Mr. RAYMOND. I need not say to a gentleman so well read both in law and in the history of the country, as the Gentfrom Ohio {Mr. SHELLABARGER) is so well known to be, that the function of the Army has always been considered hitherto to be the execution of the decrees, the enforcement of the laws and stat utes of the civil authority of the land. I hold, therefore, that the proper function of the military authority in the southern States is to execute the laws and the will of the civil authorities and of the civil government. And it is their function also to reenforce by their aid, when called upon in conformity with law, the tribunals and agencies created by this Government, such as the Freedmen's Bureau and the other agencies created under the civil rights bill. I believe that under those laws the military may be called upon to protect life, liberty, and property in the southern States. But my answer to the gentleman will reach further than that. He would reply to me probably that the civil authorities in those States are not reliable; that they do not desire to protect the persons and the property of the loyal men and of the freedmen in those States, and that they will not make or apply laws for their protection. Admit that to be the fact; for as I have already said I am afraid there is too much reason to believe that it is the fact. Then I say that the proper remedy is for Congress to enact such laws, to create such governments as will protect those classes of citizens. Now, my colleague {Mr. Hotchkiss] says that the objection is made to any measure that may be proposed that we are beginning at the wrong end; that if we begin at either end somebody will say that we have begun at the wrong end; and that he is for beginning at this end, with the military instead of the civil authority. Objections will undoubtedly be made, Mr. Speaker, to any proposition that can be brought forward. But I. it that if this Congress has an intelligent conception of what it wishes to do, if it understands clearly the emergency to be met, and is agreed, or can agree, upon any proper means of meeting that emergency, there will be no further difficulty in taking such action as the case requires. Certainly we on this side of this House ought to be able to agree upon some measure which will establish in those southern States governments which the military may be called upon to aid and support. My theory is that the military force ought to follow the civil authority and not lead it, not take its place, not supersede it. This has always been the theory of our government. Recollect the case of the Territory of Kansas. I remind gentlemen here, many of whom were at that time more prominently connected with public affairs than myself, that during the disturbances in that Territory, when life, liberty, and property were not worth a pin's purchase, when every thing was in chaos, when anarchy prevailed from one end of the Territory to the other, martial law was never proclaimed, the privilege of the writ of habeascorpus was never suspended. The military were sent there; a government was recognized as entitled to make laws for the Territory, and the Army was called on to support it. Now, sir, I say that the same principle precisely applies in this case.