Mr. GARFIELD. I did intend to make a somewhat elaborate statement of the reasons why the select committee recommend the passage of this bill; but I know the anxiety that many gentlemen feel to have this debate concluded, and to allow the private billsgiow on the Calendar to be disposed f, and to complete as soon as possible the work of this session. I will, therefore, abandon my original purpose and restrict myself to a brief statement of a few leading points in the argument, and leave the results with the House. I hope this waiving of a full discussion of the bill will not be construed into a confession that it is inferior in importance to any measure before the House, for I know of none that has a higher or nobler purpose, or one that more nearly affects the uture of this nation. I 1st ask the House to consider the may ni tude of the interests involved in this bill. I’he very attempt to discover the amount of pecuniary and personal interest we have in our schools shows the necessity of a dept such as is proposedin this bill. I have searched in vain for any complete or reliable facts showing the educational condition of the whole country. If we go to the census of 1860 we find that the returns are meager., We really know nothing about theimportance and extent of the educational interests of this country. Let me refer to some ap roximate statistics. By the census of 1860 there appear to have been in, the U.S. 115,224 schools, 150,241 teachers, and 5,500,000 scholars. There were 500,000 school officers, thus making over 6 millions of the people of the U.S. directly engaged in the business of education. Not only has this large proportion of our population been thus engaged, but the congress of the U.S. has given 53 million acres of public lands to 14 States and Territories of the Union for the support of schools. In the old Ordinance of 1785 it was provided that one section out of every township of land in the U.S. should be given for the support of schools. Thus one thirt 6th of the entire territory of the U.S. is held forever sacred and set apart for the interests of the schools of the country. In the Ordinance of 1787 it " was declared that religion, morality, and knowledge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged.” It is estimated that at least $50,000,000 have been given in the U.S. by private individuals for the support of schools. We have thus an interest, even pecuniarily considered, hardly 2nd to any other. We have tolera bly complete school statistics from only 17 States of the Union, for, sir, in this country of schools and of education there are but 17 States that have sentto the Congressional Library full reports of their schools. In those 17 States there are 90, 835 schools, 129,000 teachers, 5, 107, 285 pupils, and $34,000,000 annually appropriated by the legislatures for the support and maintenance of schools. We find that in those 17 States during the late war, notwithstanding all the great expenditures entailed upon them, they raised by taxation $34,000,000 in the aggregate for the support of common schools. There are several States in this Union where more than 50%. of all the tax imposed for State purposes is for the support of schools. And yet, with all these facts before us, gentlemen are impatient because we wish to occupv a short time in discussing a question of this magnitude. Sir, I will not trouble the House by repeating common places so familiar to every gentleman here, as that our system of government is based upon the intelligence of the people. But I Wish to suggest to the House this thought, that there never has been a time in the history of our country when all the educational forces ought to be in such perfect activity as at the present day. Sir, it is a mistake to saythat we have much ignorance in this country. There is little of what is generally called ignorance in the U.S. In the Old World, under the despotism of Europe, the masses of ignorant men, mere inert masses, are moved upon and controlled by the intelligent and cultivated aristocracy. But in this republic. where the government rests upon the will of the people, every man has an active power for goo or evil, and the great question is, will he think rightly or wron ly; siliall the power in him be educated and irccted aright toward industry, liberty, and patriotism, or, under the baneful influence of false theories and evil influences, shall it lead him continually downward and work out anar chy and ruin both to him and the Government?.The question is not whether our people shall be educated or not. If they are not educated in the school of virtue and integrity they will be educated in the school of vice and iniquity. We are, therefore, afloat on the sweeping current; if we make no effort we go down with it to the saddest of destinies. It is only by perpetual and persistent effort that we make head way and advancement in civilization. Accordin to the census of 1860 there were 1, 200,000 in abitants in the U.S. over 21 years of age who could not read nor write, and 800,000 of those were American born citizens. One 3rd of a million of people are bein annually thrown upon our shores from the 01 World, and the gloomy total has been swelled by the 4,000,000 slaves adinitr ted to citizenship by the events of the war. such, sir, is the immense force which we must now confront by the genius of our institutions and the light of our civilization. And how shall it be done? An American citizen can give but one answer. We must pour upon them all the light of our public schools. We must make them intelligent, industrious, patriotic citizens or they will dra us and our children down to their level. Des not this question rise to the full height of national importance and demand the best efforts of states manship to adjust it? Horace Mann has well said: “"TIhnat legislators and rulers are responsible. our country and in our timesno man is worthy the honored nameof astotesman who does not include the highestpracticableeducation of the people in"all his plans ofadm'inlstration. Ho may have eloquence.he may have a knowl edgeof all history, diplomacyjurispyndcnce and by thesehe may claim, in other countries, the elevated rank of a statesman.but unless he speaks, plans, labors at all timesand in all placesfor the culture and edification of the wholepeoplehe is not. he cannot be an American statesman.’ Gentlemen who have discussed this question here this morning tell us that this measure Will by and by result in a great expense to the Government. Whether an enterprise is expen sive or not is altogether a relative question, and depends wholly upon the importance of the object upon which the money is expended. Now, what have we done as a nation in the way of expenses? In 1832 we organized a Coast Survey Bureau, and we have expended millions upon it. Its officers have triangulated 1000s of miles of our coasts, have made soundings of all our bays and harbors and have carefully mapped the shoals, breakers, and coast lines from our northern boundar on the Atlantic to the extreme northern boun ary on our Pacific coast. They have established eight 100 tidal stations to observe the fiuc tuations of the tides. We have expended vast sums in order perfectly to know the topography of our coasts, akes, and rivers that we might make navigation more safe. “lhat, is it of no consequence that we explore the boundaries of that wonderful intellectual cm ire which incloses within its dominion the late of succeeding enerations, and of this republic? [ The children of today will be the are itects l of our country’s destiny in 1900. We have established an Astronomical Observatory here where the movements of the stars are watched, latitude and longitudexal culated, and where chronometers are regulated for the benefit of navigation. For this bservatory you pay 1/3rd of a million perannum. Is it of no consequence that you study those stars which shall, in the time tocomc, be guid in stars in the political firmament? on have a Lighthouse Board established, and they are maing experiments, by all the aids of science, in the best modes of regulating the beacons upon our shores; they are placing buoys as waymarks to guide ships into our harbors and make our navigation more safe. Will you not have alighthouse board that will set up beacons for the coming generation, not as lights to the eye, but to the mind and heart, that shall lead them safely in the perilous voya coflifc, and enable them to transmit the i b essin s of our liberty to those who shall, come after them? We have set on foot a score of expeditions to explore the mountains and valleys, the lakes and rivers, of this and other countries. We have expended money without stint to explore the Amazon and the Jordan, Chili and Japan, the gold shores of the Colorado and the co er cliffs of Lake Superior, to gather and uh ish the great facts of science, and to exiibit. the material resources of physical nature. Will you refuse the pitiful sum required to collect and record the intellectual resources of this country, the elements that lie behind all material wealth and make it either a curse or a blessing? We have paid 3 quarters of a million dollars for the survey of the route for the pay cific railroad, and have published the results in 13 quarto volumes, with maps and charts accompanying them. The money for these purposes was freely expended, and now, when it is proposed to appropriate $13,000 to aid in increasing the intelligence of those who will use that great continental highway when it is completed, we are reminded of our debts, and warned against increasing our expenditures. It is ilficult to treat such an objection with that respect that always is due in this hall of legislation. We have established a Patent office where are annually accumulated 1000s of models of new machinery invented by our people. Will you make no expenditure for the benefit of the intelligence that shall stand behind that machinery and be its controller? Will you bestow all your favors upon the en nc, and ignore the engineer? I will not insu tthe in telligence of this House by waiting to prove that money paid for education is the most eco nomical of all expenditure. It is cheaperto reduce crime than to build jails. School houses are less expensive than rebellions. A 10th of our national debt exended in public education 50 years ago would ave save( us the blood and treasure of the late war. A far less sum may save our children from a still greater calamity. we expend 100s of1000s to promote the agricultural interests of the country, to introduce the best modes of culture in all that pertains to husbandry. Is it not of more consequence to do something for the farmer of the future than for the farm of today? As man is greater than soil, as the immortal spirit is nobler than the clod it animates, so is the object of this bill of more importance than an more pecuniary interest. he genius of our Government does not allow us to establish a compulsory system of education, as is done in some of the countries of Europe. There are States in this Union, however, which have adopted a compulsory system of education, and perhaps that is well. It is for the State to determine. A distinished Gentfrom RhdIsland told me ately that it was now the law in that State that every child within its borders should be sent to school, and that every vagrant child should be takenin charge by the authorities and sent.to school. It may be