Mr. GARFIELD. I was about to say that if the section does not apply to those who have been pardoned, then it will apply to so small a number of people as to make it of no practical value; for the excepted classes in the general system of pardons form a very small fraction of the rebels. If the seetio does apply to those who have received the p don, the objection of the Gentfrom Maine [Mr. BLAINE] mag be worthy of consideration. at, without entering into the question of construction at all, and if there were no doubt or difference on that score, there are still other points to which I wish to call the attention of the House. If the proposition had been that those who had been in rebellion should be ineligible to any office under the Government of the U.S., and should be ineligible to appointment as electors of the President and VEEP, or if all who had voluntarily borne arms against the U.S. had been declared forever incapable of votiu for a U.S. officer, it would, in my judgment, be far more defensible. But what is the preposition? It is that Until the 4thday of July, in the your 1870, allpersonswho voluntarily adheredto thalata insurrection. giving it aid and comfort, shall be excluded from the right to vote for Representatives in Congressand for electors for President and VEEP Now, Mr. Speaker, this, in my judgment, is the only proposition in this resolution that is not bottome clearly and plainly upon principle principle that will stand the test of cen turies and be as true 1,000years hence as it is today. If the persons referred to are not worthy to be allowed to vote in January of 1870. will they be worthy in July of that year? If the franchise were withheld until they should perform some specific act of loy alty, if it were conditioned upon any act of theirs, it would commend itseif as a principle, but the fixing of an ordinary date, without any regard to the character or conduct of the parties themselves is indefensible, and will not commend itself to the judgment of reflecting men. What is worse, it will be said every where that this is purely a piece of political management in reference to a presidential election. Now, I desire that what goes into our constitution shall be the pure gold, unalloyed, untainted, having mingled with it nothing that will not stand the test of the ages. I fear that the proposition to which I have just referred miv ht not stand that crucial test. ut, sir, I invite the attention of the House to another consideration. Suppose this section should become a part of the Constitution, and suppose that it were entirely defensible as a matter of principle, I ask gentlemen how it is to he earned out in practice. If, under its operation in 11 States of the Union, 9 10ths, and, in some instances, 9900 ths of the adult population are to be disfranchised for 4 years, how do you propose to carry its provisions into practical execution? Will 9 10ths of the population consent to stay at home and letone 10th do the votin 2 Will not every ballot box be the scene O strife and bloodshed 3 It may well be doubted whether this section can be carrial out except by having a military force at every ballotes in 11 States of the Union. Are you ready to make the South a vast camp for 4 years more 1, I am ready to do that or anything else in the way of expense, if it is necessary as means of securing iberty and union; but I believe that great result can be achieved in a less expensive way. But it is evident to me that if this section be comes a part of the Constitution, it must either remain a dead letter or we must maintain a large army to enforce it. I do not, therefore, think it wise or prudent, both for practical reasons and for reasons of construction, as suggested by the Gentfrom Maine, that the 3rd section shall stand as a part of the Constitution in its present form. I am sure no member of this House will think that I make this motion with the least desire to favor or excuse in any way the men who have been in arms against the Government. I trust I do not need to make such a disclaimer to any person here, or among Union men anywhere. but I desire that an proposition which may be submitted by us r ratification by the States shall be so grounded in practical wisdom, that when it is presented to the American people any man who votes against it will need to hide his face in shame and there are 1,000s of men who only need some little excuse to justify themselves in votin against this great and good measure. I ha nearly completed a substitute for this section providing at no person who had voluntarily adhered to the late insurrection should ever be eligible to any office under the U.S., but as I have not perfected iIt will not present it now. I hope, however, we may begin by striking out the section as it now stands. Is it now in order, Mr. Speaker, to move an amendment?