Mr. BANCROFT (who, on coming forward, was greeted with warm demonstrations of applause) then proceeded to deliver the following ORATION. Senators, Representatives, of America: That God rules in the affairs of men is as certain as any truth of physical science. On the great moving Power which is from the beginning han s the world of the senses and the world oft ought and action. Eternal wisdom marshals the rent procession of the nations, working in patient continuity through the ages, never halting and never abrupt, encompassing all events in its oversight, and ever effecting its will, though mortals may slumber in apathy or oppose with madness. Kings are lifted up or thrmvn down, nations come and go, republics flourish and wither, dynasties pass away like a tale that is told; but nothing is by chance, though men in their ignorance of causes may think so. The deeds of time are governed as well as judged, by the decrees of eternity. The caprice of fleeting existences bends to the immovable Omnipotence, which plants its foot on all the centuries and has neither change of purpose nor repose. Sometimes, like a messenger through the thick darkness of night, it steps along mysterious ways; but when the hour strikes for a people, or for mankind, to pass into a new form of being, unseen hands (iiaw the bolts from the gates of futurity; an allsub duing influence prepares the minds of men for the comin revolution; those who plan resistance find themselves in conflict with the will of Providence; rather than with human devices; and all hearts and all understandings, most of all the opinions and influences of the unwilling, are wonderful] attracted and compelled to bear forward the change which becomes more an obedience to the law of universal nature than submission to the arbitramentof man. GROWTHOF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC. In the fullness of time a republic rose up in the Wilderness of America. housand ofyears had passed away before this child of the ages could) be born. From whatever there was of good in the systems of former centuries she drew her nourishment; the wrecks of the past were her warnings. With the deepest sentiment of faith fixed in her inmost nature, she disinthralled religion frombondage to temporal power, that her worship might be worship only in spiritaudin truth. The wisdom which had passed from India through Greece, with what reece had added of her own; the jurisprudence of Rome; the medineval municipalities; the Tentonic method of representation; the political experience of England; the benignant wisdom of the expositors of the law of nature and of nations in France and Holland, all shed on her their selectest influence. She washed the gold of political wisdom from the sands wherever it was found; she cleft it from the rocks; she gleaned it among ruins. Out of all the discoveries of statesmen and sages, out of all the experience of past human life, she compiled a pereiiniah political philosophy the primordial principles of national ethics. The wise men of urope sought the best Government in a mix ture of monarchy, aristocrac, and democracy; and America went behind these names to extract from them the vital elements of social forms, and blend them harmoniously in the free commonwealth, which comes nearest to the illustration of the natural equality of all men. She intrusted the guardianship of established rights to law; the movements of reform to the spirit of the people, and drew her force from the happy reconciliation of both. TERRITORIAL EXTENT OF THE REPUBLIC. Republics had heretofore been limited to small cantons or cities and their dependencies; America, doing that of which the like had not before been known upon the earth, or believed by kin s and statesmen to be possible, extended ier republic across a continent. Under her auspices the vine of liberty took dee root and filled the land; the hills were covere with its shadow; its boughs were like the goodly cedars, and reached unto both oceans. The fame of this only daughter of freedom went out into all the lands of the earth; from her the human race drew hope. rnornsciss 0s run couscoussens or suvsnr. Neither hereditary monarchy nor hereditary aristocracy planted itself on our soil; the only hereditary condition that fastened itself upon us was servitude. Nature works in sincerity, and is ever true to its law. The bee hives honey, the viperdistills poison; the vine stores its juices, and so do the poppy and the upas. In like manner, every thought and every action ripens its seed, each in its kind. In the individual man, and still more in a nation, a just idea gives life and progress and glory; a false conception portends disaster, shame, and death. A 120 years ago, a West Jersey Quaker wrote: “This trade of importing slaves is dark gloominess hanging over the land; the consequences will be grievous to posterity.” At the North the growth of slavery was arrested by natural causes; in the region nearest the tropics it throve rankly, and worked itself into the organism of the rising States. Virginia stood between the two; with soil and climate, and resources demanding free labor, yet capable of the profitable employment of the slave. She was the land of great statesmen and they saw the danger of her being whelmed under the rising flood in time to struggle against the delusions of avarice and pride. 94 years ago the Legislature of Virginia addressed the British king, saying thatt e trade in slaves was “of great inhumanity, ” was opposed to the “security and he piness” of their constituents “would in time have the most destructive influence, ” and “endanger their very existence.” and the king answered them, that “upon pain of his highest displeasure, the importation of slaves should not be in any respect obstructed.” “ Pharisaical Britain, ” wrote Franklin in behalf of Virginia, ” to ride thy self in setting free a single slave that appened to land on thy coasts, while thy laws continue a traffic whereby so many 100s of 1,000s are dragged into a slavery that is entailed on their posterity.” “A serious view of this subject, ” said Patrick Henry in 1773, “gives a gloomy prospect to future times.” In the same year George Mason wrote to the Legislature of Virginia, “The laws of impartial Providence may avenge our injustice upon our posterity.” Conforminghis conductto is convictions, in Virginia, and in the Continental Congress, Jefferson, with the approval of edmund Pendleton, branded the slave trade as piracy; and he fixed in the DeclarIndep as the cornerstone of America, ll men are created equal, with an unalienableright to liberty.” On the 1st organization of temporary governments for the continental domain, Jefferson, but for the default of NewJersey, would, in 1784, have consecrated every part of that territory to freedom. In the formation of the national constitution Virginia, opposed by a part of NewEngland, vainly strug gled to abolish the slave trade at once and for ever; and when the Ordinance of 1787 was introduced by Nathan Dane, without the clause prohibiting slavery, it was through the favor able disposition of Virginia and the South that the clause of Jefferson was restored, and the whole northwestern territoryall the territory that then belonged to the nationwas reserved. for the labor of free men. DESPAIROF THE "EN 07 THE REVOLUTION The be e prevailed in Virginia that the abolition of t. e slave trade would bring with it the gradual abolition of slszery; but the expectation was doomed to disappointment. In supporting incipient measures for emancipation, gefferson encountered difficulties greater than he could overcome; and after vain wrestlin s, the words that broke from him, ” I tremble or my country when I reflect that God is just, that His justice cannot sleep forever ” were words of despair. It was the desire of Washingtons heart that Virginia should remove slavery by a public act; and as the prospects of a general emancipation grew more and more dim he, in utter hopelessness of the action of the