Mr. INGERSOLL. Yes; I have heard it said that a female was quite as effective. Let me continue this, for it is refreshing. “A fellow, ” says Mr. Johnson, in referring to a rebel. Does AndrewJohnson call one of these southern people s. fellow? Oh, yes; but that was in 1862 and 1863. Now it is “the honorable Gentfrom Mississippi, ” “ My friends from Virginia, ” “The noble chiral of theSouth whom I have so long and intimately known, and can so thoroughly trust.” [Laughter] But he then said: or" tAyf.eallnodwwdehnoiteasktehsetbvaeloidaitthy omf tehree loyat oaths. aivseahpise pnruorped man and not to be trusted. Before these repeating rebels can be trusted let them bring forth the fruits of repentance.", If the lo a! people ask AndrewJohnson to show the ruits he has gathered from repenting rebels, what can he Show them? He can show them nothing but stacks of applications for pardons! “He who helped to make all those widows and orphans. who raped the streets of Nashville in mourning, should suffer for his grout crime. The workis in our own hands.” That is a good point well presented. Let it be reechoedby the people of the North, that he who helped to made these widows and orphans and drape the land in mournin should sntfer for his great crime. But how oes he suffer for his great crime under AndrewJohnson? By receiving a pardon with the seal of the Executive upon it or a commission to a Federal office. lhat is all the suffering I have heard of as yet. “The work is in our own hands.” Ah! that was true and would be to da if AndrewJohnson was true to the prinnciples he advocated a few months ago. The work isiii my opinion in our own hands yet, whether he is with us or against us. We shall rely upon the steady and unflinching loyalty of the people, and AndrewJohnson though President will find when he opposes the executive power against the eternal principles of right which have been sustained by all this blood and treas ure that he will be as powerless as a rush; that he will be orerborne by the power of the people, and will find that the people in the right are greater and more powerfu than the President in the wron. I shall trust the peotgle I shall up on! from AndrewJohnson to e people, an I fear not their verdict. They will vote for Congress as it is, and AndrewJohnson as he was! Sir, let AndrewJohnson remember that the very people who are sustaining him today, the very men who are calling upon the country to support the Presidents policy, are the some men who so vehemently denounced him and hounded him but a few months ago. They are the men who were against him and all others who were fighting for the Government during the bloody years of war. None of his 0! friends support him now, except it may be some parasite, some lick spittle who wants some contemptible office within his gift. They are the only ones. Every high minded man who was for this war and this Government, for freedom and justice, is against AndrewJohnson today. Yes, sir, let him remember he could not today in the grand State of Illinois, who sent forth 250,000 of her sons to fight for the maintenance of the principle and sentiments he at tered in his speech at Nashville. get those men to go for him now although they voted for him in 186 1. There is but one place they would go to now on his account, and that is to his political funeral. They would gladly follow imto his political grave. Mr. Speaker, if he were a high minded and honest man, when he finds he cannot carryout the principles of the party which placed him in power. that he cannot maintain the policy maintained by his true friends, he should resign his office. I believe we had an example of that kind in the 38th Congress. Mr. Stebbins, elected by the Ilemocratic party in NewYork, found, when he came here, that he could not carry out the principles of the party which had elected him, and he accordingly resigned his seat like an honest man! AndrewJohnson should follow that example, and resign, for I declare that he is not carrying out nor intending to carry out the principles of the party which elected him Vice resident! But let me proceed with his speech: “Ah. these rebel leaders have a strong personal reasonfor holding out tosavetheir necks from the halter: and theseleadersmustfeel the power of the Government." They did not. know that he was going to be President, or that “reason for holding out” would not have existed. That is not all. “Treason must be made odious.” Is that all? “ and traitors must be nnished and impoverished!” In 1862 he dec tired they must be punished and impover ished, and now, sir, he is restoring every acre of land they enjoyed or occupied which by the military power had been turned over to the poor freedmen, taking it. from them and handing back to these rebels. That is the way in which AndrewJohnson makes treason odious. Failing to make it odious by punishing southern men, he himself has made it odious by his treachery to the party and the principles of the party which placed him in power! If he is not a traitor to the Government and constitution of the U.S. he is a traitor to the party which