well for the States to pursue such a course; but the General government can do nothing of that sort. It has no compulsory control over this matter, and we repose none in this bill. at we do propose this: that we shall use that power, so effective in this countr, the power of letting in light on subjects an holding them up to the verdict of public opinion. If it could be published annuall from this Capitol, if it could go out throug every district of the U.S. that there were States in this Union that had no system of common schools, and if their records could be placed beside the records of such States as Massachusetts, NewYork, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and other States that have a common school system, the very light shining upon them would rouse up their energies and comcl them to educate their children. It would s ame out of their delinquency all the delinquent States of this country. Mr. Speaker, ifI were called a on today to, point to that in my own State 0 which I am most proud, I would not point to any of the framing lines of our military record, to the he roic men and the brilliant officers we have given to this contest; I would not point to any of our leading men of the past or the present, as the trophies of our State; but I won d point to the common schools of Ohio; I would point to the honorable fact that in the greatstruggle of 5 years through which we have just passed, the State of Ohio has expended $12,000,000 for the support of her public schools. I do not include in that the amount expended upon our higher institutions of learning. I would point to the fact that 52%. of the taxation of Ohio for the last 5 ears, aside from the war tax and the tax for the payment of the public debt, has been for the support of her schools. I would point to the schools of Cincinnati, of Cleveland, and other cities of the State, if I desired a stranger to see the glory of Ohio. I would point you to the 13,000 school houses and the 700,000 upils in the schools of Ohio. I would pomt to the $3,000,000 she has paid for schools during the last year alone. This is, in my judgment, the proper gauge by which to measure the progress of the States of this Union. Gentlemen tell us there is no need of this bill the States are doing well enough now. Do they know through what a strug e every State has come up that has secure a good system of common schools? Let me illustrate this by one example. Notwithstanding the early declaration 0 William Penn"That which makes a good constitution must keep it. namely. men of wisdom and virtue; qualities that because they descend not With worldlyinher itance must be carefully r oagated by avirtuous education of youth. for which spareno cost, for by such parsimony all that is savedis lost." Notwithstanding this wise master builder incorporated this sentiment in his “ frame work of governrnent” and made it the duty of the Governor and Council “to establish and support public schools;” notwithstanding Ben jamin ranklin from the 1st hour he became a citizen of Pennsylvania inculcated the value of useful knowledge to every human being in common schoo every walk of life, and by his personal and pecuniary effort did establish schools and a college for Philadelphia; notwithstanding the constitution of Pennsylvania made it obligatory upon the Legislature to foster the education of the citizens; notwithstanding all this, it was not till 1833.34that a system of common schools supported in part by taxation of the property of the State, for the common benefit of all the children of the State, was established by law; and although the law was passed by an almost unanimous vote of both ranches of the legislature, so foreign was the idea of public so ools to the habits of the people, so odious was the idea of taxation for this purpose, that even the poor who were to be speciall benefited, were so deluded by the politica demagogues as to clamor for its recal. Iany members who voted for the law lost their nominations, and others, although nomi nated, lost their election. Some were weak enough to pledge themselves to a repeal of the law; and in the session of 1835 there was an almost certain prospect of its repeal and the adoption in its place of an odious and limited revision for educatin the children of the our y themselves. In tedarkest hour of the debate, when the hearts of the original friends of the system wffe failing from fear, there rose on the floor of the House one of its early champions, one who, though not a native of the State, felt the disgrace which the repeal of this law would 've, like a knife in his bosom; one who thoug no kith or kin ofhis would be benefited by the operations of the system, and though he should share its burdens, he would onIy partake with every citizen in its blessings; one who had voted for the original law although introduced by his political 0 pe nents, and who had defended and lorie in his vote before an angry and unwilling con' stituency; this man, then in the beginning of his public career, threw himself into the condiet and by his earnest and brave eloquence saved the law and gave a noble system of ls to Pennsylvania. I doubt if, at this hour, after the 30 years crowded full of successful labors at the bar, before the people, and in halls of legislation, the venerable and distinguished memdier Mr. S'rsvnys] who now represents a portion of the same State in this House, can recall any speech of his life with half the pleasure he does that, for po measure with which his name has been connected is so fraught with blessings to h‘ n dreds of 1000s of children, and to h cs innumerable. I hold in my hand a copy of his brave speech, and I ask the Clerk to read the passages l have marked.