State. did all that lie could by be ueathing freedom to his own slaves. Good an true men had, from the days of 1776, proposed to colonize the negro in the home o his ancestors. But the idea of colonization was thought to increase the difficulty of emancipation; and in spite of strong so port, while it accomplished much good for Afiica, it proved impracticable as a remedy at home. Madison, who in early life disliked slavery so much that he wished “to depend as little as possible on the labor of slaves;” Madison, who held that where slavery exists “ the republican theory becomes fallaeious;” Madison, who in the last years of his life would not consent to the annexation of Texas, lest his countrymen should fill itwith slaves; Madison, who said “slavery is the greatest evil under which the nation labors, a portentous evilan evil, moral, political, and economicala sad blot on our free country, ” went mournfully into old age with the cheerlcss words, “No satisfactory plan has yet been devised for taking out the stain.” saw vrsws or smvnav. The men of the Revolution passed away. A new generation sprang up, impatient that an institution to which they clung should be condemned as inhuman, unwise, and unjust in the throes of discontent at the selfreproach of their fathers, and blinded by the luster of wealth to be acquired by the culture of a new stu le, they devised the theory that slavery, which they would not abolish, was not evil, but good. They turned on the friends of colonization, and confidently demanded, ” Why take black men from a civilized and Christian country, where their labor is a source of immense gain, and a power to control the markets of the world, and send them to a land of ignorance, idolatry, and indolence, which was the home of their fore fathers, but not theirs? Slavery is a blessin. Were they not intheir ancestral land naked, scarcely lifted above braves, ignorant of the course of the sun, controlled by nature? and in their new abode have they not been taught to know the difference of the seasons, to plow and plant and reap, to drive oxen, to tame the horse, to exchange their scanty dialect for the richest of all the languages among men, and the stupid adoration of follies for the purest religion? and since slaveryis good for the blacks, it is good for their masters, bringing opulence and the opportunity of educating a race. The slavery of the black is good in it? self; he shall serve the white man forever.” and nature, which better understood the quality of fleeting interest and assion, laughed, as it caught the echo, “man and “ forever!”, snivrnr Alnoun. A regular development of pretensions followed the new declaration with logical consist ency. Undei the old declaration every one of the States had retained, each for itself. the right of manumitting all slaves by an ordinary act of legislation; now, the power of the people over servitude through their Legislatures was curtailed, and the privileged class was swift in imposing legal an constitutional obstructions on the people themselves. The power of emancipation was narrowed or taken away. The slave might not be disquieted by education. There remained an unconfessed consciousness that the system of bondage was wrong, and a restless memory that it was at variance with the true American tradition; its safety was therefore to be secured by political organization. The generation that ina e the constitution took care or the predominance of freedom in congress, by the Ordinance of Jelferson; the new school aspired to secure for slavery an equality of votes 111 the Senate; and while itbintedat an organic act. that should, concede to the collective South a veto power on national legislaltion, it assumed that each State separate] had the right to revise and nullify laws of the U.S., according, to the discretion of its judgment. suvrnr sun ronsms ssurioxs. The new theory hungas abiason the foreign relations of the country; there could be no recognition of Hayti, nor even of the American colony of Liberia; and the world was given to understand that the establishment of free labor in Cuba would be a, reason for wresting that island from Spain. Territories were annexed Louisiana, glorida, Texas, half of Mexico; slavery must have its share in them all, and it accepted for a time a dividing line between the unquestioned domain of free labor and that in which involuntary labor Was to be tolerated. A few years passed away, and the new school, strong and arrogant, demanded and received an apology for applying the Jefferson proviso to Oregon. The npplication of that proviso was interrupted or 3 Administrations; but justice moved steadily onward. In the news that the men of California had chosen freedom, Calhoun heard the knell of parting slavery; and on his deathbed he counseled secession. Washington and Jefferson and Madison had died despairing of the abolition of slavery; Calhoun died in despair at the growth of freedom. His system rushed irresistibly to its natural development. The deathstruggle for California was followed by a short truce; but the new school of politicians who Said that slavery was not evil, but good, soon sought to “recover the gonad they had lost, and confident of securing ansas, they demanded that the established line in the Territoriesbetween freedom and slavery should be blotted out. The count, believing in the strength and enterprise an, expansive energy of freedom, made answer, though reluctantly, Be it so; let there be no strife between brethren; let freedom and slavery compete for the Territories on equal terms, in a fair field under an impartial administration;" and on this theory, if on any, the contest might have been left to the decision of time. nuns scorr incision. The South started back in appallment from its victory: for it knew that a fair competition torebbdedits defcat. But where could it now findan ally to save it from its own mistake? What I have next to sayis spoken withno emotion but regret. Our meeting today is, as it were, at the grave, in the presence of Eternity, and the truth must he uttered in Soberuess and sincerity. In a cat republic, as was observed more than 2 t ousan years ago, any attempt to overturn the State owes its strengthto aid from some branch of the Government. The Chief Justice of the U.S., without any necessity or occasion, volunteered to come to the rescue of the theory of slavery and from his court there lay no appeal but to the bar of humanity and history. Against the Constitution, against the memory of the nation, against a previous decision, against a series of enactments, he decided that the slave is property, that slave property is entitled to no less protection than any other property, that the constitution upholds it in every Territory against any act of a local Legislature and even against Congress itself; or, as the liresident of the time tersely promulgated the sa in, “Kansas is as much a slave State as SCarolina or Georgia; slavery by virtue of the constitution, exists in every Territory.” The municipal character of slavery being thus taken away, and slave property decreed to be “scored, ” the authority of the courts was invoked to introduce it by the comity of law into States where slavery had been abolished; and in one of the courts of the U.S. a judge pronounced the African slave trade legitimate, and numerous and powerful advocates demanded its restoration.” TANEY mu suns RACES, Moreover, the Chief Justice, in his elaborate opinion, announced what had, never been heard from any magistrate of Greece or Romewhat was unknown to Civil law and canon law and feudal law and common law and constitutional law; unknown to Jay, to Rutledge, Ellsworth, and Marshallthat there are “slave races. The spirit of evil is intensely logical. Having the authority of this decision 5 States swiftly followed the earlier example of a 6th, and Opened the way for reducing the free negro to bondage; the migratin free negro became a slave if be but enters the jurisdiction of a 7th; and an 8th, from its extent and