Mr. WADE. The Senatorsays a person may be born here and not be a citizen. know that is so in one instance, in the case of the children offoreign ministers who reside “ near" the U.S., in the diplomatic language. By a lie,tion oflaw such persons are not supposed to be residing here and under that fiction of law their children would not. be citizens of the U.S., although born in Washington. I agree to that, but my answer to the suggestionis that. that is a.simple matter, for it could hardly be applicable tomore than twoor 3 or 4 persons; and it would be best not to alter the law for that case. I will let it come under that well known maxim of the law, de minimis le.: nun curaf. It would make no differenee in the resnlt. I think it better to put this question beyond all doubt and all cavil by a very simple process. such as is the language of the 1st. section of the amendment I are offered. I do not know that the corresponding section reported by the committee would leave the matter very doubtful; but that which I have proposed is beyond all doubt and all cavil now and here after, and it is as easy to adopt it as it is the other. I regard it as an improvement, and therefore I think it ought to be adopted. The 2nd section is in regar to the apportionment of representation; and here I like the provision I have proposed better than the corresponding one of the committee. There is no doubt or cavil about it; and it contains some elements which I think make it entirely preferable to the other proposition. There are some reasons, and many believe there are good reasons, for restricting universal suffrage, and upon such principles as not to justify the inllictin of a punishment or penalty upon a State which opts restricted suffrage. It is already done in some of the NewEngland States in Massachusetts, for instance. I believe the constitution of that State restricts the right of suffrage to persons who can read the Constitution of the U.S and write their names. Iain not prepared to say that that is not a wise restriction. At all events, a State has the right to try that experiment; but if she tries it, under thereport of the committee must lose, in the proortion that she lms such persons among her inhabitants, her representation in Congress. I do not think that ought to be so. I think we should leave the subject open to the States to act as they see fit about It. I think my amendment in this respect is planner and more practicable than the proposition of the committee. The entire population is taken. in the 1st instance, as a basis. The census always discriminates between the black Most assuredly they would i l i l and tbewhitelpopulstion, and it makes several ! other discriminations; and therefore it is, and will be at all times, perfectl easy and practicable to ascertain exactly how much of the population of a State shall be counted in the asis of representation under my amendment. Under the other proposition, it seems to me, i you must. have a census commission all the time in operation in order to keep pace with the variations that will take place from time to time. Under this amendment. you ascertain the classes of the population, and when any discrimination shall be made upon any of these subjects the whole of that particular class will be excluded. There is only one question to be determined. If the exclusion is because of race or color, the question is what amount of colored population is there in the State, and in exact y that prortion she is to lose representation. If any c pass is deprived of the privilege of voting there should certainly be some restriction on the representation of the State which excludes them. In that particular I think my amendment is a cat improvement on the provision reportedrby the committee. My amendment is such that a calculation can very easily be made of what the restriction of representation is under it. lhave I not. myself calculated it: but. we know that some of the States would lose more than half their representation; SCarolina would, and I think Mississippi would, and some other of the States would lose largely if they excluded their colored population from voting; and I think they ought tube restricted in the; proportion that the excluded portion bear to the whole. In the next place, my amendment prohibits and renders null and void all obligations in curred in rebellion and insurrection against the U.S or for the purpose of aiding rebellion or insurrection; and in that particular it is precisely the same as the correspondingl section of the original paoposition which was so eloquently defended and enforced by the Senfrom Michigan. I agree with all that he said on that subject, and the proposition reported by his committee and the one I have submitted are, theisnme in that respect; but then my amendment goes to another branch of this business almost as essential as that. It puts the debt incurred in the civilwar on our part under the uardiauship of the Constitution of the U.S., so that a congress cannot repudiate it. I believe that to do this will give great confidence to capitalists and will be of incalenlalile pecuniary benefit to the U.S., forihave no doubt that every man who has property in the public funds will feel safer when he sees that the national debt is with drawn from the power of 9. Congress to repudiate it and placed under the guardianship of the Constitution than he would feel if it were left at loose ends and subject to the varying majorities which may arise in Congress. I consider that a very beneficial provision, which.is not in the original proposition. This section of my amendment goes furlher, and secures the pensioners of the country. We ought to do something to protect those wounded patriots who have been stricken down in the cause of their count, and to put the security of their pensions on their means of support beyond the power of wavering moiorities in Congress, who ms at some time, perhaps, be hestile to the soldier. In the condition of things around us we have no great. guarantee now that rebels will not ere long be