iron buttons engines for covering whips, tools for punching glass; in fact, anything for which it was thought worth while on the part of any class of manufacturers or mechanics to seek protection at the hands of the Legislature by securing English men a monopoly of the implements required for the production of their goods and when, in 1824, a commission, created to inquire into the expediency of repealing these prohibitions, reported generally in favor of the repeal, it was unable to recommend their unconditional abrogation, but qualified the suggestion by recommending that the Privy Council should continue to exercise their discretion in permitting the exportation of such tools and machiner then pprohibitedas might appear to them not likely to be prejudicial to the trade or manufactures of the United Kingdom, “be cause it is possible that circumstances may exist which may render a prohibition to export certain tools and machines used in some particular manufactures expedient.” To justify even this conditional recal the commission set forth the advantages ngland had derived from the protection of her infant or feeble industries in the following language: “Placed beyond all comparison at the head of ely ilization as rernrds manufacturing skill, mlh capital for more ample than u manned by any othqr. with cheap and inexhaustible supplies of "On and fuel and with institutions everyway favorable to the development of the industry and ingenuity of her oitincns. She must always be able at least to maintain her superiority of position where circumstances are other respects equal, and be ready to turn to the utmost advantage every improvement reachher in common with her less powenyuvl hriicvhalms. ay It was not, we perceive, until by adequate protection to her labor she had kept the balance of trade in her favor long enough to make capital so abundant as to secure a steady and ample supply of money at low rates of interest; an witty setting all her people to work on the gro of her lands had trained artisans and accumulated an abundance of superior machinery, which had paid for itself by profits on its use, that England was willing to admit the labor of the world to compete with that em phiyed in her varied industries or had she resorted to these devices alone in her progress to this assured position, for an Englis writer, Porter, on the progress of the Nation, says: “Previous to 1825 the jealousy Of our Legislature in to the progress of foreign manufactures was extended so far as to interfere oven with the natural right of working artisansto transfer their industry to countrieswhereit could be most profitably exerted. Any man who had acquired agraotical knowledge of manufacturing processeswas thereb renderedapris oner in his own country and not on y might the arm of the lnw be interposed to preyent his quitting his native shores but heavy penalties were imposed on all personswho should a of. the expatriation of one of our artisans.” momma rnnscflss BUT DOES nor PRACTICE FREE TRADE. These, however, were not the most effective means by which England has protected her capital and augmented her power. While prohibiting the exportation of tools and machines, and restraining her skilled workmen from emi rating, she was, from so crux as 1337, as we have already seen, encouraging y special grants and privileges the artisans of other countries to brin with them the implements of their industry an employ them within her limits. Her policy is unchanged. The free trade she proclaims is theoretical, plausible, and delusive. Her revenue laws, and her treaty stipulations, however recent with France, Portage, the U.S., and other countries, if they treat of the question of trade guerd the manufactures of England against the competition of those of any foreign nation. The world hailed her welcoming of foreign grain asa step toWard really reciprocal free trade. Her statesmen, however, saw in it a masterstroke by which her manufacturin supremacy would be maintained. Sir Robert eel knew that the manufactures of enland Were the source of her power; that cheap good forher laborers was an element of cheao production; that so longas other nations would employ herto manufacture their raw materials it was immaterial whether she raised on grain at all; and that every acre of her arable and not required to raise green vegetables and the and fruits which do not bear transportation, might be appropriated to shoe walks and gasturage, and, through her wel protected an diversified industry she Would row from the prairies of the U.S., the banks of the ile, and the shores of the Baltic a supply of food for more nerous than the insular dimensions of England could possibly yield. Her policy is to undersell all others. To do this she must depress the wages of labor, and to accomplish this she must provide her laboring people at the lowest possible prices with the simple and coarse fare on which her low wages compel them to live. To have retained the duties on grain would have been, in so far, to tax raw materials, as we do, and she is too astute for that. She wants cheap food for her slaves as the southern planters did for theirs, and gets it as they did y forcing British free trade on the American people. She is the foe of the workingmen of every country, and impairs their wages by depressing those of the men upon whose toi, her own power depends; She protects the capital of England as we wish to protect the labor, ingenuity, and enterprise of the American people. Her aim is to be the workshop of the world, and to bind the people of all other lands to the rude employments of unskilled agriculture. The agricultural interest resisted the repeal of the corn lawa. To admit grain dlity free it was said Would ruin the farmers and lessen the market and taxable value of the land of the kingdom. But her experience has demon strated the laws of social science and proved the harmony of interests by increasing the agricultural products of England in a ratio equal to the increased amount of her import of raw material and the extent of her home market. mus 1mm: “HAUSTS mm) m mrovnnrsnss marinas. I have said, sir, that a nation cannotplo or by commerce and agriculture alone; and our itter experience ofwasted lands and oltrceurring bankruptcy contrasted with the steadily increasing afilucucc of the agriculturists of England contirms the fact. Let us examine this question. We boast ourselves on agricultural peolo and are content to look to nations beyond tesons for the fabrics we consume and a market for our products. Not having a home market we cannot diversify our cro s, but must confine our selves to the product on of those commodities which will keep long and bear transportation. Wheat, corn, pork, cotton, rice, tobacco, and hemp are our great staples, and our crops, omit ting those produced within a radius around the large cities narrowing as they diminish in importance, diminish from your to year, whilethose of England, stimulated and varied by a home market increase so wonderfully that science pauses before declaring that she has yet ascertained the measure of wealth is single wellfed acre under scientific culture will yield. The vir n soil of America gives back to the farmer at east 30 bushels of wheat to the acre; and in his earl crops he does not fear the Hessian fly, the mi e, weevil, or any insectdestroyer of in. Int o old wheatgrowing States remote from cities, the same amount of labor bestowed upon an acre is rewarded by but 7 or at best ten bushels, and the farmer regards himself as lucky whose fields are not visited once in 3 years by some of the deadly foes to wheatthe insects that live and swarm upon the diseased juices of feeble grain, the offspring of famished soil. The must carefully reared tables I have been able to find give 12 bushels or less as the average wheat cropperacre of America. In England the fields are enriched by the bones, woolen rags, and other nutritious may nures which we export; the grain cm is fol lowed by a green crop or those vegcta les, the tops of which absorb from the atmosphere and return to the earth the aliment abstracted by cereals, and the amount of labor which, when England was a purely agricultural country drew but from 12 to 15 bushels of wheat from an acre, is now rewarded by from 38 to 43 bushels, or the equivalent thereof in roots for the sustenance of man and beast. Under our exhausting process of dragging or tbrturing from the earth the last elements of the white crop, and our exportation of stimulants and manures, our very fruit crop is disap caring. The diseased trees of the orchard tie appde, the pear, the lam, blossom and bring forth fruit, and the borer, the curculio, and others of the insect tribe that are sent to scourge us into good husbandry, revel in it, and it falls before may turity as if to give some subsistence to the starved stem that gave it its sickly life. This is no fancy sketch. In endeavoring to sell in the dearest money markets and buy where we can buy for least money, we have sold the very life of our acres and mortgaged ourselves to a class of middlemen, mostly fort“ ners, who take the results of our industr. as Kc price of ouring our products to maret and bringing as tetow and inferior commodities the tails wereceive in return for our skins. Our life is an inevitable game of cross purposes. Ambitious of commercial importance we produce only raw materials and can have no commerce, but must enhance the maritime power of our rival by employing her ships, 0TB: “1 we!“ 554 January 31, chants to do our carrying; and while eager to keep down our steadilyinereasin foreign indebtedness we ship our least bulky utmost potent manures in the same British vessels that can away our cotton, corn, and gold. The real alance of trade is ever against us, and our debtscommercial corporate, and State are ever increasing. Let us mine gold and silver never so fast, we can keep none of it. Our suspensions of specie payments are periodical. protective England maintains the balance of trade as steadily in her favor; and her statisticians calculate that her annual accumulation of surplus capital has attained the enormous dimensions of 50,000,000 or $250,000,000. England otfers no investments for this annual increase, and the managers of the railroads that our our crops over our own soil to the seaboard for shipment extort exor bitant freights to enable them to pay interest on bonds sold at low rates to foreign holders, or pay large dividends to British capitalists who, in default of other investments offerin roffts equal] great, have taken the stock. Vithout manu actures we can have neither commerce nor commercial marine; for a purely agricultural peole, depending on foreign nations for n limite market, have nothing with which to freight vessels to the general markets of the world, and no assorted commodities to exchange for those that would enrich the country and build up upon the seaboard commercia cm riums With native citizens and American interests. But, sir, let us look a little more closcl at the effect of the mad theories pro oiindeilli the Gentfrom Indiana lioonnsiesl on the land of the country. professor have it as his opinion, some years ago, I(laenndrg believe it to be true today.) that there was more wealth invested in our soil in fertilizing matter at the moment this country was discovered by Columbus than there is at present above the surface in improvements and all of ther investments. Ohio, just y proud of her comparatively supe prior American agriculture, was admenished by John H. Klippart Es., corresponding Secretary of her State Iioard of Agriculture in 1860, that her staple crop, wheat, was annually decreasing in its yield peracre that in less than 50 years the average product was reduced from 30 to less than 15 bushels peracre, and that unless her farmers turned their attention, and that very soon, to the renovation of their wheat lands, even Ohio would soon be one of the non-wheatproducing States. During the 1st 5 years of the last decade her corn crop averaged 361, bushels to the acre, while during the cat 5 years of the decade its aver age had fallen to 32}. It matters little, prac tically, whether a man sell his acres or sell only their vital principle. It would have been bet ter, could we have done it, that we had exiorted our acres in all their breadth and depth than to have extracted from them as we have, and exported or burned as fuel their productive power. We should then have seen that that market in which goods can be bought for the least money is not always the cheapest, and realized how fearful a price we were paying for the tails of the skins Wehad sold so recklessly. I have referred to Ohio as an example, not because her case is expections.], but because if it be exceptional it is in avor of her better than average American husbandry. The South has been less desolated by war than by long continued and reciprocal free trade with England. The ravages of war can soon be repaired. Houses enna s, and railroads can soon be rebuilt. villages, as unimportant as those of the South, and in this I embrace her cities all other than NewOrleans, are things of very rapid growth in countries where men are free to exercise their skill or enterprise, and industry is well rewarded. But who shall restore her waste lands? War was not the demon that blasted them; it was the free trade that England imposes on semicivilized nations; it was the desire to create a monopoly of the cot ton and sugar trade; it was the belLBf that a poor and ambitious people whose exenditnres anticipated their annua crop could e victorican in a contest with n wen thy people whose diversified industry gave them the control of all markets, and whose surplus capital enabled them to choose their own time and place for purchasing. I will not describe, what I have seen in the South, ortake the reports brought by northern men. Let southern men describe the condition of their plantations. A southern ournal, which is quoted by Carey in his Social cience, but of which the name is not given, says: “An Alabama planter says that cptton has destroyed more than earthquakes or volcanic eruptions. 