Mr. CHANLER. Mr. Chairman, I regret to obtrude upon the House any remarks of mine upon the question; and I should not do so but that I feel called upon to state the positiIon which I occupy. am, as a genera principle, in favor of all schemes of this character as calculated to de velop that spirit of amity among nations. which it is so desirable to maintain, as tending to advance the dignity of labor, as being a move in the right direction for the benefit of all men and especially the industrious and ingenious laboring classes. I must state, however, that I have objections to the manner in which this proposition has been advanced and to some of the arguments which have been used in its advocacy. I regret the expense which the enterprise will entail upon the nation at a time when our financial resources are not so abundant as might be de sired. But no consideration of this kind is sufficient to outweigh, in my judgment, the great importance and I might say necessity of the American people being becomingly represented at the great national Exhibition in Europe. I regret, sir, that a personal element has been introduced into this debate by the gentleman who has just taken his seatItis not my province to efend the honorable Gentfrom Massachusetts against the bill timed and irrelevant remarks of which he has been the subject. Iam never disposed to raise my voice in favor of those who take art in enter rises of an extravagant or partiall character; but it does seem to me that the assault which has been made upon the Gentfrom Massachusetts was without reason and in the very worst taste. The Gentfrom Illinois was evidently wounded in his personal ride by the want of attention paid to himsel during his visit to the ca ital of France; and he gives us very reasonable ground for the inquiry how a gentleman who speaks such very bad French should show such intimacy with the very worst classes of French society. If, sir, he proposes to accompany this expedition at his own cost, it is to be hoped that the Gentfrom Massachusetts, availing himself of the hints which have been thrown out here, will not be seen walking on boulevards in company with the Gentfrom Illinois. Sir, his remarkable egotism is shown in carrying himself back to France in debate here, under the pretext of the tie of blood. I doubt if France would ever have claimed the gentleman. There is scarcely a Frenchman who would have been guilty of the groundless discourtesy toward another of his own party on a ending measure of public interest. The Genfrom Illinois has denominated American industry and Americaningenuity, out of his personal antipathy to the Gentfrom Massachusetts, with the debasing name of gim cracks. such a thing is beneath the contempt of criticism, and damns the critic. I leave him to the public judgment. If there is anything distinguishing in the characteristic of American labor, it is in the practical utility of all their inventions. If there is one thing for which we have reason to boast over another, it is that we have a disposition toward utility, which the Old World, blessed with cheap labor and wrapped up in luxury, seems to overlook. The patents we have sent to Euro e are laden with the poor mans hlcssinc. bringing comfort to his home and saving him from mental and physical toil. Yet these are what the Gentleman calls American gimeracks, which we ask to send to the Worlds Fair at Paris. Mr. Chairman, the reason why I have under taken to speak on this question at all arose from a deeper feeling than a more personal one. I hadjno intention of taking part in the personal debate which has arisen on this proposition. I am not able nor am I Willing to criticise the motives of the sagacious ruler of France in organizing for the 1st time, according to the chairman of the ComForAffrs, a governmental Exhibition. As a guest to such a sufferb feast we have no reason to cavil at the form of the invitation. It is a noble tribute to the individual enterprise and ingenuit of the American people. But, sir, this new Elan of conucting the Exposition of Paris deserves at least a passing notice by this House. When the rent exhibition of London was 1st propose, sprining, as it did, from a local, private, scienti O body, with the sagacity of a great lover of the human race and the dignity of a great. statesman, Prince Albert seized the opportunity and made it a national enterprise. parliament adopted this suggestion and appropriated money for it, and the Queen and her family added their private subscriptions; but it was all done in view of promoting the dignity of labor and of preserving the individual, popular character of the scheme. It was, in fact and theory, a display of the industry of the people of Europe in the broadest sense. The present exhibition of the ingenuity and industry of the laboring classes has been covered with the imperial mantle of the “ nc the w of his uncle.” and there may be some show of propriety in thus appropriating the control and conduct of the Exhibition, for