Mr. Sumner of the Senate is another: and Wendell Phillips is another." This is extraordinary. The POTUS is th0roughly combative in his disosition; he has been fighting all the days of his life; but it seems to me he ought to waive this disosition now; and remember the manner in which his lamented predecessor, Abraham Lincoln, received the jeers and blows of friends and foes. His easy good nature was a soft cushion against which everything which was offensive fell dead. His words werealways kindly and genial to friend or foe. That is not the character of Mr. Johnson. It is one of the peculiarities of his character that he has not the gentleness of the late President, and yet let me say that in this respect the very courage with which he resists opponents wherever they present themselves. we commended five years ago as the highest virtue of AndrewJohnsons e. What is the reason given for these personal allusions? Wendell Phillips has unsigned and abused the President in a shameless manner; but he is in the habit of doingtbat in regard to almost every one. He recently classed him with Arnold and Burr. He sai he had taken Jefl“ Daviss place as leader of the confederacy, and threatened impeachment. This world will never be good enough for him. Mv friendfrom Massachusetts, before the magnificent oration he gave us covering the whole ground of our difficulties, letdropan exression about“white washing” in debate in Tecember last that I have no doubt has greatly wounded and irri Stated the mind of the President. He regards it rather in the light of a personal affront, though I do not believe it was so intended. In regard to Mr. SrsVENS, the other gentleman named by him, we cannotjudge fairly without recallingto mind the fact that Mr. Srsvsns proclaimed AndrewJohnson to be an alien enemy, a citizen of a foreign State, in the convention that nominated him as VEEP, and therefore not now legally President. We must not forget thathe has shown violent and bitter feelin at various times, and that he wields great influence, and in such a way as to exasperate even a patient man. I know him well a man of great intellect, with a controllin will, and possessing the dangerous power of been sarcasm, which he wields against friend and foe, cuttin like a Damascus blade. In a recent debate he made use of an expression that would irritate any man, especiall when coming from a leader in the HoRep. He said of the president that his conversation with a certain “ distinguished Senator” was “ In violation of the privileges of this House, made in such a way that eenturies ago, had it been made in Parliament ya British king, it would have cost him his head." I ask you, Senators, whether the POTUS, regarding him as he is; a man who never turned his back upon a foe, personal or political; a man whose great virtue has been his combative propensity; as a man who repelled insults here on the very spot where I now stand, when they came from traitors arming themselves for the tight; can you ask him, because he is President, to submit to in sult? Every sentiment of manhood, everydic State of our nature, would induce a man, when he heard these words uttered, in the heat of passion, to thrust them back. When a man becomes President he has none the less the feelings of manhood. Whether a peasant or a President, he is a man for a that. He can never overcome that feeling, and therefore I say, Senators, when we are examiuin the present condition of affairs, although condemn the time and manner of repelling these insults as strongly as one can, yet that coh demnation must be palliated by the circumstances by which he was surrounded, by our knowled e of his character, by the factthat he believed e was repelling personal insult thrust upon him by high officers of the Government, or by a gentleman like Wendell Phillips, who controls great masses of public opinion, and we are bound to give him the charity of this exlanation. here is another portion of this ecch which I think is even still more indcfensible than any thin I have referred to; and that is that clause Whlfii I will not read to the Senate, in which he charges that these men are endeavoring to incite lllS assassination. No charge can be more idle, no accusation can be more unfounded; and Iarn astonished to the last degree that such an idea should ever enter the mind of the POTUS that these gentlemen were conspiring his assassination! I have seen many papers printed on both sides of the question, )y Democrats and Union men, and I never have seen one that approves this accusation. I have received many ctters proand conon this subject since this thing occurred, and I have never yet seen an intimation but what this charge was most unfounded. Sir, it is not in the ranks of the Union party the President will find assassins. They are bred only by a different school of politics. The men who have done so much to save this country from anarchy will not play the part of assassins. He need not guard against them; and this accusation seems to me rather the product of resentment, hatched by anger and passion, and hurled without reflection at those he believed wished to badger and insult him. But, sir, throwing aside these personal allusions and these irritating remarks, what is there left of the speech? Cast over the remarks that I have referred to the mantle of charity, and what is there in the speech with which we can find fault? There may be ideas and sentiments which seem to be out of place; we are not here to criticise the speech of the president by the rules of grammar or syntax; but there are ideas in his speech that are deserving the grave consideration of the Senate. In one clause of the speech he says in speaking of the spirit of his address and conduct to the southern people: "Coming in that spirit, I sayto them, When you have compliedwith the requirements of the Constitution. when you have yielded to the law, when you have acknowleged your allegiance to the Constitution, I will, so or as I can, open the door of the Union to those who had erred and strayed from the fold of their fathersfor a time." New read in connection with that another paragraph of the same speech: “ When thosewho rebelled comply with the constitution: when theygive sufficientevidenceofloy alty; when the showthat they can be trusted: when they yield obrence to the law that you and I acknowled c obedienceto, I sayextendthem the right hanging ollowship, and lot peaceand Union bere sr. rsssassn. Other passages of this speech, and especcially one or 2 in the veto mes e show a car nest desire for the admissionsgf ennessee; and I have no doubt that much of the excitement in the Presidents mind arose out of the long delayed admission of Tennessee into this Union. That feeling crops out very strongly in the veto message, and I confess to you that I do sympa thize very much with his feelings. Whatis the condition of Tennessee? It was reconstructed in the sense in which the term is now used before the death of President Lincoln, under his guiding hand, with AndrewJohnson as his more agent. It was reconstructed by Union men in the midst of war, and Tennessee aided us very much in the closing operations of this war. More than 30,000 of her brave sons marched under the banner ofThomas and Sher man. Its government was reorganized before President obnsou came here. It was organized by his own personal friends who share his fortunes. The men that are sent here to represent Tennessee are as true and loyal as either of you Senators, without exception. I have just had brought to me the recent letter of Mr. Maynard to the convention held on the 22d of February, and it breathes the very spirit of patriotism. There are Stokes and many others of these gentlemen who have served the cause of their country. Now I so. to you that there is afeelingin the public mind that Tennessec ought to be a mitte into the Union, and as soon as possible; that she has comlied with every conditionimposedu on her; t atshe has organized civil society so or as it can be; and I think it is the common feeling and desire of the people of the U.S., whom we represent, the mass of the Union people, that she should be admitted as soon as possible. One year ago she was declared by the President not to e in insurrection; an I dflhink our 1st dutyis at once to prepare a mode and manner by which she may lie admitted into the Union upon such terms and conditions as will make er way back the wa of pleasantness and peace. and, sir, I would follow the marked exception in the case of Tennessee by an encouraging plan for the admission of Arkansas and such other States as maybe reconstructed on a loyal basis. so run or nscoxsrnuc rros av coxonsss. The weakness of the position of Congress now is not that anyone denies your power, but that you hold no lanterns to them, no light, no plan, no mode by which they can get back into the folds of the nion. I say therefore, if the ComReconstruction can report a JtResolution (instead of this asserting their power) fixing the mode and manner by which Tennessee and other States may come back into the Union, by which their loyal sons maybe represented upon this floor, I believe it will meet the hearty audit of the American people. I do not wish to go into the general question still before the ComReconstruction; but if I had any power in arrangin a plan, I would mark the line as broad and ecp between the loyal people who stood at our side and the rebels phlp ought against us as between heaven and e.