soil and mineral resources, destined to incalculable greatness, closed its eyes on its comin pros perity, and enactedas by Taneys deciSion it ad the right to dothat every free black man who would live within its limits must accept the condition of slavery for himself and his posterity. “ slmston nesotvnn on. Only one step more remained to be taken. Jefferson and the leading statesmen of his day held fast to the idea that the enslavement of the African was socially, morally, and politically wrong. The new school was founded exactly upon the opposite idea; and they resolved 1st to distract the Democratic party, for which the Supreme Court had now furnished the means, and then to establish a new government, with negro slave for its cornerstone, as socially, morally, an politically right. THE ELECTION. I As the presidential election drew on, one of the 01d traditional parties did not make its appearance; the other reeled as it sought to preserve its old position; and the candidate who most nearly represented its best opinion, driven by patriotic zeal, roamed the country from end to end to speak for union, eager at least to confront its enemies, yet not having hope that it would find its deliverance through him. The storm rose to awhirlwind; who should alla its wrath? The mostexpericnced statesmeno the country had failed; there was no hope from those who were great after the flesh; could relief come from one whose wisdom was like the wisdom oflittle children? EARLY LIFE OF ABRAHAMLINCOLN The choice of America fell on a man born west of the Alleghanies, in the cabin of poor people of Hardin county, KentuckyAbraham lincoln.” His mother could read but not write; his father could do neither; but his parents sent him. with an old spellingbook, to school, and he learned in his c ildhoodto do both. 4 When 8 years old he floateddOWn the Ohio with his father ona raft which bore the family and all their possessions to the shore of Indiana; and, child as he was, he gave help as they toiled through dense forests to the interior of Spencer county. There, in the land of free labor, he grew up in a log cabin, with the solemn solitude for his teacher in his meditative hours. Of Asiatic literature he knew only the Bible; of, Greek, Latin, and mediseval, no more than the translation of Esops Fables; of English, John Bunyans Pilgrims Progress. The traditions of George Fox and William Penn pdssed to him dimly along the lines of 2 cen turies through his ancestors, who were Quakers. EDUCATION. otherwise his education was altogether American. The DeclarIndep was his compendium of political wisdom, the Life of Washington his constant study, and something of Jefferson and Madison reached him through Henry Clay, whom be honored from boyhood. For the rest, from day today, he lived the life of the American people; walked in its light; reasoned with its reason; thOught with its power of thought; felt the beatings of its mighty heart; and so was in every way a child of naturea child of the West a child of America. HIS PROGRESS IN LIFE. At 19, feeling impulses of ambition to get on in the world, e engaged himself to go own the Mississippi in a flatboat, receiving ten dollars a moat for his wages, and after; wardhe made the trip once more. At 21 he drove his fathers cattle as the family migrated to Illinois, and split rails to fence in the new homestead in the wild. At 23 he was acatain of volunteers in the Black Hawk war. o kepta sholg he learned something of surveing; but of n lish liter ature he added to gunyan nothin. but Shak speares plays. At 25 he was elected to the Legislature of Illinois, where he served 8 years. At 27 he was admitted to the bar. In 1837 he chose his home at Springfield, the beautiful center of the richest land in the State. In 1847 be was a member of the national Congress, where he voted about 40 times in favor of the principle of the Jefferson proviso . In 1854he gave his influence to elect from Illinois to the American Senate a Democrat who would certainly do justice to Kansas. In 1858, as the rival of Douglas, he went before the people of the mighty Prairie State sayin, ” his Union, cannot permanently on dure, ghalf slave and half free; the Union will not bedissolved, but the house will ccaseto be divided;" and now, in 186I, with no ex, erience whatever as an executive Officer, whi e States were madly fiyinv from their orbit, and wise men knew not. where to find counsel, this (is scendant of Quakers, this pupil of Bunyan, this child of the great West, was elected president of America. He measured the difficulty of the duty that devolved on him, and was resolved to fulfill it. he cons proWASHINGTON. As on the 11th of February, 1861, he left Springfield, which for a quarter of a centur had been his ha Ey home, to the crowd of his friends and neigh ors whom he was never more to meet, he spo ea solemn farewell: “I know not how soon I shall see you again. A dut has devolved upon me greater than that “Inc has devolved upon another man since Washington. He never won (1 have succeeded excc t for the aid of divine Providence, upon which a at all times relied. On the same Almighty Being I place my reliance. Pray that I may receive that divine assistance, without which cannot succeed, but with which success is certain.” To the men of Indiana he said, “I am but an accidental, temporary instrument; it is your business to rise up and preserve the Union a“nd liberty.” At the capital of Ohio he said, Without a name, without a reason why I should have a name, there has fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father of his Count.” At various places in NewYork, especia l at Alban before the Legislature, which ten ered him the united support of the great Empire State he said, “While hold myself the humblest o all the individuals who have ever been elevated to the Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform than an of the m. I bring a true heart to the work. must rely upon the people of the whole country for support; and With their sustaining aid, even I, humble as I am, cannot fail to can the ship of state safel through the storm. To the Assembly of lllewJersey, at Trenton, he explained, “I shall take the ground I deem moat Just to the North, the East, the West, the South, and the whole country, in good tem er, certain] with no malice to any section. am devote to eace, but it may be necessar to put the foot down firmly.” n the old In ependence Hall of Philadelphia he said, “I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the DeclarIndep, which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but to the world in all future time. If the country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I would rather be assassinated on the spot than surrender it. I have said nothing but what I am willing to live and die by.” IN WHAT STATE HE FOUND THE COUNTRY Traveling in the dead of night to escape assassination, Lincoln arrived at Vashington 9 days before his inauguration. The outgoing President, at the opening of the session of congress had still kept as the majority ofhis advisers men engaged in treason; had declared that in case of even an “imaginary” apprehension of danger from notions of freedom among the slaves, “disunion would become inevitable.” Lincoln and others had questioned the opinion o“f Taney; such impugning he ascribed to the factions tempero? the times.” The favorite doctrine of the majority of the Democratic party on the power of a Territorial Legislature over slaver he condemned as an attack on “the sacre rights of property.” The State Levis laturcs, he insisted, must reeal what he called “their unconstitutional an obnoxious enactments, ” and which, if such, were “null and void, ” or " it would be impossible for any hu man power to save the Union.” Nay, if these unimportant acts were not reealed, the injured States would be justifiedp in revolutionary resistance to the Government of the Union.” He maintained that no State might secede at its sovereign will and pleasure; at the Union was