the idea of a great international fair is indeed due to France. It “85 the offspring of that son of Minerva, the great Napoleon. It was at his suggestion that the world was given this new system of ludfll free masonry. How significant is the humble imitation of his nephew. Now, sir, that brings me to this point in regard to these international exhibitions: it has beenniost. ably stated that those exhibitions which excluded foreign nations were rather for the gratification of national pride, while those to which all the world was invited were for the pjurpose of nationalim provement. The French inperor has enliste himself in the matter, and has invited the American Government to participate. As I have said, l do nut propose to cavi at the form of the inVitation; but let me say to the chairman of the ComForAffrs that in his zeal for our manufacturing interest he seems to have lost sight of the great fundamental principle of our government. The recognition of the people of this Union in the form of invitation they being the sovereign power, by the head of the French government, would, it seems to me, have been at once courteous and consistent. Sir, there is abroad and deep distinction which the honorable gentleman never has forgotten, though he may for the moment waive it, between the Governments of Europe and the government of America; and that I may not be misunderstood, and that the motives with which I address the House may be fully appreciated, I would draw the honorable gentlemans attention to the admirable debate in the French Legislative Chamber in which M. Thiers took part. I do not know that it is our duty now or at any time to make declarations of our peculiar form of government, but I must make the contrast between the laiiguage of the Gentfrom Massachusetts, who acts with the majority here as the representative of the sovereign power of the people, so meek, feeble, and melancholy, as compared with the high position of the noble Thiers, tightitig in a hope ess minority against the great military despot ism of France. I allude to his address upon the Emperors speech, the speech of that Ein peror of whom the Gentfrom Massachusetts spoke in words of eulogy and in such flattering terms. I would that the honorable gentleman had said something of the French people; I would that he had dwelt upon those ends of sympathy which must, not from accident but from adeep laid policy, between the people of America and the people of France, whether it bepIZourbon ora apoleon who wields the destinies of that nation. Sir, in the Legislative Chamber of France on the 26th ul timo, M. Thiers, the eminent French historian and statesman, delivered a notable speech in which he makes these most noteworthy observationsin opposition to the Emperor of France. He said: "Since 1852we have lived in the hope. founded on what seemedto be an assurance, that the concentration of powerin the lands of the Em icror wouldonly be temporary. The general feeling has been that as soon as calm should return the institutions which the country had enJoyed at other times would be restored. his expectationwas foundedon the constitution itself. which can always be modified by the initiative of the Emperor, with the consent of the senate. It resulted from the memorabledeclaration ot the 14th Janunry.1852. that if liberty was not in the foundations of the edifice it would one day beits completion and also from the decree of November 24. which reestablished political discussion here. Encouraged by thOse acts and declarations.the nation looks wisttully for those institutions whieli the whole civilized world acknowledges alonecapableof assur 1113liberty and security and is naturally impatient 10sec them restored now that the Governmentitself every year acknowledges that the calm has returned. Hitherto the restoration of liberty was only a question oftiinc. notoiie of principle, whichit nowseems to have become. Last year.andagain this, the speech from the throne represented those institutions as calculated to weaken the Governmentand replace it under the yoke of the Chambers. The question has ever been asked.why resume on the marrow what was reJected on the previous day? The Senatehas coinmentedon and developed the view of thematter, and the hinperor has replied. Why should the legislative body alone be mute? Why should it spectfully. but not refrankly and calmly, assertthe rights of France? Is it necessaryfor that to fall back on itmhopsreesrcigrihittsible which enlisting before all constitutions. without. t [Approbntiocnm.oannd th. eif necessary, in spite of them? Opposition benches] No; it will suffice to axlhcije to the existing written rights of tunes. The constitution of 182l placcs two rights in the French Revolution declared, presence that of the dynasty and that of the nation. he former is not open to discussion, nor does anyone wish for a momentto bring it into question. [llcan beam] The sole ciid we pursue is the roiestablishment of liberty in Frunce. Sir, I do not