elected him VEEP, and to the sentiments which fell from his lips in 1862, and which found a welcome response in the hearts of the loyal men of the country. Hear him again: “Treason mustbe m a odious and traitors must be punished and impove shed. heirgreat lantations must be seized, and divided into smal farms and sold to honest.industrious men. The day for protecting the lands and negroes of theseauthors of rebellion is past. It is high time it was." It was post then, and you, AndrewJohnson, should not have inaugurated a different policy. You have bron ht the dark days back! You have reversed the order of things. Instead of dividing up their “great plantations” and selling them to honest and industrious men, you are restoring to rebels their plantations, granting them pardons, and asking their admission into the congress of the U.S. ! I now read from his speech upon the fall of Richmond: “ Ifwe had anAndrew Jackson hewould hangthem ashigh as Human. but as he is no more and sleepsin his grave in his own beloved State. where traitors and treason have even insultedhis tomb and the very earth that covershis remains.humble as I am when you ask me what I would do. in ugly is, It would arrest them. won conI would try them, Vict them and I would hang them.” A little further on, in the same speech, he says: “In in opinion. ovilfdoers should be punished. Treason is the highest erime known in the catalo no of ciimas and for him that is guilty ofit. for him t iswilling at to lift his nn ionsh and against the authority of the nation. Iwoul say.death is too easya punishment. lily notion is that treasonmustbemadeodious tahnedirtsroacitioarlspomwuesrtmbuespt buenibshroekdena.nadnidmpoverished; they must be madeto feel the penalty of the ir crimes. Hence 1 say the halter to intelligent, influential traitors." Suppose, sir, he should declare such sentiments today, what would be the effect? The throng that now surrounds him at the White House would disap ear; the smiles of north ern Democrats on the caresses of southern rebels would cease at once. But let us see what further he says: “ The American people mustbe taught. if they do not already feel. that treason is acrime and must be punished; that the Goyernmentwill not alwaysbear With its enemies; that it isstrong, not only to protect, but to punish.“ Sir, under the rule of AndrewJohnson it is neither strong to protect loyalt nor to punish treason, for he retuses both. yhis vetoes of the freedmens Bureau bill undo the civil rights bill, he refuses that protection which he declared it was the duty of the American people to extend to the freedman and to the poor southern Unionist and lic refuses to uuish traitors. He has had Within his power JeffersonDavis, the head and front of the rebellion, for one year, and has not yet ordered him to trial. He refuses to pniiish everybody that held any leading posnion in connection with the rebellion. Again, Mr. Johnson says: “When we turn to the criminal code and examine the catalogue of crimes, we there find arson laid down as a crime. with appropriate penalty; we find there theft and robbery and murdergiven ase rimes: and there too.wefind the last and highestoferimcs. treason. ith other and inferior offense sour people are familiar: but in our peaceful history treasonhas beenalmostunknown. be peoplemustunderstand thatit is the blackest of crimes and will hesurely punished. I make this allusion. not to excite the already exasperated feelings of the public. but to poiutout the principlesof publicjustioe which should guidoouractionatt is particular juncture m ndwhich accordwith sound public morals. Let it beengraven on ere heart that treason is a crime and that trni tors rim 1 sufier its penalty. While we are appalled. overwhelmedat the fall of one man in our midst by the hand of a traitor shall we allow men I care not by what weapons 4Q attempt the life of the state with impunity? whilcwostrain our minds to comproheiid the enormity of this assassination, shall we allow the nation to be asswinated? Shall we allow the nation to be assassinated? That is the question that is upon us today, and if AndrewJohnson persists in the course he is now following. this nation willbe in danger of assassination by the some fell power that took the life of Abraham Lincoln. They may not use the same weapon, but it will be as mur derous in its effects upon the life of the nation. The pretense is the restoration of the southern States and the readmission ofrebels to the congress of the U.S. Carry out the policy of AndrewJohnson, and you will restore the old order of thin s, if the Government is not entirely destroye; you will have the same old slave power, the enemy of liberty and justice, ruling this nation again, which ruled it for so many years. In a conversation with Sir Frederick Bruce, the President used this language: “The time has comewhen traitors mustbe taught that theyare criminals. The country has fairly made up its mind on this point: and it can find no more earnestagent of its will than myself.” What egotism! No more earnest agent of the peoples will than himself! Has he