in these Halls, deadly hostile to everything that shall benefit the soldier who was used as an instrument in their downfall and their conquest. Let the policy which I understand to be that now prevailing at the other end of the avenue be adopted, and we have no security and no gnar antee that the widow of your dead soldier, who died in the cause of his country, will not be deprived of the pittance that we give her as a support. I am anxious to put. the pensions. l of our soldiers and their wu uws and children under the guardianship of the Constitution of the U.S. They ought to betherc, along with your public debt. I think no gentleman will deny that it is very essentialthat the debt incurred in this “or should be placed under the protection of the Constitution of the U.S., especially when we are now prosecuting a doubtful war with your Executive as towhether open and hostile rebels shall not have seats in Congress. If they are aduiit ted here to act with their syinpathizers at the North, who have constantly opposed every policy that looked to the remuneration of those engaged in the war on Our part, who have been opposed to every war measure. who voted against paying your Army in the field, or doing anything to defend the country, what will be the result? Under the dictation of such a policy, should it revail, who can guaranty that the debts of the Government will be paid, or that your soldiers and the widows of your soldiers will not lose their pensions? I hope that whether my amendment be adopted or not, any amendment to the Constitution which slgall finally prevail will contain a clause like t is. Mr. President, I have stated nearly all the differences between my amendment and the proposition of the committee. I have left out of the amendment the 3rd section of the resolution, because as the Senfrom Michigan has said it does not seem to me to amount to much. Practically I do not believe it would have any elfect. I am for excluding those who took any leading art in the rebellion from exercising any poiitical power here or elsewhere now and forever: but as that clause does not seem to effect that purpose, and will probably effect nothing at all, I do not think it is of any consequence that it should have a place in the measure. I hope another clause will be placed there by the amendment suggested by the Senfrom NewHampshire shall be ver glad to see that adopted either as an omenment to my proposition, if it should prevail, or, if not, as an amendment to the original proposition. I have seen other suggested amendments which I should like to have prevail. The Senfrom Nevada [Mr. STEWART] has submit ted a proposition which in my judgment is of the most important and essential character. Could my voice and my vote prevail to give efficacy to his proposition, he should not fail to have it. I am for suffrage to our friends in the South, the men who have stood by us in this rebellion, the men who have hazarded their lives and all that they hold dear to defend our country. I think our friends, the colored people of the South, should not be excluded. from the right of voting, and they shall not. be if my vote and the votes of a sufficient number who agree with me in Congress shall be able to carr it. I do not.agree in this particular with tie Senfrom Michigan., He yields to the provision in the committees resolution on the subject reluctantly, because he does not believe 3/4ths of the States can be got. to ratify that proposition which i rightnnd just in itself. My own opinion is that if you go down to the very founation of justice, so far from weakening yourself with the people, yo. will strengthen yourself iin niensely by it; but I know that it is not the opinion of many here, and I suppose we must accommodate ourselves to the will of major ities, and if we cannot. do all we would, do all we can. I propose for myself to contend for all I can ct in the right direction, and finally to O With those who will give us anything that is beneficial. That is in doctrine. I wish and I hope that on due reectlon the Senate will adopt. the amendment of the Senfrom Nevada, at least as an alternative to some of these propositions, leaving the States to take his proposition if they will in lieu of the one we give to them. I should like to see even that, for I believe they would take his in preference to the one we shall probably give them. But, sir, notwithstanding I say all this, 1 am not finding fault with the doings of the committee. I know the difficulties of their task. I know the great variety of opinions that prevail on this subject. I know its importance. I know that the committee has been most. unreasonably assailed from outside because it has not earlier brought forth its measures. My only wonder is that the could finish their labors and bring forward these propositions one after another as they have done, and so satisfactorily asthey have. When I offer this amendment of mine, I only do it for the consideration of the Senate, and not because I have the vanit to suppose that I could improve anything they had agreed upon. It may be that after men have struck out a course of proceeding, have broken the road, and submitted their doings to us, it is easy to criticise and some times easy to amend. That is all I claim. I do not suppose that if I had been on the committee I could have drawn up a proposition so good as this is that they have brought forward; and yet it seems to me, having the benefit of what they have done, that looking it over, refleeting upon it, seeing all its weak oints, if it have any, I could, without having t ic ability of that committee, suggest amendments that would be beneficial. I trust I have done so, or certainly I would not have brought this for ward. If it meets the approval of the Senate 1 shall be glad, because to me it seems to be better; but if not, I shall go for their proposition. All I wished to do now was barey to bring my amendment before the Senate and submit it for their consideration. Hereafter, perhaps, I may or may not have something more to say about it.