feel that it is a matter of much importance whether the Government of France issues this invitation or not in the manner it has; but I do demand that while we recognize that “imperial master, " sittinfl upon his throne by force of arms, we shall of the same time recognize the industrial classes of France. As the Representative of a large mass of the industrial classes of my city, cannot allow this measure to pass without a protest that no notice has been taken of the industrial classes of Francein this JtResolution. such a recognition would have been but a fittin tribute to those brave men who broke down the barriers of feudalism in the streets of Paris, and whose ingenuity and industry opened the locks of the Bastile and liberated the victims ofroyal power. I speak in sympathy with these men, and Ibe lieve the Gentfrom Massachusetts shares that sympathy with tile. He would not desire, I know, to let it go forth to France and to Europe that the Congress of the U.S. has ignored the laboring classes of France. Now, sir, there is no more practical pee 10 than the French, excitable as they are. The gentleman is widel mistaken if he thinks that the countrymen of {Voltaire and Rochefoucauld have forgotten the secret springs of human nature or will fail to see the motives of our action in a clear light. If he so thinks, he is most lamentably mistaken. But we know that in the heat of debate. in the pursuits of our objects here, we sometimes use expressions which are not always coherent or consistent. When we consider that this is an Industrial Exhibition involving the labor and industry of the masses and theingenuity and enterprise of the whole people of the whole world, it does seem to me somewhat in the nature of bathos for the honorable gentleman to have made allusion to what he calls the “court of nations.” Can it be that.American citizens who are generally called abroad “ blackgnard bullies” and “ ignorant demagogucs” are invited into royal presence in the “ court of mitions?”. Sir, I donot wish to make verbal strictures, nor will I belittle. this question by going too intimately into details. I wish simply to say that the honorable gentlemans verysevere pradtice at the court of King Cotton, in my opinion, should have given him a more delicate appreciation of the peculiar habits and customs of courts where silk and satin prevail, and whose ideas upon the question of the centralization of capital and power and of hereditary privileges all combine to shock the sensibilities of the American people and kee us aloof, when we are not driven into act ua contact, by the strict etiquette of their system. Sir, it seems to me that the honorable chair man of the ComForAffrs has shown too much zeal on this occasion to have us appear in this “court of nations.” There is too little of republican simplicity, too much of the habits of “shoddy, ” too little of the example of Benjamin Franklin. I do not believe that the gentleman erred in this way intention plly, land the American people will pass it by ig it y. But, sir, let us not deceive ourselves. The object of this invitation to take art in this scheme, controlled as it is by the government of France, was not to pay us a comliment. I have a reasonable right to concluc e so from the manner of the invitation and from the prac tical results of such exhibitions as this hereto fore. It is a moneyed speculation. It will bring to the capital of France the millions of money that will be spent there by those who visit its various resorts of pleasure and marts of trade. It will enable the French mechanics, under the peculiar system of vigilance and restriction which the know but we do not, to examine at their leisure every article of American ingenuity. They are welcome to it; but do not ct us go there without a full knowledge of our position and without hearing in mind I say this with great deference, for I do not know what the opinions are of the distinguished chairman of the ComForAffrs on the subject of free trade that we become the iests of the most restrictive of nations, which by its treaties forces its products on its allies. Let us not, then, be too zealous in accepting this flattering invitation. Now, sir, if there is one thing which the French conceal with more ndroitness than another, it is the spirit of economy. We know that the cry which the great Napoleon raised against England was that it was “a nation of shopkeepers.” I hope the effect of this industrial Exhibition will be to make France a nation of shop keepers. I hope that its tendency will be to lessen its martial pride and to develo that individual industry for personal indepeuence which will he a riclierboon to that country than all its boasted victories and its magnificent armies. Sir, I have another objection to this JtResolution one which has been presented by the Gentfrom Illinois[Mr.Wssiinunxi:] and that is the ambiguity of the resolution. The Gentfrom Massachusetts, [Mr. BANKS] in his speech covered with a flood ofeloquence, I will not