not falsified that by every act he has done for the last 6 months? Why, he could not make an address 2 years, or even one year ago, without speaking of the odiousness of treason and the certainty of its punishment. But now, though he has not ceased to make ipeechcs, he has ceased to talk about treason being made odious , and that rebels must be punished; he has ceased saying anything about these matters, but talks about their restoration to politieal power in this Government. That is tie difference between AndrewJohnson of today and the AndrewJohnson of 1861. Now, I have shown but one phase of the character and history of AndrewJohnson. Let us look for a few moments at the other phase. After he came to be the Executive of the nation, he at 1st almost startled the nation by his earnest denunciation of the crime of treason, and his promises in reference to the certainty of its punishment. But soon his old associates came around him. They wheedled him and flattered him and made him believe that he was a great man, and had more power than the people of the Republic who had e ected him. they represented to him that all he had to do was to cut loose from the friends who had placed him in power, and accept them as his counselors, advisers, and frien s, and he has done so and now, instead of being the man entitled to the gratitude, confidence, and love of the loyal American people, he has only the support of the late rebe s in arms and their sympat iizers and apologists in the North. The American people have borne a great deal; they can stilrbeur a great deal. But it does seem to me that it is hard that we should be afflicted with the rinderpest, the trichina, the cholera, and AndrewJohnson, all in the same year. Laughter.] Yet, with the blessing of God, I believe we shall survive all this; and that we shall exist after the Administration of AndrewJohnson shall have ended; that we shall rise superior to it by the power of the loyal people; that we shall preserve this Government notwithstanding the mad policy of the Executive and in spite of his southern friends and his northern cop erbead supporters. I believe that the day wiii come when the American people will show to the world that under the American Constitution treason is a crime and that traitors will be punished. But AndrewJohnson will never teach the world that lesson I AndrewJohnson is a consummate dema gogue; he is one of the most uublushing dema go es that now exist in this country and I will prove that by his own record; by the record that he has himself made. He has been making some speeches recentl, and I have only to refer to them to prove the truth of the assertion I have made. ehas presented himself before the American people in his speech to the soldiers and sailors, and in his speech of the 22d of February, if you can call that a speech. He tells them how much he has done, what trials he has endured, what privations he has suffered, what hardships he has undergone, and how much property he has lost in his efforts to save the Government and the country, “and now, ” says he, “can you doubt my loyalty and my intentions and my good will 1” Sir, AndrewJohnson has made no sacrifices worthy of anmention, and if he has, an appreciative an grateful people would remember them without his thrusting them in their faces on every occasion. What has he suffered? He has not sutfered so much as the humblest private that foughtin our armies during the rebellion. The umblest private that fouvht at Gettysburg or in the Wiijderuess is entited tomore cre it than is AndrewJohnson for what he has done. Has AndrewJohnson ever fought the enemyin battle? No, sir. Has he ever made an effort to find the enemy on the tented field? Never. Has he ever even smelled gunpowder? Has he ever camped on the frozen ground? Has he ever stood uard in the stormy and dreary nights numbe with the frosts of winter? Has he ever suffered any of the privations common to the soldier, or endure any of the hardships of campaign life? No never; not even an hour! ihat has AndrewJohnson suffered? He suffered being U.S. Senator in 1861; he has suffered being military governor of Tennessee, snugly ense onced in a mansion at Nash ville. with a briadier generals straps on his shoulders, and outed and toasted, with senti nels pacing before his door while he was securely and quietly sleeping through the watches of the night, while others braved the dangers he never met! and will the American people allow him to impose his infamous policy of“ restoration” upon them because he claims to have suffered so much? No, sir, not even if his pretended sufferings were real. AndrewJohnson has suffered nothing worthy of remark. I will allow myself to be interrupted by any gentleman who can tell me what Andrew ohnson has suffered, unless it be that he has suffered the pangs of an uneasy conse ience for his perfidy to the principles of the Union party. That kind of suffering would be good for him, and I hope he may have plenty o it. There is certainl plenty of cause and I trust it may have a goo etieet. AndrewJohnson, as I was remarkin, is a