meant for perpetuity; and that Congress might attempt to preserve it, but only by conciliation; that “t e sword was not placed in their hands to preserve it by force;” that. “the last desperate remedy of a despairing people” would be “an explanatory amendment recognizing the decision of the SCOTUS ” The American Union he called “a confederacy” of States, and he thought it a duty to make the appeal for the amendment “before any of these States should separate themselves from the Union.” The views of the Lieutenant General, containing some patriotic advice, “conceded the right of secessmn, ” pronounced a puadruple rupture of the Union a smaller evi than the reunitin of the fragments by the sword, ” and “ eschewe the idea of invading a seceded State.” After changes in the Cabinet, the President informed C“ongress that “matters were still worse” that the South suffered serious grievances, l7 which should be redressed “in peace.” The day after this message the flag of the Union was fired upon from Fort Morris, and the insult was not revenged or noticed. Senators in Congress telegraphed to their constituents to seize the national forts, and they were not arrested. The finances of the country were grievonsly embarrassed. Its little army was not within reachtho part of it in Texas, with all its stores, was made over by its commander to the seceding insurgents. One State after another voted in convention to secede. Aence congress, socalled, met at the request of irginia to concert the terms of a capitulation for the contin quance of the Union. Congress in both branches sought to devise conciliatory expedients; the Territories of the country were organized in a manner not to conflict with any pretensions of the South, or any decision of the Supreme Court; and, nevertheless, the seceding States formed at Montgomery aprovisional government and pursued their relentless purpose with snc success that the Lieutenant general feared the city of Washington might find itself “included in a foreign country, and proposed, among the otions for the consideration of Lincoln, to bid tlYe seceded States “depart in peace.” The great republic seemed to have its emblem in the vast unnished Capitol, at that moment surrounded by masses of stone and prostrate columns never yet lifted into their places; seemingly the mon ument of high but delusive aspirations, the confused wreck of inchoate magnificence, sadder than any ruin of Egyptian the bes, or Athens. IHS INAUGUBATION The 4th of March came. With instinctive wisdom, the new President, speaking to the people on taking the oath of office, put aside every question that divided the country, and ined a right to universal support by planting imself ou the sin le idea oft a Union. That Union he declare to be unbroken and perpet ual; and he announced his determination to fulfill “the simpleduty of taking care that the laws be faithfulliy executed in all the States.” 7 days later, the convention of confederate States unanimously adopted a constitution of their own; and the new government was authoritatively announced to be founded on the idea that slavery is the natural and normal condition of the negro race. The issue was made up whether the great Republic was to maintain its providential place in the history of mankind, or a rebellion founded on negro slavery gain a recognition of its principle throughout the civilize world. To the disaffected Lincoln had said, ” Youcan have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors.” To fire the passions of the southern portion of the people, the confederate government chose to become ag ressors; and on the morning of the 12th of pril began the bombardment of Fort Sumter, and compelled its evacuation. orsimo o? ran PEOPLI. It is the glor of the late President that he had perfect fait in the perpetuit of the Union. Supported in advance oug as, who spoke as With the voice of a mil ion, he instantly called a meeting of Congress, and summoned the people to come up and repossess the forts, places, and property which had been seized from the Union. The men of the North were trained in schools; industrious and frugal; many of them delicately bred, their minds teeming with ideas and fertile in plans of enterprise; given to the culture of the arts; eager in the pursuit of wealth, yet employing wealth less for ostentation than for developing the resources of their country: seeking ha piness in the calm of do mestic life; and such lovers of peace that for generations they had been reputed unwarlike. i ow, at the cry of their country in its distress, they rose up with unnppeasable patriotism; not hirelings the purest and of the best blood in the land; sons of a pious ancestry, with a clear perception of duty, unclouded faith, and fixed resolve to succeed, they thron edround the President to support the wron e, the beautiful flag of the nation. The hal s of theological seminaries sent forth their young men, whose li s were touched with eloquence, whose hearts kindled with devotion to serve in the ranks, and make theirwny to command only as they learned the part of war. Striplin in the colleges, as well the most gentle an the most studious; those of sweetest temperand loveliest character and brightest genius passed from their classes to the camp. helumbermen from the forests; the mechanics from their benches, where they had been trained by the exercise of political rights to share the life and hope of the Republic, to feel their responsibility to their forefathers their posterity, and mankind, wentforth resolve that t ieir dignity as a constituent art of this Republic should not be impaired. liparmers and sons of farmers left the land but half plowed, the grain but half planted, and, taking up the musket, learned to face without fear the presence of peril and the coming of death in the shocks of war, while their hearts were still at tracted to their herds and fields and all the ten der affections of home. Whatever there was of truth and faith and public love in the common heart broke out with one expression. The mighty winds blew from every quarter to fan the flame of the sacred and unqueuchable fire. Tn! WA"A WORLDWIDEWAR. For a time the war was thought to be confined to our own domestic affairs; but it was soon seen that it involved the destinies of man kind; its principles and causes shook the polities of Europe to e center, and from Lis on to Pekindivided the Governments of the world. GREATnniniir. There was akingdom whose people had in an eminent degree attained to freedomof industry and the security of person and property. Its middle class rose to greatness. Out of that class sprun the noblest poets and philosophers, whose wor 5 built up the intellect of its people; skillful navigators, to find out the many paths of the oceans; discoverers in natural science, whose inventions guided its industryto wealth, till it equaled any nation of the world in letters, and excelled all in trade and commerce. But its Government was become a Government of land, and not of men; every blade of grass was represented, but only a small minoritv of the peoile. In the transition from the feudalforms, the ends of the social organization freed themselves from the military services which were the conditions of their tenure, and, throwin the burden on the industrial classes, keptal the soil to themselves. Vast estates that had been managed by monasteries as endowments for religion and charity were impropriated to swell the wealth of courtiers and favorites; and the commons, where the poor man once had his right of asture, were taken away, and, under forms o law, inclosed distributively within the domains of the adjacent landholders. Although no law forbade an inhabitant from purchasing land, the costliness of the transfer constituted a prohibition; so that it was the rule of that country that the plow should not be in the hands or its owner. The church was rested on a contradiction, claiming to be an embodiment of absolute truth, and yet was a creature of the statute book. an