say verbiage, but with a well arranged display of elocution, perhaps made up of rather questionable facts and rather imaginative statements, the main proposition. the question of money. All the advantages which can accrue from this Exhibition will accrue to.those who take part in it. The advantage which a study of the fruits ofEuropeaningenuity and industry will give them will be all their own. Why not allow them to pay for it? and let me drawthe gentlemans attention to a manifest inconsist ency. He proposes now that a large appropriation sha lbe devoted to aspecifie purpose, to transport across the ocean theingenious devices and skillful fabrics of our people. But a few weeks since a most fatal attack was made upon the naval arm of our Government; and then the gentleman joined with the Gentfrom Illinois [Mr.WasHBURXE] in assailing that most important branch of our Government. You see is zeal now in behalf of the “ court of national” When it was proposed to dismantle the navy yards of America the gentle man gave the proposition his voice an influence: and yet it is not unlikely that it will be by ships of the Navy that theseingenious devices and beautiful fabrics will be transported across the water. Could not the gentleman have been consistent? Could he not have anticipated the necessity of demanding this appropriation? Let it be remembered, also, that under the policy of the gentlemans )arty, the Stam south of the Potomac are to have no share in the benefits of this appropriation. The products of the South find no place and no recognition in this resolution. Sir, this should not be. The great occasion now otfered to the American people of appearing united in the development of our national resources, and achievement of our share in the work of universal civilization, should be taken advantage of by this Government. The industry and inge unity of this whole Union should be fully and fairly represented to the European world at this International Fair at Paris. It will be a harbinger of our victory against all our foes. for it will prove that we have conqnered ourselves, and are a nation at peace within itself. These are the objections which I have to urge against this measure. Whether the wili be fatal to it or not. we cannot tell. having stated these objections, I stand here today as the advocate of this scheme. Now, how does this question interest the American people? I have already alluded to the great o inracteristic of ourindiistry, utility. That utility is the result of the necessities of those who are the descendants of men whom these Governments of Europe drove from their shores. I want those descendants to go back to Europe under the protection of the government founded by those who were persecuted and banished from Europe. As Franklin stood before the court of France, the proud representative of this then humble Republic, so now I would have the distinguished Gentfrom Massachusetts. [Mr. Bsxxs] with the simplicity of his great prototy e, represent this Republic now in its Vigor on strength in the court of nations. That would be a triumph greater and more noble than any victory of arms. We are a democratic people, and “ eace” is emblazoned upon our institutions. ur history fully illustrates that “ peace has her victo ries as well as war.” Peace is the corner stone of all true industry, and by individual industry, by toil of brain and toll of hands, this nation lives, recognizing no idle class of careless nobles. Still, when necessary we have proved that we can become a warlike nation, to pan ish insult, oppression, or wrong. Sir, we are proud of the friendship of LaFayette, who gave is youth to our aid, and fought beside our own gz Yeat exemplar, the illustrious Washington. e are proud of the French blood which was shed upon the sea and upon the land by distinguis ied sons of France in our cause, thereby establishing this Republic and affording a home and a refuge for the humble descendants of the Huguenots who are scattered all over thisland, and I would havethem, perhaps in the form of the distinguished Gentfrom Illinois, [Mr. WASHBURNE] revisit the land where under the Bourbons whom the gentleman so much admires their fathers were at one time protected, and at another time persecuted and banished. Sir, I am always ready and willing to extend courtesies to France, and I hail with pleasure this opportunity of accepting the hospitality of her Government. I do not wish that we shall stand back and remain at home from prejudice to the existing institutions of France.The invitation of Napoleon as the head of the French people, the ancient allies of the American people, couched in whatever language it may he, cannot seriously ollend us so as to disturb the sympathy between the 2 nations. Why, even should that astute politician, that shrewd leader, seek to give us offene, we can outlive and live down his in civility. Before this Exhibition takes place he may again be a refugee upon our shores as he was once before, and his great