Mr. HOWE. Mr. President, it is not often, I think, that a resolution encounters so rough a passage on its way to the committee as the resolution which I had the honor to introduce on the 10th instant has encountered. It was of fered on the 10th, and has not reached the committee yet. Considering the 2 very formidable assaults made upon it by the honorable Senfrom Maryland and by my collea c, it seemed to me properthatI should not a low it to go to the committee without a few remarks in rely to what they urged against it, and I have been in no haste to maket at reply. For myself, consulting my own feelings, I should have preferred to submit such remarks as I had to urge in reply immediately on the conclusion of the speeches made by the Senfrom Marylan and by my colleague respeetively. I did seek the floor for the nr ose o replying to the Senfrom Mary an, it was not the pleasure of the Senate to hear me at that time, and it has not been in my power to obtain the floor until this time. That has, however, occasioned me no particular embarrassment. I have not labored under any such embarrassment as seemed to have overtaken the Senfrom Maryland. He thought he ought not to allow the remarks which I submitted to the Senate to go to the country a single day without an attempt to reply. 1 have been entirely willing that the remarks which he took occasion to make to the Senate should go to the country days and weeks without an effort to reply. Indeed, sir, I am not at all anxious, I am not at all concerned, for the effect of this debate upon the country. So far as I articipate in the debate, I do not seek to speak) to the country. I desire on this occasion, as on the for mer occasion, to address myself to the Senate. It seems to me that at this time above all others in the history of our country we should stop talkin to the country, an that the Senate should reason together as to what ought to be done in this very critical emergency. It is no time to build up arties; it is no time to incul cate doctrine; it is no time for missionary work; it is time for legislative deliberation. There is work enough for us all to do; and the particular work, allow me to say, to which I wish the national Legislature to address itself is a work in which no political party that lives now, or ever did live in this country has any partisan interest. It is a work which ought not to be left to the hands of any party. It is awork to which all parties, in in judgment, ought to address themselves. what is it, sir? All my life I have known as other Senators about me know that there has been deposited away down at the bottom of American society a great mass of nnassorted humanity which has not had a fair chance in American society, has not had a fair chance in the world. Now, if Government be an estate enjoyed by those who possess its prerogatives perhaps they are entirel right in ignoringt is mass of humanity; if it eatrust to be employed for the benefit of the governed rather than the governors, there is no portion of American society which, in my judgment, commends itself to honest government so heartily, so cordially, so emphatically as the very class to which I refer; and I think the come before us at this time with peculiar claims because of the circumstances in which the country rests today. This resolution upon which I wish to address the Senate has reference to society existing in a portion of the country which formerly constituted 11 States of the American Union. There are to be found millions of uneducated and uncultured colored men who by a national decree have been made free, have been changed from chattelstomen in the eye of the law. There are other millions, or there are other numbers, I do not know that they amount to millions, who have been reduced from men almost to chattels because of their fidelity to our flag, to our constitution, and to this country. These 2 classes of American society seem to me to demand some protection, some care, some nourishment which they have nothitherto received. it is for them I speak. Sir, I have thought that it belonged to republican institutions to carry out, to execute the doctrines of the DeclarIndep, to make men equal. That they are notequal in social estimation, that they are not equdll inmental culture, that they are not equal in phys ical stature, I know very well; but I have thought the weaker they were the more the Government was bound to foater and protect them. If Government be desi ued for the protection of the weak, certainly t leweaker men are the more they need its protection. I know that a great portion of these people on whose behalf I speak are uneducated and ignorant. I have supposed it was within the purpose of republican institutions, and entirely Within the power of republican institutions, to give culture and education to them all. I supposed it ought to. be done. I was a little startled the other day on hearing the Senfrom Pennsylvania Gowns] start an objection to this. He toE