sssriirssrs. The progress of time increased the terrible contrast between wealth and poverty; in their years of strength, the laboring people, cut off from all share in governing the State, derived a scanty support from the severest toil, and had no hope for old age but in public charity or death. A grasping ambition had dotted the world with military osts, kept watch over our borders on the nort cast, at the Bermudas, in the West Indies, held the gates of the Pacific, of the Southern and of the Indian ocean, hov ered on our northwest at Vancouver, appropriated the whole of the newest continent, and the entrances to the old Mediterranean and Red sea and arrisoned foits all the w. from Madras to hina. That aristocracy hadv gazed with terror on the growth of a commonwealth where freeholds existed by the million, and religion was not in bondage to the State; and now they could not repress their joy at its The had not one word of sympathy repreritlhse. kintihearted poor mans son whom America had chosen for her chief; the jeered at his large hands and long feet an ungainly stat ure; and the British SecyState for Foreign Affairs made haste to send word through the palaces of Euro o that the great Republic was in its a ony, that the Republic was no more, that a eedstone was all that remained due by the law of nations to “the late Union.” But it is written, “Let the dead bur their dead;” they may not bury the living. at the dead bury their dead; let a bill of reform remove the wornout government of a class, and infuse new life into the British constitution by contiding rightful power to the people. [Applause] HIE POLICY. But while the vitality of America is inde structible, the British Government hurried to do what never before had been done by Christian Powers, what was in direct conflict with its own exposition of public law in the time of our struggle for independence. Though the insur eut States had not a ship in an open harbor, it invested them with all the rights of a belligerent, even on the ocean; and this, too, when the rebellion was not only directed against the gentlest and most beneficent Government on earth, without a shadow of justifiable cause, but against human nature itself for the perpetual enslavement of a race and the effect of this recognition was that acts in themselves pirat ieal found shelter in British courts of law. The resources of British capitalists, their workshops, their armories, their private arsenals, their shipyards, were in league with the insur cuts, and every British harbor in the wide world became a safe port for British ship s, manned by British sailors, and armed with ritish guns, to rey on our peaceful commerce; even on our s ips comingfrom British orts, freighted with British products, or that ha carried gifts of grain to the n lish poor. The Prime Minister in the House of ommons, sustained by cheers, scoffed at the thought that their laws could be amended at our request so as to preserve real neutrality; and to remonstrauces now owned to have been just, their Secretary answered that they could not change their laws adinfinitum. RELATIONS mouse. The people of America then wished, as they always have wished, as they still wish, friendly relations with England, and no man in England or America can desire it more strongly than I. This country has always yearned for good relations with England. hrice only in aTl its history has that earning been fairly met: in the days of Ham on and Cromwell again in the 1st ministry of the elder Pitt, and once again in the minist of Shelburne. Not that there have not at allytimes been just men among the eers of Britainlike Halifax, in the days of ames H, ora Granville an Argyll, or aHough ton in ours, [great applause;] and we cannot be indifferent to a country that reduces states men like Cobden and Bright, [Tremendous applause that lasted for several minutes;] but the est bower anchor of peace was the workin class of England, [renewed applause that could not be repressed] who suffered most from our civilWar, but who, while they broke their diminished bread in sorrow, always encouraged us to persevere. [Great and longcontinued applause] rumor Aim run xenon nocrnnuz. The act of recognizing the rebel belligerents was concerted with France; France, so beloved in America, on which she had conferred the greatest benefits that one people ever conferred on another; France, which stands foremost on the continent of Europe for the solidit of her culture, as well as for the bravery an gener ous impulses of her sons; France, which for centuries had been moving steadily in her own way toward intelleptnal and political freedom. The policy regarding further colonization of America y European Powers, known commonly as the doctrine of Monroe, had its origin in France; and, if it takes an mans name, should bear the name of ur 0t. It was adopted by Louis XVI, in the cabinct of which Vergennes was the most important member. It is emphatically the policy of France; to which, With transient deviations, the Bourbons, the 1st Napoleon, the house of Orleans have ever adhered. THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON and MEXICO. The late President was perctually harassed by rumors that the Emperor apoleon HI de sired formally to recognize the States in rebellion as an independent Power, and that England held him back by her reluctance, or France by her traditions of freedom, or he himself by his own better judgment and clear perception of events. But the republic of MeXico, on our borders, was, like ourselves, distracted by a rebellion, and from a similar cause. The monarch of England had fastened upon us slavery which did not disap ear with independence; in like manner, the sec esiastical policy established by the S anish Council of the indies, in the days of charges V and Philip H, retained its vigor in the Mexican republic. The 50 years of civilWar under which she had languished was due to the bigoted system which was the legacy of monarch, just as here the inheritance of slavery kept a very political strife, and culminated in civilWar. As with us there could be no quiet but through the end of slavery, so in Mexico there could be no prosperity until the crushing tyranny of intolerance should cease. The party of slaveryin the U.S. sent their emis saries to Europe to solicit aid; and so did the party of the church in Mexico, as organized by the old Spanish Council of the Indies, but with a different result. Just as the Republican party had made an end of the rebellion, and was establishing the best government ever known in that region, and giving promise to the nation of order, eace, and prosperity, word was brought us, in temoment of our deepest afthetion, that the French emperor, moved y a desire to erect in North America a buttress for imperialism, would transform the republic of Mexicointo a secundogeniture for the house of Hapsburg. America might complain; she could not then interpose, and delay seemed justifiable. It Was seen that Mexico could not, with all its wealth of land, compete in cereal products with our Northwest, nor, in tropical products, with Cuba; nor could it, under a disputed dynasty, attract capital, or create public works, or develop mines, or borrow money; so that the imperial system of Mexico, which was forced at once to recognize the wisdom of the policy of the republic by adoptiifi it, could prove only an unremunerating drain on the French treasury for the support of an Austrian adventurer. THE PERPETUITY of REPUBLICAN INSTITUTIONS. Meantime, a new series of momentous questions rows up, and forces themselves on the consideration of the thoughtful. Republican ism has learned how to introduce into its constitution every element oforder, as well as every element of freedom; but thus far the continuity of its government has seemed to depend on the continuity of elections. It is now to be considered how perpetuity is tobe secured against foreign occupation. The successor of C arles I of Tinglan dated his reign from the death of his