uncle once in vain hoped to be. The Emperor Napoleon brought face to face with the American people through their delegates to this Exposition would present a contrast which our people would he sure to appreciate. I would have our people go there from the remotest corners of our land; those who have been educated from the old horn books of English prejudice, and imagine there is no language but their own. In the spirit of universal amelioration of the race which holds dominion in this land, 1 would have our educated men, our scientific men, and men of every class O over there and mingle in society with the s illful workmen, the scientific men, and the dee ly learned men of other lands, and thus bring mm with them a knowledge of what is best abroad, and a greater contentment with what they have at, ome that is free and I would have this done ina spirit of promoting immigration and I must once more allude to the remarks of the Gentfrom Massachusetts [Mr. BANKS] in regard to the peculiar way oi inducing immigration which was adopted by him. Misled by a statement Of the honorable gentleman who now represents us at Belgium, the Gentfrom Massachusetts, I think, has been uilty of a slight confusion of ideas. I do nott ink he has fully stated the case. I have here a book which I think will corroborate to a certain extent, but more fully exemplify, what he said withregard to the wonderful region of the diamond mount ains of Virginia. Every one in the House apparentlylistened with astonishment and very great interest to the Gentfrom Massachusetts when he introduced the subject of the diamond mountains of Virginia. It reminded me, sir, of what I somewhere had read on the subject of diamond mountains, and in searching through this volume I found a full statement oft at matter, and I wish to read it here to aid in clearing up the confusion of ideas which it is barely possible the statements of the distinguished gentleman may create in some minds as to where these diamond mountains are and who discovered them. The author of the book I now hold in my hand was no less a person than the celebrated and learned Haroun al Raschid, who wrote many hundred years ago the adventures of that won derful and renowned traveler, Sindbad the Sailor. I refer more particularly to that part descriptive of the thriling adventure by which Sindbad, through the agency of a large bird, was enabled toexamine and describe the riches of the Diamond mountains and I think in that I can trace a connection between Haroun al Raschid and the Gentfrom Massachusetts in the exercise of that brilliant imagi nation which they appear to possess in common. That which I now propose to read will enable the public the more fully to appreciate the ability of the gentleman when he undertook to de wt to the emigrant in Europe the won derfu richesof this country: “The place where it [theroc] left mewas a very deepval cy. encompassedon all sides with mount ains, so hi by that they seemedto reach above the clouds. an so full of steep rocks that there was no possibility of getting out of the valley. This was a new porplexity: so that when I comparedthis place with the desertisland from which the mehadbrought me, I found that I hadgainednothing by the change. As Iwalked through the vallcv I perceived it was strown with diamonds, someo which were of surpausingbigness. ltook agreat pleasureto look upon em. By the way, sir, this extraordinary mount ain must have been the secret cause of lhelate civilWar. The whole people were after the diamonds in Virginia. But, sir, there is another point in connection with this highly imaginative description; and it is most remarkable in connection with the petroleum wells which the honorable Gentfrom Massachusetts adroitly advertises in his remarks. Sindbad tells the same story in other words: “ What is most remarkable in this place is that the stones of the mountains are of crystals. rubies, and other preciousstones. Here is also a sort of fountain of pitch or bitumen that runs into the sea." Now, sir, I do hope that when the honors.blegentleman sends to Europe the translation of his speech in French, German, and other languages, he will not forget to add this new incentive to American immigration. Sir, it has been the proud boast of Virginia that her sons, like the Gracchi, were her jew els; and I think that it becomes us, in this hour of the Republic, to better sustain our dig nity than by circulating stories which emanate from the countrymen of Baron Munchausen incidents connected in no way with the devel opment of our resources, and beneath the dig nity of the subject. But, sir, apart from this manner of stating the question, I am with the honorable gentleman in his effort to advance immigration. I believe it should be ourgrand object, imitating in some degree the crusades of old, to open up those regions heretofore almost unknown to and neglected by the white labor of the country on account of a prejudice which, however we may all deplore, we must reasonably