Mr. HARDING, of Kentucky. Presently. Now, Mr. Speaker, from these few hasty remarks, I ask every gentleman whether it is not plain and palpable that this whole strife and agitation in regard to negro suffrage is not because any man seriously believes he has the capacity and qualification for its exercise, nor is in any sense to benefit him. It is intended for your benefit, not hisall to subserve your party purposes. It is evident that the whole thing is for the purpose of making party capital by converting the whole negro population into voters, under the idea that they will all vote with the Republican party, and so give them the balance of power in the southern States. Is not that the truth 1 Let us apply another test. If we could sat isfy this House and this Congress that the negroes, when enfrnuchised, would vote the Dem ocratic ticket, it would kill this amendment at once, and silence every Republican voice. I ask if there is a single man among you who would vote for negro suffrage if he believed the negroes would vote the Democratic ticket? Not one, and you know it. You Support this amendment because you believe you can control the negro vote. The amendment itself is a pilpee of groveling, miserable, party patch wor. It is in that spirit the constitution is approached by the Republican party. I won d myself scorn to aproach that sacred instrument to amend or change it in any respect, for any sectional or party purpose whatever. NO man is fit to tone it unless he can rise above party, shake off party trammels, look over the whole country, and take in and provide for the interest and wants of all sections. Sir, when gentlemen approach a question so grave and serious as that of amen in the constitution, they ought to feel that “t e ground is holy” and "ftakle off theilr shoes.” At such altgme flldl party eeings, an art purposes shou stan abashed and rebnklid. yprp But I contend that party advantage is the whole object of all the proposed amendments to the constitution. They are the result of party feeling. There is not one which has not some sectional party end. The amendment under consideration is the 1st fruit of the cel ebrated reconstruction committee. It opens the door, and we can see all that is behind. What do we findto be your plan and purpose? To keep out the Representatives of the States who are as much entitled to their seats as the President is to his seat. In that way you exeat to geta 2/3rds vote toingrafl: on the constitution your political dogmas. You act upon the ground that, to be perfectly safe and secure in power yourselves, it is necessary to keep the southern States out of power, and that is the time and occasion fixed on to do thisparty work. It is monstrous. Afterour constitution was form ed, and Washington and other great and rood men had retired from their labor, they loo edinto the future, and with almost rophetic vision saw that seetional parties and party spirit were the great dangers to which the Government was exposed. How faithfull the warned us against these dangers. But how earful and terrible has been the bloody strife into which this country has been plunged by not regarding those earnest and solemn warnings and yet, right in the face of all this, it is attempted now and here to manufacture a sectional, party constitution, providing for certain sections at the expense of others, and at a time when those sections, at whose expense this is to be done, are notal lowed to be here; when the doors are purposely closed against them to keep them out until you fix up a republican party platform and make it a part of the constitution. Now, sir, is this fair? I appeal to the honest candor of Republican gentlemen, is this fair? and does any man in his sober senses fail to see that you are now sowing broadeast the seeds ofrevolution. Ifyou shall, by excluding 11 States, make a constitution for them without their consent, and attempt to force it upon them, may not that come home to plague you in the next generation? Are you sure you will your selves be satisfied withit? The way to preserve this Governmentis to letevery man feel its blessings. Let it be like the sun of heaven, to warm and cheer every section alike. Let every man feel that it protects himself his family, his home, and allthat he has, and then he is ready to die for it, if necessary. But if a section, a mere part, shall usur authority and control of the Government, an exclude all others, making oppressive amendments for the mere purpose of sectional advantage, it is, I say, sowing broadeast the very seeds of rebellion. Np man can foresee the results of these measures in the chan in fortunes of this country.