father; the Bourbons coming back, after a long series of revolutions, claimed that the Louis who became kin was the 18th of that name. The present mperorof the French, disdainin a title from election alone, is called the 3rd diapoleon. Shall a republic have less power of continuance when invadin armies prevent a peaceful resort to the bal otbox. Vhat force shall it attach to intervening legislation? What validity to debts contracted for its overthrow? These momentous questions are, by the invasion of Mexico, thrown up for solution. A free State once truly constituted should be as undying as its people; the republic of Mexico must rise again. [ oud applause] THE POPE OF ROME and THE REBELLION. It was the condition of aifairs in Mexico that involved the Pope of Rome in our difficulties so far that he alone among temporal sovereigns recognized the chief of the confederate States as a president, and his supporters as a people; and in letters to 2 great relates of the Cath olic church in the U.S. gave counsels for peace at a time when peace meant the victory of secession. Yet events move as they are ordered. The blessing of the Pope of Rome on the head of Duke Maximilian could not revive in the 19thcentury the ecclesiastical policy of the 16th; and the result is only a new proof that there can be no prosperity in the State without religious freedom. PEOPLE of AIBBXCA. When it came home to the consciousness of the Americans that the war which they were waging was a war for the liberty of all the nations of the world, for freedom itself, they thanked God for giving them resignation to the severity of the trial to which He at their sincerity, and nerved themselves for their duty with an inexorable will. The President was led along by the greatness of their selfsacrificing example; and as a child, in a dark night on a rugged way, catches hold of the hand of its father for guidance and support, he clun fast to the hand of the peoFe, and move calmly through the gloom. hile the states manship of urope was scoffing at the hepe less vanity of their efforts, they put forth such miracles of energy as the history of the world, had never known. The Navy of the U.S., drawing into the public service the willing militia of the seas, oubled its tonnage in 8 months, and established an actual block ade from Cape Hatteras to the Rio Grande; in the course of the war it was increased 5 fold in men and in tonnage, while the inventive enius of the country devised more effective inds of ordnance, and new forms of naval architecture in wood and iron. There went into the field for variousterms of service about 2 million men; and in March last the men in service exceeded a million; that is to say, making allowance for 200,000 black troops, chiefly from the South, 9 of every 20 ablebodied men took some part in the war; and at one time every 5th able bodied man was in the field. In one single month, 165,000 were recruited into service. Once, within 4 weeks, Ohio organized and placed in the field 42 regiments of infantrynearly 3 6,000men; and Ohio was like other States in the East and in the West. The well mounted cavalry numbered 84000; of horses there were hung t, 1st and last, 2/3rds of a million. In the movements of troops science came in aid of patriotism; so that to choose a single instance out of many, an army 23,000 strong, with its artillery, trains, baggage, and animals, were moved by rail from the Potomac to the Tennessee, 1200 miles, in 7 days. In the long marches, wonders of military construction bridged the rivers; and wherever an army halted ample supplies awaited them at their everchanging base. The vile thought that life is the greatest of blessin 5 did not rise up. In 625 battles and severe skirmishes blood flowed like water. It streamed over the grassy plains; it stained the rocks; the undergrowth of the forests was red with it; and the armies marched on with majes tic courage from one conflict to another, knowing that they were fighting for God and liberty. The organization of the medical Dept met its infinitely multiplied duties with exactness and dispatch. At the news of a battle, the best surgeons of our cities hastened to the field to offer the zealous aid of the greatest exerience and skill. The gentlest and most rened ofwomen left homes of luxury and case to build hospital tents near the armies and serve as nurses to the sick and dying. Beside the large supply of religious teachers by the public, the congregations spared to their brothers in the field the ablest ministers. The Chris tian Commission, which expended $5, 500,000, sent 4000 clergymen chosen out of the best to keep unsoiled the religious character of the men, and made gifts of clothes and food and medicine. The organization of private charity assumed unheardof dimensions. The Sanitary Commission, which had 7,000 societies, distributed, under the direction of an unpaid board, spontaneous contributions to the amount of $15,000,000 in supplies or money$1,500,000 from California alone and dotted the scene of war from Paducah to Port Royal, from Belle Plain, Virginia, to Brownsville, Texas, with homes and igddges. so4S compassiowni. GnoBEf Februgy 12, THE EMANCIPATION. The country hadfor its allies the river mississippi, which would not be divided, and the ran e of mountainswhich carried the strongv hold of the free through Western irginia and Kentucky and Tennessee to the highlands of Alabama. Butit invoked“ the still higher power of immortal justice. In ancientGreece, where servitude was the universal custom, it was held that ifa child were to strike its arcut, the slave should defendthe atom, and y that act recover hisi freedom. 2 after vain resie tance, Lincoln, who liadtried to solve the question, by gradual emancipation, by colonization, and by comensution, at last saw that slavery must be abolished or the Republic must die; and on the 1st day of Jaiiuary, 1862, he wrote liberty on the banners of the armies. When this proclamation, which struck the fetters from 3 million slaves, reached Euro e, Lord Russell, acoiiintryman of Milton an Wilberforce, eagerly put himself forward to speak of it in the name of mankind, saying, “It is ofa. very straiige nature;” “a measure of war of a very questionable kind;” an act “ of vengeance on the slaveowner, ” that does no more than “profess to eniancipate slaves where the U.S. authorities cannot make eman eiation areality.” Now, there was no part of the country embraced in the proclamation where the U.S. could not and did not make emancipation a reality. Those who saw Lincoln most frequently had never before heard him speakwith bitterness of anyliumaii being; but he did not conceal how keenly he felt that he had been wronged by Lord Russell and he wrote, in reply to another cavilcr, “The emancipation policy, and the use of colored tree)S were the greatest blows yet dealt to the rebellion; The Job was a great national one; and let none be slighted who bore an honorable part in it. Ihope eace will come soon, and come to stay; then will there be some black men who can remember that they have helped mankind to this great consummation.” [ P plause.] nussu and can“. The proclamation accomplished its end, for during the war our armies came into military possession of every State in rebellion. Then, too, was called forth the new power that comes“ from the simultaneous diffusion of thought and feeling among the nations of mankin. The mysterious sympathy of the millions throughout the world was given spontanedusly. The best writers of Europe waked the conscience of the thoughtful till the intelligent moral sentiment of the Old World was drawn to the side of the unlettered statesman of the West. Russia, whose emperor had just accomplished one of the grandest acts [here the orator was interrupted by the longest and loudest applause] in the course of time by raising 20 million gap louse renewed at themention of the numberl) bondmen into freeholders, [great and longcontinued applause] and thus assuring the growth and culture of a