admit did and does exist. I trust, sir, that notwithstanding the objections which have been stated this enterprise will go on. But, sir, while we are makiu aprepriations of this kind, I think it should Inc the subject of our earliest effort to take care of the Navy and its officers, to equalize the pay of the 2 branches of the service, so that a post captain in the Navy will at least receive equal pay with his equal in rank in the Army. Today, sir, owing to the spirit of contemptible economywhich seeks upon this floor to defeat every measure which is not of such stupendous magnitude as to over; come the timid mind which usually opposes all small matters, the officers of our Navy receive no adequate compensation. By this spirit, I will not say of sectional prejudice, but of nar row minded economy under the plea of the embarrassed condition of the country, the appropriations for our navyyards at the South have been stricken out from the bill which should contain them. Now, sir, I am willing to sustain this administration in its effort to run the race of enter prise With the nations of the world. I am willing to give my vote for any appropriation which shall be necessary to put the American people on a footing With the proudest nation of the earth. But I trust, sir, that this spirit of half way economy which neglects important home interests will cease to manifest itself here. I hope, sir, that while we are voting salaries to those who are to be connected with the man agement of this ExpOsition at Paris, we shall exhibit a proper care for our Navy and Army officers at home. In introducing this subject at the present time I may perhaps be departing somewhat from the question he ore the House; but, sir, the subject was thrustu on my notice while I was on my way to the a itol today, and I could not refrain from embracing this opportunity to bring it to the attention of the House. Sir, if we are to be represented in the courts of Europe we should not go there with niggard hands. Let not the people of Europe turn upon you and say with derision, “ How goes it with your officers at home?” I trust, air, that the American Congress will not despise the just plea of the American officers of both branches of the service, especially of the Navy, for they are most meagerly aid. Sir, let me close y appealing, as one of the minority here, that the American Congress shall extend to that brave minority in France aj true and deep sympathy in their struggle for popular liberty, constitutional right. uiid national independence. Let me quote again from the language of that great model of modern states men who, speaking so well ofAmerica, deserves to be spoken of here by us: “Which are the free nations? Which arethose not free? We need not say. We must pain no one. the former, 2 may be mentioned as incontestnbly free, ii monarchy and n.republic: England and America. Yet in each of the so countries thereexist thing! which do not belong to liberty. Thus in America the protection of the law is often insufficient.but in spite of that America is free because nothing is done but what the nation desires. In England hpwmanythings seemopposedto liberty? Primogeniturc. perpetual entail, and an intolerant nations church crust, and yet England is free and what greatness and devotedness to her cause. When all the Powers of Europe bowed before the modern iant, Enuland alone resisted, because the nation ctermined and acted for itself in everything that was accomplished. Yes, gentlemen, whether a republic or a monarchy. a nation is freewhen it has the institutions I have already enumerated. Nations may be mistaken. but they crr lessthan a man. The latter commits fnnlts because, not being obliged to deliberate. ho is hurried away by his passions. If he holds in his hands the destinies of a greatvnation he may plunge it in misfortunes. A free nation deliberates. discusses both sides of a question.andhas the guaranteeof reason against error. Thus, the real definition of n.free nation is a being which is obliged to reflect beforeacting." As a member of the Democratic party of this country, which through all the confusion and carnage of the late civilWar has mantiilly opposed the bold eneroachments ofan overwhelming majority and withstood the oppression of central power through good report and evil report, hail with profound interest the token, of an independent spirit and wise statesmanship, displayed in the speech of the great French Opposition leader. To meet arid extend the hand of fellowship to such heroic Frenchmen will be the noblest and most agreeable part of the duties of our representatives to the great Worlds Fair. An such sentiments as are uttered in the remarks I have just quoted have done much to reconcile me to vote for the appropriation, whereby we might accept the inntation of the Government in which such men, though numerically few, intellectually act a controlling part, and point to a glorious devel opment o constitutional liberty for our allies, the French people.