1! nos: theredhillsofGoorzia and South parohna, which have produced eotton till the last dying gasp of the soil forbade any further attempt at cultivation; and the land, turned out to nature. reminds the traveler, as he views the dilapidated condition of the country, of the ruins of ancientGrecce.” Dr. Daniel Lee in his Progress of Agriculture, in the U.S. Patent office sport for 1802, says: “Cotton culture presents one feature which we respectfully commend to the earnest consideration of southern statesmen and planters, and that is the constantly increasing deterioration of the soil devoted mainly to the reduction of this importantero.al ready this evi has attained a fearful magnitude: and under the present commonpractice it grows a little faster than the increaseof cottbn bales at the South. Who can say when or where this overaugmenting exhaustion of the natural resources of the cotton7 growing States is to end, short of their ruin?" deBow, in his Resources of the South, published in 1802, says:.” The native soil of middle Georgia is a rich argil laccous loam, resting on a firm, clay foundation. In someof the richer counties nearly all the lands have beencut down and approprinted to tillngc: a large maximum of which nve been worn out, leaving a desolate picture for the traveler to behholdf decaying tenements, redoldliills, stripped of their native growt and virgin sail, and washed into deep gullics, With here and there patches of Bermuda grass and stunted pine shrubs, struggling for a scant subsistenceon what was once one of the richest am of America.” Governor Hammond, in an address before the SCarolina Institute in 1849, after presenting the same class of facts, said: “These are not more aper calculations or the gloomy speculations of a irooding fancy. They are illustrated and sustained by facts rcurrent facts of our own day, within the knowledge of every one of us. The process of impoverishment has been visibly and palpably going on step by step with the doclinein the price of cotton.” Clement C. Clay, of Alabama, speaking in the U.S. Senate, said: “I can show you, with sorrow, in the older portions of Alabamnnn my native county of Madison, thesad memorialsof the artless and exhausting culture of cotton. Our small planters, aftertaking the cream of fthoir lands. pnuble to restore them by rest, manurcs or otherWise, are going further WestandSouth in search of other virgin lands. which they may and will do s oil and impoverish in like manner.” In traversing that count, one will discover numerous farmhouses, once the abode of: industrious and intelligent free men, now occupied by slaves or tonantless. deserted, and dilapidated; hewill observe fields, once fertile, now unlenced, abandoned and covered With those evil harbingers, foxtail nud broom sedge: he Will see the moss growing on the moldering walls of once thrifty villages, and will find one only muster grasp the whole domain that once furnished happy homesfor a dozenwhite families. In deedincountry in its infancy, where 50 years ago scarcea foresttree had beep felled by the ax of the pioneer, is already 01hlbllln th0 painful signs of iicibility and decay apparent in Virginia and the Care mas. Dr. Lee, in the paperto which I have already referred, says: Of the land cultivated in this country, 100 million acresare damagedto the extent of 3 dollnrs peracre perannum, or, In other words, a complete restitution of the elements of crops removed curhoabegaoczmnboet made short of an expense of FREE TRADE KEEPS US IN SUBJECTION TO ENGLANDS COLONIAL POLICY. Sir, this is a melancholy picture to contemplatea country wasted in its oath, and its people impoverished in the midst of abounding natural riches. and, sir, what adds to its somber character is the fact that it is not accidentalthat it is not the result of Provi dence, save as Providence permits some men to trifle with their rights and interests and others to take advantage of their wickedness, weak ness, or folly. It is the work of man; it is the result of design; it has been brought about as the end sought to be obtained by the sagacious and farseein legislators who have giiied the counsels of GreatBritain and their allies, the free trade leaders of the Democratic party of our count. The laws by which these melanchol results were produced are demonstrable, and have long been well understood. They are the golden rule as administered byselfish and perfidious England to young or feeble nations and her own colonies. they were understood by Locke when he prepare his essay on Civil Gyovernment. Dean Swift, as I have shown, expounded them when he endeavored to inspire the people of Ireland with wisdom and save to that u a py countrya future. They were understood by Andrew Gee when he published his work on Trade in 1750, and among other il lusarations of his clear apprehension of them sai: “Manufactures in our American colonies should be discouraged, prohibited.” whought always to keep n. watchful eyeover our colo nies. to rostrum them from sellinga any of them faclure: which are carnal on m Brdlaia, and any such attempts should be crushod at the by n ning.” "Qurcolonles are muc in the same state as Ireland wasin when they began the woolen manufactory, and mI r 1m ": film, will fall a manufacturer or clofhing llellaclccn, ( duc care e not taken to j! employment r them in raisinil such productions as may enabletheru to furnish cmselvesWith all the necessariesfrom us. the wrll huvethe providing rough materials to theme ves, so Sliflll we have the manufacturing of them. If encournncinent be given for raising hemp, flux. &c., doubtless the will soon begin to manufacture, fnot prevenled. Therefore. to flop the progrenofuuu such nmnufacliirr, it is proposed that no weaver have liberty to setup ii ii vlooms. Without 1st registering at an office, kept for that purpose.” “ f “ That all HillilllfimlllLQDd enginesfor drawing wire or wearing stockings bepiu own.” “ l " “ That all nc mu beine hibiled from weamn either linen or ea or win mngor combin woo, or toorkwiqa! an man addseel iron, further than making. it into 1 g or ar iron, That they also be prohibited fmm manufacturing hula ltockings or leatheralarm “a. rim limitation will not abridge the planters of any liberty they now an joy; on the contrary, i t vnllthen turn their indus. to promoting and raising those rough materials. “If we examine into the circumstancesof the inhabitants of our lactation, and our own, itwill a pear that not one our thofllmr produd red oumlalot r own profit, or, out of all that comhere, theyon! carry backclot noand other oceanm datiorufior t r familica, all of which is of the merchandise anAdl manufacture of this kingdom.” “ these advantages we receive by the plantations, burden the mortgage: on the laalen estate. at the high interest they pay us, who i; CCrg considerable.” I think, air, that I have shown by the extracts I have made from that remarkable book, ” Cotton is King, ” that the men of the South understood the laws of trade (certain as that of gravitation) well enough to comprehend the fact that free trade must ultimately destroy the varied interests of the North. They may not, mad with ambition as they were, have seen that the operation of the laws whose penalties they were inflicting upon others would involve them in common destruction but that they understood the fatal operation of free trade upon the great interests of the country is apparent in every chapter of the essay from which I have quoted. I know not, sir, whether the Gentfrom Indiana [Mr. Voonnnizs] has studied the laws of social science, but they have been thoroughly comprehended bv the statesmen of England, and furnish the key alike to her diplomacy and legislation. Illustrative of this is the cascof Portugal. In the latter part of the 17th century she had established manufactures of woolen goods, which were thriving, adding to the comfort and prosperity of her people, and to her own respect ability and power. lhey, however, neede protection against the hostile capital and more fully developed industry of England, and in 1694 the Government, discovering the advantages it derived from these manufactures, resolved to protect them by prohibiting the importation of foreign fabrics of the kind. Thenecforward their increase was so inid as to attract the attention of British capitalists, who determined upon their destruction. This was not to be accomplished at once; but, evading the technical language of the law, they manufactured articles an or names and of descriptions not precisely 1866. 555 00V8ledby the 80bof prohibition, which would ll business before foreign capital can again accumulate suppl their places, and threw them, in great abundance, into the Portuguese markets. The effect upon the industry of the country was soon felt, and the Government gave its attention to the matter and prohibited the introduction of these “serges an druggets.” But British capitalists were as determined that their fabrics should clothe the people of Portugal as they have since been that we should consume their cotton, woolen, steel, iron, and other goods; and what they had been unable to accomplish by the more force of capital or by skillful evasions of Portuguese laws, they at last achieved by diplomacy. Portugal failing to perceive that England could not produce Portuguese wines, as slie cannot produce American cotton, hem, rice, tobacco, and grain, listened to the wor s of such diplomacy as induced us to enter into the Canadian reciprocity treaty, and subjected the energy, ingenuity, and industry ofher people and the raw material of the country to the control of the Government and capitalists of England; the inducement to this step, artfully put for wa rd by GreatBritain, was that the wines of Portugal should be admitted into GreatBritain at a duty 1/3rd less than that imposed on wines imported from other countries. The effect of this treaty on the industry of Portugal is narrated by an English writer, who says: "Before the treaty our woolencloths. cloth so es, Hid cloth dru getswere prohibitadin Portugal. they had set up fa rics there for making cloth, and proceeded with very good success and we might justly apprehendthey would have gone on to erect other abrics until at last they had served themselves With every 5 noiseof woolen manufactures. The treaty takes o all prohibitions and obliges Portugal to admit forever u lourwoolon manufactures. fheir own fabrics by this wereperfectlyruined, and we exported 100.000value in the single article of cloths the very year after the treaty. "Tho oourt [of Portugal was pestorodWith rumpu strancos from their menu acturerswhen the prohibition was taken 06pursuant to Mr. Mcthucii s treaty. But the thing was passed. the treaty was ratified, and their looms were all ruine d.”Brihali Mcrchantmen, vol. 8, p. ". In the spirit of the diplomacy of Methuen was the parliamentary elo nence of Henry, now Lord Brougham, in 1815. having described the sheet of the peace of 1814, which bound conti nentul Europe to the use of British manufactures, and produced an excessive exportation of British gopds in that direction, he said: "The pencoiof America has produced somewhat of the sameeffect. though Iain very far from placing the vast or orts which it occasiono upon the sumofooting with those to the European market the year be forc, both because ultimately the Americans will pay. which the exhausted state of the Continent renders yory unlikely, and becauseit was well worth while to mesqa loss upon rh zfirslesmorlmion in orderbv the glut to stifle m the cradle those rising manufactures in the U.S. which the war hasforced into existence oontraryto the natural course of things", Though I should