Mr. WADE. I have not answered your whole question yet. I have only attempted to show you that the question is not new, omy advocacy of the principle that the Executive cannot set up such a power is not a new principle for me. I wondered that every man who wished to preserve the true balances of our constitution did not rise up then and anathematize the act, come from what quarter it would. I stand today where I stood then, only with greater experience on the subject, and when I see a despotism attempted to be erected on these principles, more stubbornly opposed to it if possible than, I was then. but these governments not being constitutional, how can youingraft these principles upon them? Why. sir, it is in the power of this Congress, who have the full power of reconstruction. This is the body that can do it, and no other has under the Constitution any right whatever over it. You ask me the question: if these are dis. organized States in their inception, the fruits of usurpation of the Executive power, how can you make them active? Why, sir, this cong?res.s can breathe the breath of life into these carcases. They did so by the constitutional amendment. They had their all prevailing power of Congress to revivify and give life to that which without it is dead. That is how I answer you. Have you as a laywer anything against that doctrine that these institutions, being set up in usurpation, were void; but is it not in the power of Congress, who has entire jurisdiction over the whole subject, to make them good by a constitutional amendment such as you ought to propose to them? That is what you said to them: “preserve these institutions as they are, and give us action under them, and we will sanction what you have done as legal and right.” Without our action they are void and of no account whatever. That is the way I answer you. Mr. President, I am anxious for a vote on this subject and do not intend to prolong the argument; but I am asked as to the expediency of this measure. I cannot repeat with an more force than my colleague did, and as } attempted to do on a former occasion, that we did promise these Territories that on certain conditions which we prescribed being complied with, they might knock at our doors with a constitution robublican in form, and we would admit them. That is the sense of what we did. These doctrines that you now advocate were not thought of then. They have sprung into life since. You made your promise and agreement without prescribing at the time the rule that you now seek to enforce upon them. If you had, I have no doubt they would have complied with it, for I have no question that they are as antislavery, as much imbued with the sense of human rights, and wish as devotedly that all their population should have the elective franchise as you or I do. I have no question about that. But there they are in the winter time with the snows mid leg deep, drifted all over their prairies, their rivers frozen up and unnavigable, their roads blocked up, intercommunication between them almost impossible, and now you propose to impose the expense of an election on those poor people scattered all over those immense territories. You wish now to send this Constitution back and put them to the trouble and expense of doing that which you did not ask them to do at the time. Having, complied with all the conditions that you did prescribe, you now wish to send it back and compel these poor people to go through all this expense, all this terrible exercise, before you will let them in here. Sir, I do not think you have any right to do it. I do not see how States which stand on the same footing, having the word “white” in their constitutions, can without a blush demand of others that which they do not do themselves. I cannot do it for Ohio. I have told you that as a citizen of Ohio, which has a constitution just like that of Nebraska in this respect, I want it altered. I think it a defect just as much as you do. I have no doubt it will be done, and done quicker than though you should commence war upon her to compel her to do it. They have all the population that is neces. sary; they have all the elements of a great and prosperous State; they are going on with all those enterprises that have made the American people so great; and a more enterprising race (for I have been among them) is not to be found in this most enterprising nation any where. Why distrust them? Be generous to them as you have been to everybody else. When you come to a State that has forfeited her rights, so that I have a right toingraft my principles upon her, I will go hand in hand with you everywhere; but I cannot agree with you in exacting of these people over your own agreement and your own promises, that they shallingraft upon their constitution a provision that is not in your own, and one that never was exacted yet of any state by Congress. You did not ask them to do any more than they have done. I say again they have all the elements of a State; and all those principles that have been adjudged in the past sufficient to justify the admission of a new State into the Union apply in this case. Now, why should they not be admitted? Can anybody tell me? Can any Republican tell me why he should shut out the influence that is justly and legally derivable from this source? Why should he shut out the reenforcement he will get by doing justice to this Territory? The dictates of justice, the dictates of policy, the strength of the great cause of human rights for which we contend, will all be subserved by her admission; and as you rejected in the case of Tennessee just such a provision as it is now sought toingraft on this Territory, I ask gentlemen to pause. I suppose I need not have argued this matter so earnestly, because you have passed upon it once. It is not many months ago since this same question was before you, and you passed a bill for the admission of Nebraska by an overwhelming majority. What has transpired since to make it necessary that we should get up here and reargue the question? Why not do now what your sense of justice prompted you to do then I trust, sir, that any further appeals from me are entirely unnecessary. I have no idea that any Senator upon this floor will change his vote because of anything that has transpired between that day and this, though the fact is that further light has dawned upon us regard with to this Territory, and all of it going to show its immense resources and its immense gain in population from the time we had its application under consideration before. Why not deal with it as you have dealt with every other Territory applying for admission? There is no legal objection, there is no moral objection, but everything should prompt us to over look these little, technicalities for the great good that we seek toingraft upon our constitutions. I do not think, Mr. President, of anything more that I ought to say. I want a vote upon this bill today if it is possible to do it.