Russian peole, remained our unwavering friend. [Another burst of applause.] From the oldest abode of civilization, which gave the 1st example of an imperial government with equality among the people, Prince Kung, the SecyState for foreign Affairs, remembered the saying of confucius, that we should not do to others what we would not that others should do to us, and in the name of the Emperor of China closed its ports against the war ship s and privateers of the seditious.” [Very orig an loud applause] cosrixmxes or run wnt. The war continued, with all the peoples of the world for anxious spectators. Its cares weighed heavily on Lincoln, and his face was plowed with the furrows of thought and sad ness. With malice toward none, ree from the spirit of revenge, victory made him importu hate for peace; and his enemies never doubted his word or despaired of his abounding elem eney. e longed to utter pardon as the word for all, but not unless the freedom of the ne we should be assured. the Grand battles of it ill Spunk, Which gave us Nashville, efFeit Don I elson, Malvern Hill, Antietam, Gettysburg, the Wilderness of Virginia, Winchester, Nashville, the ca ture of NewOrleans, Vicksburg, Mobile, Fort isher, the march froui Atlanta, and the ca ture of Savannah and Charleston, all fore to d the issue. Still more, the selfregeneration of Missouri, therhearthofthe continent; of Maryland, whose sons never heard the mid, night bells chiine so sweetl as when they rang outtogearth and heaven that by the voice of; her own ople she took her place among the free;. of lennessee, which passed throu death, towork out herlown deliverance, and by the faithfulness of her QWH sons to renew her youth like the eagle7proved that victory was deserved and would be worth all that it cost. If words of mercy, uttered as they Were by Lipeoln on the waters of Virginia, were defiantly repelled, the armies of the country, moving With one will, went as the arrow to its mark, and without a feeling of revenge struck a deathblow at rebellion. LINCOLNB ASSASSINATION. Where, in the history of nations, had aChief Magistrate possessed more sources of consolation and joy than Lincoln? His countrymen had shown their love by chodsing him to a 2nd term of service. The ra ng war that had divided the country had lnl ed; and private grief was hushed by the grahdeur of its results. The nation had its new birth of freedom, soon to be secured forever by an amendment of the constitution. His persistent ntleness had conquered for him a kindlier feeling. on the part of the South. His scoffers among the gran ees of Europe began to, do him honor. The laboring classes everywhere saw in his advancement their own. All peoples sent him their benedictions and at the moment of the height of his fame, to which his humility and modesty added charms, he fell by the hand of the assas sin; and the only triumph awarded him was the march to the grave. rightousiirivsss r imit. This is no time to say at human glory is but dust and ashes, that we mortals are no more than shadows in pursuit of shadows. How mean a thing were man if there were not that within him which is higher than himself; if he could not master the illusions of sense, and discern the connections of events by a superior light, which comes from God. I" e so shares the divine impulses that he has power to subject interested passions tolove of country, and personal ambition to the ennoblement of his kind. Not in vain has Lincoln lived, for he has helped to make this Republic an example of justice, with no caste but the caste of humanity. The heroes who led our armies and ships into bat tleLyon, McPherson, Reynolds, Sedgwick, Wadsworth, Foote, Word, with their compeers and fell, in the service, did not die in vain; they and the myriads of nameless martyrs, and he, the chief martyr, died willingly “that vernment of the people, by the people, an for the people, shall? not perish from the earth.” [Loud applause]. THE JUST. The assassination of Lincoln, who was so free from malice, has by some mysterious in fluence struck the country with solemn awe, and hushed instead of exciting, thopassion for revenge. it seems as if the just had died for the unjust. When I think of the friends I have lost in this warand every one who hears me has, like myself, lost some of those whom he most lovedthere is no consolation to be derived from victims on the scaffold, or from an thing but the established union of the regen erated nation. [Applause.] oniinnersa or Liscotii. I In his character, Lincoln Was through and through an American. He is the 1st native of the reion west of the Alleghanics to attain to the higiest station; and liowha py it is that the man who was brought forward) as the natural outgrowth and 1st fruits of that region should have been of unblemished purity in private life, a good son, a kind husband, I most tire, and blood, through sorrows and the shadow of affectionate father, and, as a man, so gentle to all. As to integrity, Douglas, his rival, said of him, y, Lincolir is the honestest man I ever ew. The habits of his mind were those of meditation and inward thought, rather than of action. He excelled in logical statement, more than in executive ability. He reasoned clearly, his reflective judgment was good, and his ur pdses were fixed; but, like the Hamlet o his only poet, his will was tardy in action; and for this reason and not from humility or tenderness of feeling, he sometimes deplored that the duty whichdevolveg on him had not fallen to the lot of another. e was skillful in analysis; discerned with precision the central idea on which aquestion turned, and knew how to disengage it and present it by itself in a few homely, strong old english words that would be intelligible to all. e delighted to express his opinions by an apothegm, illustrate them by a parable, or drive them home by a story. I E Lincoln gained a name by discussin questions which, of all others, most easil feud to fanaticism; but“ be was never carrie away by enthusiastic Zeal, never indulged in extravagant language, never hurried to support extreme measures, never allowed himself to be controlled by sudden impulses. During the progress of the election at which he was chosen President, be expressed no opinion that went beyond the Jefferson proviso of 1784. Like Jefferson and LaFayette, he bad faith in the intuitions of the people, and read those intuitionswith rare sagaeity, lde knew how to hide his time, and was less at to run ahead of opinion than to lag behin. He never sought to electrify the public by taking an advanced position With a banner of a section; but rather studied to move forward compactly, exposing no detachment in front or rear; so that the course of his Administration might have been explained as the calculatin policy of a shrewd and watchful politician, ha there not been seen behind it a fixedness of principle which from the 1st determined his purpose and grew more intense with every year, consuming his life by its ener Yet his sensi bilities were not acute, be bid no vividnes of imagination to picture to his mind the horrors of the battlefied or the sufferings in hospitals; his conscience was more tenderthan his feelings. Lincoln was one of the most unassuming of men. In time of success, he gave credit for it to those whom he employed, to the people, and to the providence olpGod. He did not know what ostentation is when he became President he was rather saddened than elated and his conduct and manners showed more ever his belief that all men are bornequal. He W98" no respecter of persons; and neither rank, nor reutation, nor services everawed him. In judging of character he failed in discrimination, and his appointments were sometimes had; but he readily deferredyto public opinion and in a pointin the head of the armies he followed the manifest preference of Congress. [Applause.] A good President will secure unity to his administration by his own supervision of the various Depts. Lincoln, who accepted advice rea ily, was never governed