not pause here, I cannot abstain from asking the Gentfrom Indiana [Mr. Voonusss] whether he is read to permit “ British capitalists” to glut our marets and stifle in the cradle the rising manufactures which the late war has called into existence? In further proof that they will do so and throw the workmen engaged in our furnaces, forges, factories, and wor shops out of employment if we do not protect them, let me adthat the commission appointed under the provisions of the act of 5th and 6th Victoria chapter 99, showed how well it understood that the supremacy of GreatBritain depends on the maintenance at whatever cost of or manufacturing supremacy, when, in the reportto parliament in 1854, it said: “I believe that the laboring classes generally. in the manufacturin districts of this country, and especially in the iron and coal districts. are very little aware of the extent to which they are often indebted for their bsing employed at all to thesmmemcloua which the employer and untarsly incur in bad times, in orderlo de ctrou oreimi competition, and topain and posses nonaf foreipn markets. Authentic instances are well known of employers having in such times carried on their work ata loss amounting in the ugregate to 3 or 400,000 pounds in a course of as many yoars. If the effortso those who encourage the combinations to restrict the amount of labor and to produce strikcs. were to be successful for any length of time, Ihem rnlaccimmlahonnfm) inimemihi no longer be made which enable ujew of! 10most wealth ];cu titul HI to overwhelm rillureign(, OHIP(:llliflnl Humanqrcu! doprccnion, and thus DElOlll the way for the whole trade I to stop in when prices rovive, and to carry on a great I Il to such an extent as to be able to establish a competition in priceswith any chance of success. The lilrge capitals of this country are the Great imlrumenla of war fare against the competing capitalists of forcirm countries and are the most essential instruments iiow remaining by which our manufacturing supremacy can be maintained; the other elements cheap labor, abundance of raw materials. Moans of communication, and singed labor being rapidly in process of being real ise. rniycs, ENGLAND, PRUSSIA, snonnr. Nor, sir, have other nations failed to discover that social life is not subject to chance, or to enforce what are now termed the laws of social science. Indeed, the more sagacious and powerful nations have been compelled in self efcnse to do What wegrand as or!“, the dimensions and resources of our country must do or be forever dependent and subject to ever more frequentlyrecurring periods of bankruptcy, private, corporate, State, and national. Carlylias brilliant wordpainting deicts the horrors that flowed from contempt for e value of labor in France, and the historian of the rebellion just crushed will portray those which flowed from our disregard of the rights of the laboring people of our country. adLouis XIV apreciated the value and national power of the skilled industry of France he would not have revoked the edict of Nantes, upon which, says Hume: “Above halfsmillion of the most useful and industrious suhjects desertedFranco, and exported, togcther with immensesumsof money those arts and manufactureswhich had ehioil tendedto enrich thatooun try. our 50,000 refugees passed over into England.” Since the days of Colbert, however, with the exception of a brief term during which she adhered to the stipulations of a reciprocity treaty, ” into which England inveigled her, France has protected her industry by prohib itory acts, by bounties or concessions, and by high protective duties. Her present astute ruler and the British Government have recently attempted to dazzle and mislead other nations with theories of free trade which neither was willing to carry into operation; but the tariff not prepared by M. Chevalier, after conference with Mr. Cobden who, in his desire to improve the condition of the laboring classes of England by securing them cheap food, was led to adopt all the fallacies of the school of free traders, is perhaps the most scientifically protective revenue law ever devised. France permits none of her raw material which is not absolutely in excess of her deman for food of fabrics, to be exported; nor will she admit into. her ports any article that may come in competition with her industry without requiring it to pay her and her peole adequate compensation for the injury such admission might inflict. A recent illustration of this is beiore us. The free trade papers are announcing that France has determined to admit raw whalebone free of dut. They cannot, however, tell us that she as consented to admit foreign hops on the same terms; for while in viting cargoes of whalebone to her ports, she has rejected the application for the free admission of hops. She welcomes the product of the American Whaler for whalebone enters into an infinite number of her manufactures. She has no domestic source from which she can derive the article; and the duty upon it, as upon any raw material, was a tax upon her manufacturers, or a bounty to their rivals. She therefore re mits the duty for the same reason that she taxes hops. She produces much wine, and but little beer; and her own soil and labor furnish her with an adequate supply of he s for all uses within her hmits. o admit em would be to injure her agriculturists, and, perchance, to stimulate an a petite for a beverage that might injure the marlicts for French wines. We ship in the same vessel our wheat, and the bones, rags, and other refuse matter which would, were our own industry broadly diversified, after application to many purposes of use and pleasure, restore to the earth t 6 elements. extracted from it by the tons of wheat which they accompany to foreign markets; These France, England, and Germany guard most sedulously, and in a pamphlet now before me, entitled The History of the Shoddy Trade, its Itise, proess, and Present Position, ” Established in London in 1860, I find that in England “ Materials regarded at one time as almost worthless, are converted. by the improved processes of mofatenxutaillo labor and machinery, into valuable elements manufactures. T csesnis or refuseof rugs ianrse;used after lyingto rot. for the purpose of manur arab o and land. particularly the hopgroundsof Kent partial adljyacent counties, and are also made into flock for bedding and stuffing uses. They are, moreover, (which peems strange indeed) manufactured into n. chemical substance. namely prussiiiteof potash. a valuable agent in deing. oddy dust, too which is the dirt emitted Dromrags and shoddy in their processes. isuseful as tillageh in like manner with the wastewhich falls under scribblingengines. The later is saturated with oilI in which consists, mipnly the fertilizing property. Waste is of more iynagno thandust forfarining purposes, the formerhiiv been eucrally about double the price of the lab tor: but just has of late increasedin value so as to by well nigh equal to waste. A large quantity of thes mptprialsis annually sent from this district ( the west Riding of York) into heat and other counties to till the soil. Shoddydust is uscful in other respoctsthan as tillage. It is now even carefully preserved in separate colors and up lied in the manufactureof flockpuperhanings, which are the best (lcscription of this article. ota single thing belongingto the rag and shodd system is valuelessor useless. There areno occnmuations or mountainsof debris to take up room or disfigurothe landscape; all, good. bad and indifferent. are beneficially appropriated.” Of these valuable materials this little work shows me that America furnishes England more than any other nation, and that in point of quality her woolen rags are the best, even better than those derived from the city of London; thatso largely are we the consumers of the cloths manufactured in greater or less part from our own refuse matter, that a commercial crisis in this country affects every manufacturer in the shoddy districts; and that the most calamitous eras in the history of the generally thriving towns depending on this manufacture were the years immediately followmg 1837 and 1857, when their industry was entirely suspended by the destruction of the American market. France less lavish of her wealth and more careful of the welfare of her people than we sedulously ards such elements of wealth and comfort. ow sedulously Will appear from the following extract from the little work I have just quoted:. “As to rags. we have not been ablo to import any from France. on account of their having been prohibited onan aitscleqc aport; but accordingtothe treaty of commerce just concluded between Frnnceand England [that arranged betweenChevalier and Cobden] the former has engaged to romo vs the prohibition, but reserves the privileged “"900!” a any dutyon rags shipped t a to this country. The amount of duty has not boon fixed yet. we believe; but there are fears on our part that it Will be such as to preclude either paperor woolenragsbeing broughtover to any material extent.” The fear expressed by the writer was well founded. Shrewd men played at an intricate me when that treaty was made; and while rance consented far enough to give a text upon which she and England might preach free trade to the other nations of the world, she reserved to herself the amplest power to maintain the most perfect defensive warfare between her interests and those of aggressive England. Prior to 1844 England herself subjected rag wool, that is, shod wool prepared lroni rags by any other nation, to a duty of a halfpenny per pound; but when other nations refused to sell er their rags in bulk, the prepared or rag wool became the nearest approach she con(I obtain in adequate supply to that species of raw material, and she abolished the duty which, light as it was, favored the industry of her rivals. Nor is Prussia behind France and enland in this matter, for the same pamphlet to me that at Berlin there are a number of manufac tories of ragwool, several of which have been established by enterrgising Englishmen from the shoddy towns of ewsbury and Batley. "These factories, ” says the writer. “produce both shoddy and mungo and appear to be succcssful under takings. The principal reason why our countrymen usine ssat Berlin and other placesin it is becausethatGorernnwnlfewer o heavyduty on the rpnrlalionqf rag, and pffllllffi hulfdu. mem”. “flulured article, toyoout roe. thus a onling “Milling: for an exporttrude in rag Wool not extended to rm Insignificant as the territory of Prussia is prosecute this in comparison with ours, the Government has found it well to insist upon Englishmen who wish to work the raw materials of the country coming with capital and machinery to furnis employment to the men, women and children of the coun, with the growth of the land, and to supply agricultural stimulants apd a market for agricultural products within its hmits, rather than repeat the unsuccessful exeriment of clothing the people in foreign goo s by selling their raw material at a price fixed by a distant customer and buying it back in clot at prices fixed by the some party. Will the American peOple never learn this simple lesson? sscairr or soiviraarns rowan. The 1st Napoleon said, and his wdrdscannot be too often reeated in a republican country, a majority of whose people are dependent on their labor: “In feudal times there was one kind of property land; but there his grown up anotherindustry. They are alike. entitled to the protection and defenseof the Government.” 4 and how did he attempt to protect and defend what was and ever will be most the only property and dependence of the majority of the people their skill and industry? ct us learn 50m haptal, his Minister of the Interior, who in his work on the Industry of France, says: "A sound legislation on the suhject of duties on imports is the true safefuard of agriculture and manufacturln indnstry. tcountervails the disadvuntasres up or which our manufactures labor from the condition of the price of workmanship or fuel. it shields the rising girls by prohibitions. t us preservmg them from the rivalship of foreigners until they arrive at pomplete peflection. It tends to establish the national independence and enrichest o country by useiul labor. whichI as l have repeat c 1ysin, is the principal sourceof wealth.” F. "It has been almost every where founde that rising manufactures are unable to stringle against establishments cemented by tiin enourished by numerous capitals, with acredit established by continued success, and conducted by numbers of experienced and skillful artists. We have been forced to have recourse to prohibition to ward oh the coinpetitl of. foreign reductions. Igo further: even att e present time, when these various speciesof industr are in a flourishing s ate, when there is nothing to desirewith regard to the price or quality of our productions, s duty of but ti! ccn%. wl iichwould open the door to the competition of foreign fabrics, would shake to their foundations all the establishments which exist in rance. nr stores would in pfew days be crowded With foreign merchandise, which man besold at any nee in order to mine us hour mdvutrv. Our manufac riqs would be devotedto idleness through the ini possibility of the propriotors making the samesnorioes iis foreigners: and we should behold the some scenes as followed the treaty of commerceof 1786. although it was concluded on the basis of 15%. Cotton yarn forms the raw material of our numerous loose and calicocs., If we freely open put ports to this material. whch has undergone but a singleo erotion. behold thoinfullible results. 100 million livres at present production would be destroyed for the spinning manufactures of France. becauscitis invested in bpildings. utensils, an machinery constructed for this purposp alone: 200,000 persons would be deprived of employment; 18 millions of manuiil laborwonld he lost to France and our commerce would bedeprived ofonc of its principal resources. which consistsin the transportation of cottLoent aitnd now tool lrorn Asia and America to France. be presumed that I deccive myself. I nuirnng woll acqunintedWiththostate ofour cotton spin and t t of the 2 neighboring countries. In France, it is true, manpsl labor is choir., but on the other side more extonsive establishmen 5, supported pylorgo capitals, affordadvontages against which it is impossible for us asyet to struggle. To this must be a dad that the English s inning machinery has ibneincminn iufisced for as llixtthy eyeexapresn. tseasotf the eirpfirorsptrei establishment. that the profits have been converted into new capitals. Whereas ours are of recent formation, and the interest of the 1st investment onightfor along time to be comuted in all the calculations of the profits of the manu octory. l. he English manufacturer. reim beauprsiteadl, folrlhis 1st i (ESilnClllflnilllQSSssinua use an, whereas btlheeIo ma“(sacrifices to name charm: Level French manufacturer is destitute of dfonse unless protected by the tariff.” Chaptal understood as thoroughly as Broug ham that England had the power, and that it was her constant policy to “ stifle the infant manufactures” of other nations “ in the eradle.” His language is as applicable to our interests now as it was to those of France when uttered; and we can find no other safeguard for our agricultural and commercial interests than such sound legislation on the subject of duties on imports as protected the infant but rising meInu uctureso France. "cannot abstain, sir, from stibmitting to your consideration in this connection a brief specimen of vigorous condensation from the instructive a dress of John L. Hafyes Es;, before the National Assoeiation of Wool manufacturers: “No soonerhad the 1st Consul. Bonaparte grasped with a firm hand the reins of state than he resolved to develop upon the Erupeh soil all the plenieuts of wealth concealed within its bosom. He Wished to pp figgreiaitin. mfeomr bFrearonfcethaellInssetiietnuctcelsiearutst, taenred diussntriheiss. sentiment: The true war of the French ropp lic should consist. above al. in its not allowmg a single newi ca to exist which it does not make its own; to learn the necessitiesand resourcesof the nation, hecalled uponsavaps. painters and artisans to adorn griothintheir productions the vast hall of the Louvre. this epocha new careerwas opened to the industry of France. which found its most magnificent pSroptaeincts ains the chief of the Slate. Napoleon said: 25 milljop merine s; I Wish France to have 100 millions. To pffect this, among other administrative aids. he established 60 additional sheepfoldsto those of Rambouillct where agriculturists could obtain the useof Spams rams without expense. By the continental blockade, he closed France and the greater part of Europe against English importations; and the manufacturers of France were pushed to their utmost to supply. pot only their domestic, but European consumption. boy had to replace. by imitating them the English commoditiesto which the people had can so oug accustomed. The old rputines of manufacturingwero abandoned and the “3181 of the emperor became uin all the industrial arts, onc long seriesof discoveries and progress. Napoleon saw that the conquest of the industry of England was n10 lessjmpo taut than the destruction of its fleets an armies. e appealedto patriotism, as well assciencean the arts torrid him in his strife with the modern Qarthago. Visiting the establishment for printin calicoes of the celebrated Oberhampf Napoleon am to him, as he sawthe p er faction of the fabrics: Wc are by th of us carrying on a war with enland: but I thin that yours after all is the best. These words, says M. Randoing soflattering and soJust, were repeated from one on of France to the other they so inflamed the imagi nations of the pen is that the meanest artisan be lieving himself called upon to be the auxiliary of the presumes, had but one thought. the ruin of Eng an. wnir PROTECTION HAS noun FOR GERMANY. Before the establishment of the ZollVerein, which occurred in 1835, Germany exported raw materials. Having sold her skins for a 6 pence, she bouggt back what few tails she could, at any price. er lahorinppeople were oor, and, as is now the case in reland, in sue excess of her abilit to feed and clothe them, that she was ever rea y to sell ii contingent to any party that might, be engaged in war, and if need lie to swell the ranks of both contending armies in any war. In the absence of protective duties, there was nothing of so little value to horas an ablebodied German peasant. But the establishment of that CustomsUnion has changed all this. It protects her industry, and as a consequence she imports raw materials from America and all other countries that adhere to her ancient semibarbarous policy, and exports her grain and wool condensed into broadeloth and the multiform products of wellprotected industry. The annual cm 1 derived from her soil increases peracre steadily as that of England, and in about the ratio of the diminution of ours. Wise laws have here again demonstrated the truth that there is a harmony between the varied interests of the people of a country, and that by a wide and universal diversification of employments the welfare of eachand all is advanced. 40 years ago England had not perfected her protective system so far as to admit all raw materials free of duty, and Germany sold her 30 million pounds of raw wool, upon which she collected a duty of 12 cents a pound, part of which when manufactured into low grades of cloth shcisold at immense profits ip, l rermany. But 30 years of protection have changed all this. Germany now raises, orer 70 million pounds of wool, and, imports very considerable quantities; and havingconi pacted her grain and wool into fine cloths she exports them to all parts of the world. When the ZollVercin was formed, says Henry C. Carey, “The total import of raw cotton and cotton yarn was about 300,000 cuts: li ntnorapid was the ertenswnof the manufacture that in less than 6 oarsit bud doubled; and so cheaply were cotton stop 5 suppliedlhnl. a large export trade had already arisen, n1845, when the union was but ten years old. the unn rt inlion of him edwcoetitgohntsa, nodn. asrinnc. eliiitihlreant cthimedenthmeirle has been a large increase. The iron manufacture, also. urewso rapidly that whereas. in icit}. the consurnption been only clcTrcii pounds or head. in 12547 it had risen to 25 pounds“ avipg ihus more liaii doubled: and with eachstepin this (“1136tion the cultivatinpgcggle “on: obtaining betur machinery for a land and forconterting its raw prod ucts into manufactured ones.” wssuine roi1, ilirrsiisoii, iiiiii JACKSON. In what str e contrast with this policy so fruitful of blessings has been that which we have pursued, and of which the rGentfrom Indiana [ML Vooausss] claims resident Johnson as an adherent. Opposed to privileged classes, we have legislate in the interests of but one class, and that an oligarchy; proclaiming “the greatest good of the greatest number” as our supreme desire we have so legislated as to impair the value of labor, the only property of a majority of our people; vsunting our national independence, we have so legislated as to prevent onrescape from acondition of commercial manufacturing, and financial dependence; an while justly proud of our general intelligence, we have so legislated as to justify the manufac turing and commercial nations of. the world in classing us among the semibarbaroiis governments whose people, rich in natural weal, have not the capacity to mold and trausmute raw materials into articles of utility, comfort, and refinement, and in ranking the people of the U.S., in their estimation, with those of Turkey, Portugal, Ireland, and the mixed races of Central and South America. The fathers of the couiitr were, in this matter, wiser than their children. hey had sulfered from the rigid enforcement by GreatBritain ofAndrew, Gees suggestion to “keep a watchful eye over our colonies, and restrain them from setting up any of the manufactures which are carried on in GreatBritain;” and they knew that if the nation they had founded was to be powerful, and its people prosperous they must be relieved from t t policy by the only means possiblethe adherence to these decnsive laws which would pro. tect an infant against the aggressions of a t. The constitution was adopted in 1787; firesident Washington was inau rated in 1789, and in“his address of the 8th of anuary, 1790, said: The safety and interest of the people require that they should promote suuli manufactures as loud to render them independent of other sfor essential, particularly for military supplies.” a and on the 16th of the same month, congress resolved, ” That it be referredto the SecyTreasury to proposeand report to this HouseapproperInc or plans conformably to the recommendations of the President in his speechto both Houses of Congress. for the encouragement and promotion of such manufacturesaswill tend to render the U.S. independent of other nationsfor essential, particularly for military supplies.” and in 1791 Congress adopted an act for imposing duties on imports, the preamble of wh“ich contains the followmg language: Whereas it is necessaryfor the port of the (iot crnment, for the dischargeot the do is of the U.S., and the encouragement ull prolcclwnofmmnrh factllrflm that dutieshe laid on goods, wares and mer chandise imported. ", in a communication 5 years later than this, whashington said:.” Congress hare repeatedly digestui their aitention to the encouragement, of nimiitaoturca the eluoct is of too much importiince uot to insure a continiiapze of these efforts in everyway which shall appear eligi and Mr. Jefferson, in his message of 1802, said that “To cultivate peace maintain commerce and nail igntien to foster our fisheries and protest manufactures opted to ourcircuinstancus. kc" are the lilllll marhsby which to guide oursolves in allourrelations. "I These expressions are inconsistent with the opinions adverse to the policy of fostering manufacture is in this country embodied by Jeffer sonin his Notes on Virginia in 1785; but he was not one of these fools who hold ita weakness to change an opinion, even under the discipline of experience; and inla letter to Mr. Benjainin Austin, dated January 9, 1816, when the subject of aprotcctive tariff was agitated by the people and was about to be brought to the attention of Congress, said in support of his ma tured judgment: V “ mil 2] t l” m aon; tilmfftficontinue our dependence on locotures. There was a time when quoti –il with more candor. " have since experienced what we did not than believe, that there exists boLlirotligapy and power enough to exclude us from the eld of interchange With other nationsthat to o independent for the comforts of life. we must fab onto them oursolves; we own pow place the manufacture Horb, tyhtchrecsfoidree, of the oqpncuhimat.” is now against domestic manufactures must befor reducin us either to dependanoo on that to reiirnnation, or to oclothed in sinus and to live like wild beastsin donea nd eaverns. I am proud to say that I am not one of these. Erperimico hm laugh! Me that munuflirturea are now iofnt necessary our 6 a cry in our coagfoyva;nd who uoteme as of ll different. opinion will keep pace With inc inymrcha –nng nothing ard where s an equionlm! of domestic fabric can be obtain. without iofnwreedgoarndottohdai 5 erae. nscuepopflprioeit, will not beour fault y at home equal to our demand and wrest that weapon of distress from the hand which has so long want only violated it.” General Jacksons oftquoted letter to Dr. Coleman, of NCarolina, was about 8 years later than that of Mr. Jefferson, and nothing that he ever wrote illustrates more adI mI ight have bisonso. n mirably his strong common