by any member ofhis Cabinet, and could not be moved from a purpose deliberately formed; but his supervision of affairs Was unsteady and incomplete; and sometimes, by a sudden interference tran scending the usual forms be rather confused than advanced the public usiness. If he ever failed in the scrupulous regard due to the rel ative“ rights of Congress, it was so evidently without design that no conflict could ensue, or evil precedent be established. Truth he would receive from anyone; but, when impressed by others, he did not use their opinions till by reflection he had made them thoroughly his own. It was the nature of Lincoln to forgive. When hostilities ceased, he who had always sent forth the flag with every one of its stars in the field, was eager to receive back his returning countrymen, and meditated “some new announcement to the South The amendment of the constitution abolishing slavery had his most earnest and unwearied support. During the rage of war we get a glimpse into his soul from his privately suggesting to Louisiana that "in defining the franchise some of the colored people might be let in, ” saying, “They would, prohably help, in some tryin time to come, to I cop the ewcl of liberty int e family of freedom.” Long continued and enthusiastic, demonstrations of applause] In 1857heavowed himself. not in over of” what be improperly called “negro citizenship;” for the constitution discriminates between citizens, and elect Ors. 3 da s before his death he declared his preference that v the elective franchise wero now conferred on the very intelligent of the colored men and on those of them whoserved our cause as soldiers, ” but he wished itdone by the States themselves, and he never harboredt. he. thought of exacting it from a new gov mlent asl a condition of its recognition. I, p case. The lastday of hishfeb amed. ith us ne, as beeent by theSpeakgr of tllis gusiellhis Jfriendly greetin s to the men. of the Rocky mouritaihs and t cPacifie Slope; ashe contemplated the returnof 100s of 1,000s of soldiers to fruitful industry; lashc welcomed in advance 100s of 1,000s of emigrants from. Europe;, as his eye kindled with enthusiasm, at the coming wealthiof the natiOn and so, with these thoughts for his, country, he as I removed from, the toils, aad temptations of lliis vlife and was at peace. runnssros Aim mucosa. Hardly had the late President been consiined I to the grave when the Prime Minister of. “ag land died, full of yearsand honors., Palmerston traced his lineage to the time, of the Conqueror; Lincoln went back only to hisgrand father. Palmerston received his education from the best scholarsof Harrow, Edinburg, and Cambridge; Lincolns early teachers were the silent forest, the Prairie, the river, and the stars. Palmerston was in public life for 60 ears; Ilincoln for but a 10th of that time. almerston, was a skillful guide of an established aristocracy; Lincoln aleader or rather a companion of the people., Palmerston was exclusively an Englis man, and made his beast in the House of Commons that the interest of England was his shibboleth; Lincoln thought always of mankind as well as ofhis own country, and served human nature itself. Palmerston from his narrowness as an Englishman did not endear his country to anyone court or to anyone people, but rather caused uneasiness and disli 12; Lincoln left America more beloved than ever by all the peoples of Europe. Pal merston was selfpossessed and admit in rec onciling the claims of the factions of the aris tocracy; Lincoln, frank and ingenuous, knew how to poise himself on the conflicting opinions of the people. Palmerston was capable of insolence toward the weak, quick to the sense of honor, not heedful of right; Lincoln rejected counsel given only as a matter of policy, and was not capable of being willfully unust. Palmerston, essential] superficial, Ide ghted in banter and knew how to divert grave opposition by playful levity; Lincoln was a man o infinite jest on his li s, with saddest Earnestness at his heart. Pa merston was a fair representative of the aristocratic liberality of the day, choosing for his tribunal, not the conscience ofhumanity, but the House of commons; Lincoln tookto heart the eternal truths of liberty. obeyed them as the commands of. Providence, and accepted the human race as the judge of his fidelity. Palmerston did noth in g that will endure: his great achievement, the separation of Belgium, placed that little king, dom where. it must gravitate to France; Lincoln finished a work which all time cannot overthrow. Palmerston is ashining example of the , ablest of a cultivated aristocracy; Lincoln is the genuine fruit of institutions where the laboring man shares and assists to form the great ideas and designs of his country. Palmerston was buried in Westminster Abbey by the Order of the Queen, and was followed by the british aris tocracy to his grave, which a few years l will hardly be noticed by the side of the graves of Fox and Chatham; Lincoln was followed by i the sorrow of his country across the continent to his resting place in the heart of the Mississippi valley, to be remembered through all time by is countrymen, and by all the peoples of the world. [Long continue applause] “ COKCLUBION. As the sum of all, the hand of Lincoln raised the flag; the American peOple was the hero of, the war; and therefore. the result is a new era of republicanism., The disturbances in the country grew not out of anything republican, but out of slavery, which is a art of the system of hereditary wrong; and the expulsion of this domestic anomaly opens to the renovated nation a career of unthought of dignity and glory., Heneeforth our country has a moral unity as the land of, free labor. The party for slavery and the party avainst slavery are no more, and emerged in. the party of union and freedom. he States which would have left us are not brought back as connered States, for then we. should hold them on y so long as that conquest cOuld be maintained; they come to their right fnlhplace under the constitution as oriinal, necessary, and inseparable members of the Union., lYe buiHApplausefid monuments to the dead, but no monuments of victory. Werespectthe example of theRoinans, who never, evenlin conquered lands, raised emblems of trium h and our, generals areUnot to be classed, iuthe herd of vulgar conquer rs, but hreof, the school of whmoleon and, illism, of Orange and Washington. hey have l used the sword Only to give placeyto their country and restore her to her place in e, great assembly Of the nations. Senators and Representatives, as I bid you farewell, my last word shall be a word of be e; for, now there isa nation which for the rst time in the world is ready to live according to the laws of reason, and true republicanism is intrenched in a regenerated continent. [The orator, on concluding, was greeted with an outburst of the heartlestapplause, in which the whole audience joined] “ The exercises of the occasion were closed (at 3 oclock and 25 minutes. m.) by the following benediction by Rev. Dr. BAY, Chaplain of the Senate: God of a bereaved nation, from Thy high and holy habitation look down upon us and suita bly impress us today with a sense that only God is great. Kings nndPresidents die; but Thou, the universal Ruler, livest to rule undisturbed on Thine everlasting throne. A wail has gone up from the heart of the nation to heaven o, hear, and pity, and save. We pray thatThou wilt command. Th blessin now upon the family of the presient den; upon the President lirin; upon the ministers of state; upon the unite Houses of Congress; upon the officers of the Arm and the Navy; upon the broken families an. desolated homes all over the land; and upon the nation and grant that grace and peace and mercy from the Lord esus Christ, and the love of God the Father, and the fellowship of God the Spirit, may rest upon and abide with us all, forever and ever. Amen. The members of the Senate, preceded by the President protempore, then retired from the Hall.