sense and devotion to the rights and interests of all the people of the Union which he so resolutely efcnded. Writin to one of that class who have been please to call themselves “ planters, ” to distinguish them from the “barfisted farmers” of the North, upon whose interests they were then waging war, that they might secure cheap food for their slaves, he said: "I will any what in o real situation of the cultiirist? here has t oAmerican farmer 11. marat for his surplus products? Exceptfor cotton. he has neither 1. foreign nor a home market. Does not this clearly prove. when there is no market, either at home or abroad that there is too much la or employed in agriculture and that the channels of labor should be multiplied? Common sensepoints out. at once the remedy. Draw from agriculture the superahundant labor: employit in mechanism and manufactures, thereby creating ahome market for your bmadstatis, and distributing laborto nine nt profitable account: and benqfits to the country will result. Take from agriculture in the U.S. 600,000 men, women and "children, and mint once mve a home market fbr more breadstuffs than all Europe now fuipishosus. In short. sir, we have been too lungsulucct to the policy of the British American tisz. eIdt. Lahnltdminsatweeadsh oof nfeledhienegothmeepaelipttpleemrsosrusd laborers of Europe, feed our own: or elsonn a short tpiumnep. Obrys continuing our present policy, weshall all be ourscivss.” MAN ciixxor COMPROMISE museums. Mr. Chairman, why have we not regarded the teachings of history, the munitions of the fathers, the oftrecurring and bitter experience of the ust? Why have we been content, at intervalg of from 7 to ten years, to find the mass of artisans and artificers of the country without employment, drawing from the saving 5 bank their hoarded earnin s, seeing the litt e homes, under the roofs of which the had hoped in ripe age to die, passing under 1; e sheriffs hammer; and to see the forge, the furnace, the mill, and the workshop idle, and changing hands by forced sale oftentimes at less than a 4th and sometimes at but a tithe of their origina cost? Why have we been content to see the crop of the farmer rot in the field, while the laboring people of the cities were gnawed by hunger, and causing doubts of the stability of republican institutions by threatening, and in at least one instance absolutely perpetrating, bread riots? Why has our march of emigration been a march of desolation, and the son of him who emigrated to Ohio as the for West finding his labor Uni awarded by the famished land, been constrained to cry “ westwardho!” and go to contend with the trials and deprivations of frontier life, and found a new State still more remote from markets? and why was it, sir, that when those, who would overthrow our Government fired upon the flag, that, with our unequaledingenuity, our sheep walks of limitless extent, our boundlessv water power, and our measureless stores, of coal and iron, we were unable to provide ade uatel clothing and arms for the 75,000 men summoned to our defense? There is but one answer to all these questions. We suffered all these ills because we had disregarded the laws I am endeavoring to illus trate and other fundamental truths in which, on every public occasion, we proclaim our belief Wanderers. nnmm. lathm. fssas, i busy age an imachronism, involving the denial of all rights, and the repression of the native ability of the laborers at 1/2 ofour country; and had endeavored to prove the solecilsm that slavery is an essential element of free institutions, and adds to the power of a country contending for supremacy with nations that are using every expei ient to animate the industr, ingenuity, and enterprise of their people. by oppressing others we enfeebled and, degraded ourselves. Slavery has its laws, and they are irreconcilable with those which quicken industry and develop material power. Time will not permit, nor is this the Occasion for their discussion. It is enough for the present to so that they do not tolerate intelligent or re nited abor. They were understood an enforced by the slave owning oligarchy, and were submitted toby the masses of the people; whbse pride of race artfully fostered, eluded them into the belief that the inequalities of caste were consistent with the democracy of a professedl Christian republic. At last the d usion is is elled, and with it go the cruel necessities by which those who, bein free men, were, under the coin promises of the Constitution, enslaved by the in erent laws of slavery; and our country having corrected the solccism and banished the anachronism, may now enter upon a career of competition with the most advanced nations of the World. The vast and varied attractions the U.S. present to the hopeful the enterprising, the ingenious and the s illed workmen of the world, are the means by which we may enfeeble all rival Powers, while building up our own, and augmenting the prosperity of our rapidly increasing people. Slavery ein dead, let us entomb with it its twin barbarism, ritish free trade. Henceforth our legislation maywell bedirectedto advancin the atest good not only of the greatest num r, at the unquestioned good of all; and in this it will stand in strange cOntrast. with its purposes and policy in the past. To show how wide that contrast Will be, let me turn again to Cotton. On page 96 of this royal volume King I fin it written: “At the date of the passage of the Nebrasha bill. the multiplication of provisiohs by their more extended cultivation. was the only measurelefl. that could reduce a reductionof priccs and meet. thowants of the planters. The Canadianreciprocity treaty, aimeie cured, will bring the products qf thV British North American colonies, rec Qf duty, mto competitwn with than of the U.S. inhenpncewaithun –ule high.” This was not written by an English bond. Our forges, furnaces, and factories were unprofitable capital. Goal, ore, and limestone ayundisturbed in the places of their original deposit, and mechanics of skill and energy went begging, for employment. Yet an American writer reoiced that the means had been secured by which the farmers of the country could be made to sufferwith the afflicted multitude. With that want of patriotism which has long characterized the leaders of the Democratic party, hev exalted over the subjection of the agricultural interests of his country to those of British North America by that misnomed reciprocity treaty with Canada which southern influencehad forced upon us, and landed it as the sure means by which the farmer should be driven to a still greater distance from all other markets than that afforded by the few 100,000 men who regarded no interests but their own, and believed that these could only be protected by procuring still cheaperfood for their millions of slaves. But listen to him again. On page 123 Ifind the following: “ From what has been said, the dullest intellect cannot an new to perceivethe rationale of the lum sasNobruska movement, lflio imliticul influence which theseTerritories will giva to the Southwrll be of the 1st importance to perfect its arrangement for future slavery extensrpn. whether bydlvmon of larger States the and Territories now secured to the instrtution. its extensioninto territory hithertoconsidered free or the aeduisition of now territor to be devoted cm; of promgiiomma be reduced, and the extensionof l shiver);and "id row”: of cotton mffe rno interruption. The present e rts to plant. them with slavery are indispensable to produces nllicient excitement to [ill them speedily With a free population; and ifthis whole movement has been a southern scheme to cheapen provisions and increase the ratio of the productionof su or and cotton, as it most. unquestiona ably will do t surpasses the states inanlike strate which forced the people into an acquiescenceing: annexation of Texas and should the antislavery voters succced jn gaining the "political ascendencyin these Territories adbring them as free States triumphantly into the lllnloii, what can th do butturn in m all the rut of the wedernfiiatu have s, did help products lause or those who manufacture or sell the of the labor of slaves? These paragraphs show that the slaveholders achieved what an examination of the toppgg raphy of the country might have led them to regard as a last grand triumph. Their system hed undisputed sway; and let me ask whether, had they been content to live under the Government that existed, it could have prospered long? 2 interests alone were to be pursued: the owing of grain in the North and West, and the growing of cotton, sugar, rice tobacco, and hemp in the South. In the light of the extracts showing the rapid exhaustion of our soil by the exportation of its products, which I presented in the earlier art of my remarks and of the e erieuce oia every farmery an planter, will it e asserted that this system of culture could long have continued? Science could have calculated the yearsof its possible duration with almost perfect accuracy. when, under such a system, could the earth have rest, for recuperation? and whence could corne the stimulants to restore its Wasted energies? The system omitted these essential conditions of prosperit and thereby provided for its own ecliue. lie scheme was an impracticable one, which though it might have served as a tem porary expedient, could not endure, for it was in conflict with the laws of Providence. It may be that an indistinct percetion of this drove the oligarchy to the madnesso war; forall now admit that there was not, in the election of Mr. Lincoln, or the purposes of the Republican part anything to justify their attempt to destroy the Onion by war. But, be this as it may, the war did but hasten, by a few years, the inev itable termination of their persistent folly and crime. The commercial crisis of 1860, following so closely upon that of1857 and repeating, as both did so minutely, in allt eir details, the disastrous and widespread incidents of 1837 and 1840 would in themselves have constrained the people to demand such legislation as would romote and secure a diversification of our industries, the development of our resources, and the laying of foundations for a widely extended commerce. The American people had become too numerous, too enlightened, too energetic and had endured too many of these conimercia crises to have been willing longer to submit their fortunes and destinies to tccontrol of the few arrogant theorists. whose views were so narrow and whose fancied interests were so dia metrically opposed to those of all the rest of their countrymen.” WHEN and NOW, Sir, let us contemplate for a moment our condition when the champions of slavery and free trade fired on the flag of the country. April, 1861, found us unable to clothe our soldiers or furnish them with imlements and munitions of war. When the president called for 1,000 troops, and that number of the engvow 5 er of our countrymen romptly responded, they were clad not in our lilue alone, butin gray, the chosen color of our enemy, in black, in“red, or any other color, because we had not the propor material with which to clothe them, e had not the quality of iron, from which to fashion a unbarrel, nor could wo makc it. We had not blankets to shield our men from rain or frost in camp or bivouac; and as the people regarde the base character of the articles with which our Arm was provided, many of which had been may e from American ra sin the shoddy towns of Yorkshire, they raise a universal c of “fraud” 9. inst both public officers an.?Rl?9". sillofqueeienesewni. to the system, so as to presorve tho ha aneo of power in Congress. When thui“ done, Kansas and Nebmnka, like Kentucky and Mimounncil be o little consequece to slave widen nomy fllred with the o cap Dand constant on Iu Q proviaiom they can yield. lVnlhmn, therdorf ml soemail coincide with southern interests as a rapid migration free mtnintoihcac new Territories, whet: free labor, bluproduqioe one! along labor, factories stood still. The frugal laborer was living upon the earnings of past years. commerce, having dwindler from the expiration of the protective tariff of 1842, had ceased to an imate our rts. The crops of the West stood ungathered in the fields, and the bankrupte of 1857, from which we had not yet recovere had returned to sweep away the few who had withstood the surge. But the case is altered now. Necessity has compelled us to do what reason and experience long ago suggested. The fact that we deter mined to pay in gold the interest on our bonds and to obtain the required bullion by collectin the duties on imports in coin, has done muc to animate and diversif our industry. This fact and the general results of the warfor the duties we lay on raw materials and our internal taxes more than counterbalance the protection afforded to many branches of industry by our tariff laws have enabled us to recover from our prostration and started us in a career of prosperity and progress; and if wisdom guide our legislation, the waste lands of which I have road will soon be reinvigorated; the ancient village will be absorbed in the expanding cit; new towns will mark the plain and river ban; and where the mean white and the negro have loitered listlessly through the months, diversified and wellpaid industry, quickemng their energies and expanding their desires, will employ all their hours, and enable each to carve his way as an American citizen should do in a career that will afford him pleasure or profit. The Gentfrom Indiana [Mr. VOOBHEES] may desire to recall the idleness and misery of 1860, but I cannot believe that he is justified in intimating that President Johnson sympathizes with him in this respect. VIRGINIA. General Frank P. Blair, jr., intention neutralizing any service he may have reuered the country during the war, having gathered about him the representative men of the 80,000 disfranchised traitors of Missouriwith whom he now affiliates, recently chargedas does the Gentfrom Indiana, that the Republican party of the cOuntry is under the control of men whose objectis to aggrandize NewEngland, and by a protective tariff tax the agricultural interests of the country for the benefit of a few wealthy manufacturers, and that the resistance offered to the admission of representatives of the conquered but unrcgenerated peope of the South in Congress is the result of this purpose. How false this is he well knows; for every member of the fumil in the councils of which he hears so distinguis eda part, and which always speaks asa unit, may be shown, by their published utterances, to understand that protection to American industry is essential to the prosperit of the agricultural interests of the country. adequate protection to American industry, its defense against the assaults of the accumulated capital, machinery, cheap labor, and skill of foreign countries, is of less importance to the middle and NewEngland States than to another portion of the country. The wasted Sout most needs it; and next to the South the Northwest, rich in all the elements of manufacturing eatness, and poor only from her want of loca markets, which the diversification of her industry and development of her multifarious resources would create. Sir, Virginia is not a NewEngland State; nor do her people delight in being called Yankees, thong they will ereafter be as proud as we are of our national cognomen. But no portion of our country, unlessit be General Blairs own Missouri, with her boundless stores of va ried mineral wealth, would be so blessed by setting all its poor at work upon the growth of its own lands as Virginia. A discriminating writer, who in August last traversed a large portion of the gold region of the State, in company with 3 eminent mineralogists, in the course of an article in the December number of Harpers Magazine, says: “To give an adequate description of the mineral wealth which Virginia contains. would be not It minutaly describe every rod ofher entire length“, iim3 bracing 100s of miles, but to enumerate almost every mineral of value hitherto known among man kind. It is not in gold alone that she abounds but, scattered in profusion over almost her entire surface aretobe found iron, copper, silver, tin. tellurium, lead, latinum, cinnabar, plumbngo. manganese. asbestos. aolin State clay. coal rooting State of the greatest durabili. marblesof the rarest beauty. soapstone, sulphur, onestone equal to the best Turkey, gyp sum, lime, copperus. blue stone, grind stone, on a t, emery, and a variety of other materials that whehave hitherto been compelledto import or to doWithout. Indeed, it may be snid, without oxaggcration, that in the single State of Virginia. in the most singular Jux tupositiom of what might be consideredgeologically incongruaus materials is to be found an almost exhaust css fund of God given treasures more than enough to ay 08our whole nationa debt and only awaiting tffo magic touch of capital and enterprise to drug them to light for the benefit of man.” Of what avail have these boundless deposits of multiform riches been to the people of Virginia, and what have the Democratic party, slavery, and British free trade done for theirmost fortunately situated and devoted adherents 1 The aristocracy of Virginia have Withheld from the laborer his hire, and the native fertility of their land has wasted away. They have traded in human muscles as a source of power, and laboring men have shunned their mviting ch mate; and their water power, exceeding in one ear the muscular power all the slaves found. in the U.S. at the taking of the last census, could put forth in a lifetime, has flowed idly to the sea, often through forests so Wide that it could “ hear no sound save its own dashing.” and the State, from havmg at the close of the lastcentury been the 1st in point of population and political power fell, in 60 years, as is shown by the census, of 1860, to be the 5th in population, and to rank the equal of free young Indiana in the 5th class inpolitical power. The laws of Providence are inflexible and it could not be otherwise. Despising labor, the Heavenappointed condition on which alone man shall eat bread, she tended year by year to ward povert and want, and though s e raised millions of shoring people of ever shade of human complexion, the sweat of their brows enriched not her fields but those of other States. ZollVerein, and Ireland since the Union, she raised little else than laboring people for exportation. If he that fails to provide for his family be worse than an infidel}, 1what shall be said of the Government that drives the heirs to so goodly a heritage as the lands of Virginia forth to dwell among strangers in want aud ignorance. The Republicans of NewEngland and the middle States would make all her people comfortable, happy, and intelligent in the homes of their fathers. We of Pennsylvania will welcome them to generous rival. in every branch of industry to which we have evoted ourselves. In this age of iron, fire is force, and Virginia is underlai by the purest fuel. If she wishes to leave her rich gold and silver mines in all their wealth to posterity, let her rival us in contributing to the needed supply of iron and steel for the exhausted South. er kaolin is equal to an in England, and pwhy will she not lessen our e endence on that country by building up an merican Staffordshire, and embodying in porcelain the conceotions of American art? and as the product oft c quarries of NewJersey and northeastern Pennsylvania have driven British roofin and school slates from our northern market, why will not she send hersto every market in the South? The country would be none the less powerful or respectable if every child in that section, however black, were car pert in the use of the State and pencil, or if their new squalid homes were embellished, as are these of many of the working people of the North, by ornate brackets, biacket she ves, man tles, pier slabs, and table, bureau, and wash staud tops ofwhat everybody but the connoisseur and expert mistakes for porcelain, mosaic, or Spanis, Egyptian, red and green Pyrenese, verdantique, Siennesc, orphyry. brocatel, or other marbles, but which) are produced at little cost from the State of Lehigh county. I, PENNSYLVANIA CHALLENGES GENEROUS COMPETITION. Is it said, air, thatPennsylvania seekstoob Like Germany before the establishment of the tain a monopoly of the American iron market?. Why, then, oes she ask you to so legislate that capital shall find its advantage, and the laborer become rich, in working the unmeasured iron and coalbeds of her near neighbors, Maryland, Virginia, WestVirginia, Kentucky, an tennessee? enland can no longer supply herself with charcoa pig iron. She as not the fuel. Her forests. have yielded to the demand for pasturage and sheep walks. She is in this respect dependent on foreign countries, and buys such. ig metal as raw material where she can get it best and cheapest, from Sweden, Norway, Russia, or Nova Scotia, all of which are in the same isothermal zone in which are found, under lying forests which yield an average of 50 cords peracre, the inexhaustible beds of better than Swedish ore of the Marquette region of Michigan and Wisconsin. and, gentlemen of the orth West, I ask you whether patriotic Pennsylvania manifests a disposition to tax you for her advantage when she challenges your competition, an implores you to help her to out o England without fighting, and enrich your selves by setting unemployeddaborers at work With the growth of your own lands. The Bes semer or pneumatic converter is comiflg into use, and the exigencies of the war alanggtehlye incidental protection it has given our industry have created mauufactories of American steel; and in each of these facts you have a guarantee of steady increase in the demand for your unrivaled product, and of the profits of the railroad companies, which will carry away your commodities and return with pable to build the cities your expanding iron an steel works must create. A few figures will verify these assertions. Dr. Robert H. Lamboru, than whom there is no more careful statistician, tells us that “ By comparing the production of this region with that of other iron districts, it will be found that it Kiroduced in 1813morepig metal than Connecticut or nssachnsettsin the same year and 60% more than NewYork in 1850. Bee ore and metal together. the mines of Marquette row into consumptionin 1864 154,905 tons of metal or 3/5ths tismuch as the total pigiron production of the U.S., accord g to the censusreturns of 1351], and one8th of all It pig iron produced by the Uniled Statu m 186;.” In view of these gratifying facts, can it be possible that the people of the Northwest are anxious for an earl renewal of the “tripartite alliance formed by the western farmer, the southern planter, and the English manufacturer, ” so exultantly referred to in “ Cotton is King.” by which the furnaces producing all this metal shall be closed, and their proprietors and the laborers they emplov reduced to. bankruptcy, as those of Ohio and Pennsylvania have so often been by British free trade? If, gentlemen of Missouri, Pennsylvania is seeking a monopoly, why do her people labor to persuade you to produce at the ase of Iron mountain and Pilot Knob the utilities to the creation of which they devote their capital and industry? No, our efforts are not selfish. We wish to raise the prostrate South and give her an onward and upward career, and to secure to the American laborer wages so liberal that the report thereof shall invite to our shores the skilled and enterprising workmen of every craft and country. By employing all our people with the growth of our own lands we can create an urgent demand for labor, and thereby solve the most difficult problem before the country; for when labor is in quick demand its value will be regarded and the rights of the laborer protected. By no other means can the exhausted South be restored or the work of her recu eration be commenced. Who will emigrate to te recently insurgent States? Vast and varied and peculiar as are their natural resources, will capital, proverbially timid as it is, fly to a region characterized by turbulence and lawlessness, or enterprise to a land in which labor is regarded as the disgraceful office of a subject race, and where legislation is employed to repress the in tellect and suppress the aspirations of the laboring people for a higher and better life? Sir, there is not a northern State that does not out bid them for emigrants and offer superior inducements to the capitalist and those that are infinitely more attractive to him who has but his labor and that of his family to sell. Pennsylvania needs a million laborers. She can feed and clothe and house them all should they come to her in the current year. We want them to (gather and refine petroleum, to construct an manage railroads, to conduct our internal carring trade, to build factories, forges furnaces, founderies, and the towns they will beget; to quarry slate, zinc, coal, iron, marble, and the 1,000 other elements of wealth condensed within the limits of our State. Inert, as these natural elements of wealth are, they are of no available value; but the quickening touch of labor will transmute them all to gold, and energy and enterprise and capital, in the hands of men whose earlier years were passed in manual labor, are holding out to industry the richest bribes to induce it to come and helppay our national debt and increase our countrys power by enriching themselves and us. But, sir, we offer higher inducements than wages in dollars and cents. Our equal laws, recognizing that the children of a State are its jewels, but a schoolhouse near every laboring mans welling, and as a reward for his industry, and to increase the power of the State, secure to each child coming into it the keys of all knowledge in the mastery of the English langauge, the part of writing, and at least the elementary rules of arithmetic and in the neigh borhood of every hamlet the church s ire points the way from earth to heaven. Be ore the al tar employer and workman meet as e nals, and in the same class in the Sundayso ool their children learn practical lessons of Christian equality. A SUGGESTION AND nxanrm: TO THE SOUTH. These are conditions that the South cannot yet offer to the emigrant from our fields or those of Europe. If she would prosper she must Americanize her system of life, abandon her contempt for labor, and her habits of violence and isregard of law. She must learn to respect man as man, and stimulate his exertions by quicken in his intellect; expanding and chastening his csires, and insuring him a just reward for whatever he shall put forth in the way of industry oringenuity or enterprise. She can only create the elements of her new and great future by developing the resources now at her command, the chief of which she will find to be her apt and docile laboring people. Her present purpose seems to be not to do this, but to enter on a new career of oppression. Her dream is still of dominion over large plantations and imbruited laborers. Let her abandon the problem, “How can I make my laborers work?” and occupy herself upon the gentler one, “How canI induce these people by whom I am surrounded to enrich themselves and me?" and she will begin to learn how rich and powerful she is. When she shall have accomplished thus much, when her laborers are freely aid and her common schools offer shelter an culture to the laborers child, she may successfully appeal to those who can elsewhere find wages, security, and equal chances in life to come and cast their lot with her. She should hasten the comin of that day. In common with us, she is urdened by the debt of $3,000,000,000 in which she has involved us. Let her remember that she, too, has coal, iron, lead, copper, zinc, silver and gold, cinnabar, tellurium, and all the elements of manufacturing and commercial power which characterize so abun dantly every section of our country; that she has broad land which will not be fully worked when every man and woman within its limits may say with truth, ” I am indeed an American citizen, and have, by my wellrequited voluntary labor, earned the bread my dear family has this day eaten.” and she will find that she has added vastly to her wealth when the field hand shall have been transformed into 3, skilled workman; when he who, under the orta lash, has lazily hoed cotton or corn, under the stimulus of hberal wages, converts ore and coal into rails, cannon, or anchors, or into any of the 1,000 mine r fabrics from the fishhook and the sail or packing needle to the heavy and complicated lock advertised in the cata logue of one concern that of Russell (it Erwin, of NewBritain, in e ODHGCiJClltB State producing so little iron as to be scarcely remembered when enumerating the ironproducing Commonwealths of the country. lhiseon cern I am informed, sold but $30,000 worth of 00 s in the 1st gear of their operations and 3,000,000 worth during the last year. Mean while it has concentrated in the villa e enlivened by its works a thriving and i hly educated population, and has converts unskilled laborers into mechanics and accomp lished mechanicians, though theirhandswere no nimbler or their minds more compehensive or versatile than those of the laborers to he found in the devastated South, whose extermination or expatriation seems to be within the purview of those who assert their right to control the policy of that section. It is not for the rich, the comparatively few who have accumulated capital, that we demand protection. We ask it in thename of the millions who live by toil, whose dependence is on their skill and abilit to labor, and whose labor creates the wealth of the country. To what fearful competition they are subjected when by Withholding protection weleave them undefended against the assaults of British capital, is aptly set forth by Daniel J. Morrell, Esq, in his admirable letter to the secretargl of the American Iron and Steel Association. e says: “That portion of the price of a ton of imported iron which stands for the wages of labor, represents course food. meanraiment, and worse lodgi, political nullity, eruorced IMOFGHCG, rfdomin a 811W 2 oqcupahon, a prospect of even"!!!relic from "It!pariah. Thut portion of the priceof ii ton of American iron which stands for the wages of labor. ftjnellmffl rash and wholesome food, good rmmenlthe humulea, unlimited freedom of movement and choice of occupation, illelliaent rapport of all the machinery of municipal, Sale and national Government with a promect of comhleold age, at last dividing its substance Wk blue I a among prosperous children. Thus it is easy to see why imported iron maybe cheap and American iron dear; for the latter. in addition to its other burdens, pays an extraordinary tax to freedom and enlightenment, which are assuredly deserving of protection.” Mr. Morrell evidently does not agree with the magnates of the South in their opinion that the way to make a Stategreat and powerful is to oppress and degrade its working people. we can PAY ous. nanrs “ WITHOUT MONEYS.” I have never been able to believe that a national debt is a national blessing. I have seen how good might be interwoven with or educed from evil, or ow a great evil might, under certain conditions be turned to good account; but be end this, I have never been able to regard det, individual ornational, as a blessing. It may be that, as in the inscrutable providence of God it required nearly 5 years of war to extirpate the national crime of slavery, and anguish and grief found their wayto nearly every earth side in the country before we would recognize the manhood of the race we had so long oppressed, it was also necessary that we should c involved in a debt of unparalleled magnitude that we might be compelled to avail ourselves of the wealth that lies so freely around us, and by o ening markets for wellrewarded industry, in 6 our land, what in theor it has ever been, the refuge of the o resse of all climes. England, if supreme seceshness be consistent with sagacity, has been eminently sagacious in preventing us from becoming a manufacturing people; for with our enterprise, ouringe nuity, our freer institutions, the extent of our country, the cheaness of our land, the diversity of our resources, the audeur of our seas, lakes, and rivers, we shoals long ago have been able to offer her best workmen such inducements as would have brought them by millions to help bear our burdens and fight our battles. We can thus raise the standar of British and conti nental wages and protect American workmen against illpaid competition. This. we must do if we mean to maintain the national honor. The fields now under culture, the houses now existing, the mines now being worked, the men we now employ, cannot pay our debt. To meet its annual interest by taxmg our present population and developed resources would be to continue an everendhring burden. The principal of the debt must be paid; but as it was contracted for posterity its extinguishment should not impoverish those who sustained the burdens of the war. I am not anxious to reduce the total of our debt, and would, in this respect, follow the example of England, and as its amount has been fixed would not for the present trouble myself about its aggregate except to prevent its increase. My anxiety is that the taxes it involves shall be as little oppressive as possible, and be so adjusted that, while defending our industry against foreign assault, they may add nothing to the cost of those necessaries o life which we cannot produce, and for which we must therefore look to other lands. The raw materials entering into our manufactures, which we are yet unable to reduce but on which we unwisely impose nties, I would put into the free list with tea, coffee and other such purely foreign essentials of life, and would impose duties on commodities that compete with American productions, so as to protect ever feeble or infant branch of industry and qlllllf, en those that are robust. I would thus o eapen the elements of life and enable those whose capital is embarked in any branch of production to offer such wages to the skilled workmen of all lands as would steadily and rapidly increase our numbers, and, as is always the case in the neighborhood of growing cities or towns of considerable extent, increase the return for farm labor, this policy would open new mines and quarries, build new furnaces, forges, and factories, and rapidly increase the taxable property and taxable inhabitants of the country; ou d the South accept this theory and enter heartily upon its execution, she would pay more than now seems her share of the debt and feel herself blessed in the ability to do it. Her climate is more genial than curs; her soil may be restored to its oriinal fertilit; her rivers are broad, and her arbors good; and above all, hers is the monopoly of the fields for rice, sugar, and cotton. Let us pursue for 20 years the sound national policy of protection, and we will double our population and more than quadruple our capital and reduce our indebtedness percapita and peracre to little more than a nominal sum. Thus cachnmn can “without moneys” pay the bulk ofhis portion of the debt by blessiii others with the ability to hear an honorable urden. How protection, by animating, diversifyin and rewarding industry, will ay our debtis we shown by the exerience of the last 5 years and though we o not owe that experience to sagacious legislation, but, as I have said, to the incidents of the war, it should guide our future steps. The disparit between gold and aperhas added to the uties imposed on foreign products, and enabled our mannfac tiirers to enter upon a career of pros crity such as they have never enjoyed, save or a brief period under the tariffs of 1824 and 1828, and again for 4 years under that of 1842, a pros perity in which the farmers are sharing abund antly, as is shown by the fact that they are now out of debt though most of their farms were mortgaged 5 years ago. When the war be u we could not, as I have said, make the iron or a nbarrel; we can now exort better gun barre s than we can import. Iethen made no steel, and had to rely on foreign countries for material for steel cannon and those steelpointed shot by which only whcan iercethe 5anda half inch ironcla s with which we must contend in future warfare. Many of our regiments that came 1st to the capital came in rags, though every garment on their backs was new, and many of them of freshly imported cloth. But, sir, no army in the world was ever so substantially clothed and armed as was that which for twodays passed in review before the POTUS and the Lieutenant 560 ran oongsnssiomiieiions. January 3L, I General after hnving conucred the rebellion, and which, when dgisban ed, was clad in the product of American s indlcs and looms, and armed with weapons of mericau materials and construction. ltis said that ten years ago “ a piece of Lake Superior iron ore was a curiosit to most of our practical metallurgists.” In 1 55 the 1st ore rwas shippe from maruette county. How the c I genient of the trade been is shewn by the following statement: I lBe S the whco orted. 5 1863 users " 1861. 230, 123 ! The production o c are pig iron in that region we are toldby Dr. Lamborn commenced at the Piopeer works near the Joe f on mine in 1858. Those works were the pioneers of agreat army, and already the Colhnsville, the For restville, the Mor an, and the Greenwood furnaces are in protable operation. The production of charcoal iron in that county has been as follows: there were imported and though we produced no steel in 1860 a table constructed from information furnished by the report of the ComrIntRev or the year ending June 80, 1864, shows that the Government had in that year derived, $391, 141 30 of internalrevenue from the steel made and manufactured in the U.S. during that year.” Time will not permit me to indicate the many new branchcso indust which have sprun up, or the vast extension an improvement of those which, under our old freetrade system, had found an insecure footing and were enduring a sickly existence. I ma, however venture on a few remarks upon this head. California is not a NewEngland or an eastern State; she has perhaps been less affected by the war than any other State, unless it be Oregon; and I find that, though she raised in 1850 but 2, 378,000 pounds of wool, she raised in 1863 7, 600,000, and in 1864 8,000,000 pounds. She is,we are assured by her papers, realizing the advantage of bringinv the producer and consumer together; and thou during the last year she shipped to NewYorksome 7, 500,000 pounds of wool, she is showing that her people understand the importance of saving the double transportation they would OthelWlSEpay on those of t on own products they might consumethat for carrying the raw materito the factory, and that for bringing the fabrics back again. I find in one of her papers the followmg statement: “CALIFORNIA Woonss MILLS. Tllopioneer Mill. at Black Point, California. has 31 looms at Worknomwnsumes annuallyl. 200, 0m poundsofwool, employsZOlnborcrs. paysout8100. 00y0earlyin whcs. uses a capital of $300,000 and runs 52 sewrn machines. About one 4th of the wool purchss is usedin making blankets. the importation of which has now entirely ceased, the home productionha 1 taken entire possessionof the market. Nearlyliffii the production is flsnncl, which is gradually crowding the imported article out of the market. About 1/3rd of the wool consumedat this an is made into tweeds and cassimercs. which ismostly madeup into clothing in SanFranciseo. Broadeloth is not made thprein quantity because o the scarui cinna merine wool c ionce r an Mission llll tozcthor consume abont 2400000 poun sofwool. employabout 458 laborers and 8l,000. lll) of capital, and pay out same in wages annually. lr cll done, California. Your tweeds and cossuneres and blankets will crowd foreign articles not out of your ownState alone, but out. of the markets of the Statesot the Pacific slope. You Will. soon need machinists to construct our seivin machines and make the tools for those who o such work. Land aroundyour cities Will grow in value; and those who own it need not compete with farmers so distant from market as to limit them to the productionofgrain alone. Hal, munipsiwd allothorroou for. iran and ot the sustenance of man and beast and fruits for the table, may engage their attention and give them ample reward for their labor. Oregon has also felt the uickening influence of the times. She paid to the internalrevenue Dept, during 1864 taxes on the manufacture of $128, 6267 of woolen cloth THE PEOPLE OF THE PBAIRIBS NEED A PROTECTIVE TARIFF. The people of the prairies, noxt to those of the desolated South, are interested in the creation and maintenance of diversified industry. While they depend on grain grown, and that commerce which English free trade permits the producers of raw materials to eHJO 1 miles Will 2 founded and grow at points on the lakes and rivers; but none of these even can be at cities without manufactures. Here and rea concentration of railroads may also create a 1stclass town or an inferior city; but the rest of their wide country Will be but sparsely populated by an agricultural community, and dotted at Wide distances camt by beautiful villages such as now gratify c eye of the traveler through the West. The prairie States have Withiii them the elements of innumerable profitable industries. western farmer clears his new land by girdlin and burning the primitive forests. he woo is not without value, and condensed as it might be, it would bear transportation to a market. Constituents of mine have been for 2 years engagedin erectin works which cover over 15 acres of land or the production of paperpul fromwood. There nowlie aroundtheir vast in dings 35,000 cords of wood; and in a few (in s the hope to put their works in o oration or law e they ran part of their machinery and produced to their entire satisfaction and that of the trade pulp which, intermingled with 5% or less of that produced from cotton rags, furnished admirable printing aper. Now, the corn husksay, and the corn with the husksof the farmers of the West, go to waste or find no better use than supplying them with fuel during the winter. The following article, clipped from the NewYork Evening Post of November 25, inintes them to excriment and learn whether they act more Wise in wasting this material than the southern p antcm, who feared the establishment of American manufactureshdid in failing to utilize their cotton seed, which, if we may accept deBows authority, would have produced from $100,000,000 to $120,000,000 perannum if converted into oil and 011cake: og"yi itnt aBorestcoenn, tMmre, eBtoinngdomf athdee Ianssttaittuetme conftoTferce hsnuoltls recently attained in this country and in Europe in the manufacture of paper from corn husks. Experiments upon this material have beenin prowessin Bohemia suinntciel lwSi t5h4in, tbhhueatlvaestatowtoreoar cthhreedeayesaatriss. f toi result min the succemful recesses lately adopted the bunks were boiled in an a kill o quantity of bamri mxtiuxreed awfittehrgwlhuitcehn. there remaineda cs: aim was extractedby pressure forming anutritiousnrtiele like oll cake and then the fiber was subocted to other processesin which it reduced the real or puln. an paper which strong has conmade into siid serviceable cloth. The husks yield 40 per. oen of useful material: ten%. of fiber: 11%. gluten and 19%. of paperstock. Th. Lfi paper stock is cqunl to that madefrom the best linen ra s. Allowing the profit of 38%. to t a manufacturer. t difforontarti paperstock clcs can producedfor 6 cents(perpoundfo fiber. onc undo half cent for gluten, an fourconts or paperstock.” Were this branch of manufactures well established on the prairies, the press of the West would give up its denunciations of the papermakers of the country as conspirators, monop olists, and extortioners and cease to publish such paragraphs as the following, clipped from a recent number of the Galena ( Illinois) Gazette: "Wo unerstand that many of the people of War er towns in the cast part 0 the county are pain comfor fuel. We had a conversation with on intelligent gentleman who has been burnin who consulers mom} it inlfigh cheaperthan Wood. are o corn can be bought o ten centsperbushel by measure, and 70 bus 015. worth 7 dollars, will measureapord. ". Couldn tho people oiflfine jmbningthemnlvoon to believe that they are capable of doing any other laborthan raising raw material. they would bring into use cliea or fuel than corn or wood at 7 dollars a cor. Their lands are underlaid by lead, zinc, copperand iron; and would they determine to bring their metals into market as much manufactured as their skill and supply of labor will permit, they would, by creating a demand for fuel compel the dove opment of the magnificent deposits of bitumine us coal through which the Illinois Central railroad runs. Let them be admenished before it is too late that the fertility of their soil, exuberant as it is, is not exhaustless. But, inviting as is this branch of my subject, I must leave it with the remark that, ignorant as we are of the extent of our mineral de iosits, we are more ignorant of the uses to which may be applied many elements of life with which within a limited range of (purposes we are quite familiar; and that, varie and wide as are the exondin o portunities to achieve usefulness orig weal, e who embarks his capital or enterprise in. such as will yield the most golden results will not be more benefited by. the introduction of new branches of inzmufacture than the owners of land, who will find in the markets of the village and the refuse of the factory the means of following the methods of English husbandry, and succeeding the exhausting white crop by a green one, and giving to the soil each year more of the elements of fertility than the crop abstracts from it; and who, having a market at their doors, will save the transportation which now makes a yard of Man chester eloth worth many bushels of wheat in Kansas, and a bushel of Kansas wheat worth many yards of the same cloth in Manchester. Underfree trade transporters, factors, and commission men have absorbed what would have been the point profit of the American manufacturer and the graingrower, had the producer and the consumer been side by side or in reason able proximity to each other. DOMESTIC COMMERCE IS MORE PROFITABLE TEAS FORElGN. There is other commerce than that between foreign nations. France and England lie nearer to each other than NewJersey and Ohio, or than Indiana and Missouri. Commerce between NewEngland and the Pacific slope takes place at the end of longer voyages than that between New Md Old England. A quick market and active capital make prosperous commerce. ln terest on borrowed capital is often a fatal para site, and a nimble sixpence is always better than a sluggish shilling. Commerce is the traf fic in or transfer of commodities. It should reward 2 capitals or industries those of the producer of each commodity; and where trade is reciprocal, and really free. each man selling or buying because he wishes to do so. it does reward both. It is, therefore, apparent. that if we consume American fabrics, as well as home grown food, those 2 profits, and a3rd, (two of which now accrue to foreigners, one absolutely and the other in great part) would remain in the country. These are the profits on the prodnction of raw material, on its manufhctnre and on its too often double transportation. Brit trade between a country in which on ital is abundant, and the machinery of whic, having paid for itself in profits already realized, is cheap, as is the case in England, and a new or in these respects poor, country, as is ouis is never reciprocal; for the party with ca. vital and machinery fixes the terms on which it 0111 bu s and sells. n addition to kceing both profits on our commerce at home doing our own carrying, the diversification of our industry will insure markets for all our products and render the destruction of anyone of tholcaidzing interests of the country by a foreign commermal Power animpossibility. By securing thnhomemarlom to our industry and giving secuiity to the investment of capital in furnaces, tiirgos. mills, railroads, factories, foimderies, and workshops, we can steadily enlarge the tide of immigimion. Men will flow into all parts of calmsm to find remunemtive employment at labor in which they are skilled; some, finding that land, mineral wealth, waterpower, and commercial advantages are open to all in an eminent degree, will come in pursuit of enter rises of moment, and each new settlement, each new village or town, and each new branch of industry established, around which 1,000s of people may settle, will be a new market for the products of our skill and industry: so that we shall not only become independent of GreatBritain in so far as not to depend on her for that which is essential to our comfort or welfare, but independent in having a population whose productions will be so diverse that though t ie seas that roll around us were, as Jetferson once wished them, “seas of fire, ” our commercial, manufacturing, and agricultural employments could go on undisturbed by what was happen iu other lands. When we shall have attained this condition of affairswe will build ships and have foreign commerce, for we will have that to carry away which, being manufactured, will contain in packages of little bulk our raw material, food, mechanical skill, and the labors of our machinery, impelled by our coal; and in exchange we will get whatever of raw material we donot produce, and the ability to retain the basis of a sound currency which England and France, by the free trade they preach but do not practice, now draw from us and other countries in the position we so humbly occupy of producers of raw material, whose people lack the foresight or the ability to supply themselves with clothing and the means of e egant life. wasr coxonuss SHOULD no. Mr. Chairman, it is not my purpose to propose any specific modifications of our tarior internalrevenue laws. The operate most unfortunately upon several leaing interests of the countrvand eminently so on the producers of umbre las, manilla cordage, and railroad iron. But I have confidence in the gentlemen composing the Committee of Wu sand Means, and the suggestive report of the U.S. Revenue ommissioner is now before us. The responsibility will ustly rest on Congress, if with such aids we fai to correct those incongrnities in our laws which have prostrated several important branches of manufactures to the injury of the laboring people of the country. I; may, however, remark that I am opposed to prohibitions or prohibitory duties, but will gladl unite in imposing on foreign manufacture commodities such discriminating duties as will defend our industries from overwhelming assaults at the hands of the selfish ca ital ists who see that Britains power depen s on Britains manufacturing supremacy, and are ever ready to expend a portion of their surplus capital in the overthrow of the rising industries. of other nations. Judicious legislation on this subject will, by inviting hither her skilled work men and stu yyeomen, so strengthen us and enfecble enland that she will not make rail ways and other improvements for military ur oses in Canada, for she will see that, when anada shall be made the base of military operations against the U.S., her American dominions will pass promptly into our possession. In ARE STILL IN cor. o. vi. ii sosn