deinagogue. In 1862, when he was in ash ville, he told the colored people that be, AndrewJohnson, military governor of Tennessee, was going to be their Moses and lead them out of the bondage of Egypt into the Canaan of liberty. He made a mistake, to say nothing more. Instead of being their Moses be has been their Pharaoh and if I am not greatly mistaken this modern Pharaoh and his iresent admirers will be swallowed up and overw elmed in the sea of popular indignation which is rising in the loyal Slates. Why, sir, AndrewJohnson had at one time wordsof cheer to the freedmen, to the negroes, who had suffered more than he ever did for the preservation of this country. Sir, of the 200,000 negro troops who volunteered under our flag and shouldered their muskets to do what the could for the unity of this Government an for their own liberties, there is not one of that sable host who is not more entitled to credit from the American people for what he suffered and endured than AndrewJohnson yet he is continually remindin the people of the great sufferings and bards ips he has endured. In his address to the negroes in this city the other day he made this modest statement in reference to the nbolisliment of slavery by the constitutional amendment: “I feel, and know it to be so. that my effortshave contributed asmuch. if not more, in accomplishing this greatnational Qumaiitiethan thoseof any other living man in the U.S. " Oh, sir, he had kind and cheering words for those men who marched, with the utterances of his lips still ringing in their ears, to Fort Pillow, where they Were massacred, and to Port Hudson, where they fought and fell hero ically. and, sir, ii on the other battle fields of this war the wor s of AndrewJohnson on couraged and cheered them to heroic deeds. But he has no such words for them now. We have had an illustration of that fact in his late speech to the negroes in this city when they were celebrating the anniversary of their emancipation. In that speech, which I will not note at len th, but merely state its substance, e said to those negroes that be thanked them for this token of respect to him; that they had taken the pains to come through the residential grounds and stop at the Executive ansion and pay their personal respects to him. He did not reeat the declaration that he was going to be their Moses and lead them 3 h the ML demess to the land of liberty. he did not tell them that he was going to stand by any of the pledges of the Government that they should be protected in their liberty in the States where they may live. No, sir; he made no such declaration; it would have been useless. His veto messages of the Freedmens Bureau bill and the civiL rights bill, the very measures of this Congress calculated to insure that protection, would have been witnesses against im. In his letter to Governor Sharkey of August 15", If1865, he said: you could extend the elective franchise to all persons of color who can read the Constitution of the iU.S.in English, and write their nniiies.iind to all personsofcolor who own real estate valued at not lessthan 8250 and pay taxes thereon.you would completol disarmthoudvorsar, and setuu example the other totesvnll follow. Till you can do With perfectsafety.andyou thus placethe southernStates, in referenceto free personsof color. upon the same basiswith the free States." This was encouraging to the poor souls who had worn the galling chains of bondage all their weary lives. But we hear nothing of this kind iu his late speech. In this speech he simply tells them, as he has often said before, what he has suffered and what he has done, and begs the to take upon credit the assertion that he will urn out some day to be their best friend. We", sir, I do not believe in those who are friends on credit. I like a man who is a friend at the time when on need him; and if there ever was, in the listory of this Government, a time when the loyal black people of this country and they are all loyal neededa friend it is now, when the Sout, being relieved from the military power of the Government, will seek to again enslave them, not perhaps by a sale on the auction block as in the olden time, but by vagrant laws and other laws and regulations concerning the freedmen, which subject them to a surveillance, and will eventually subject them to a servitude little less degrading and no less galling than the old chains of slavery which they wore so lon. Here is what the “restored” State of Mississippi has done already in this regard: “I. An act to regulatethe relation of master and apprentice, as relates to freedmen, freed negroes and mulattoes. s“2. An act to amend the vagrant laws of the State. "3. An act to punishccrtaiu offenses therein named, and for other purposes. In the 3rd act. sectionfour is “ as follows: Be it Abife: That all the penal and eriminal laws now in forcein this State. defininir offense s and describing the modes of punishment for crimes and misdemeanors committedbyslaves.freencizrocs or mulsttoes, be, and the same are hereby reiiu noted and declared to be in full force an effect against freedmen. Free negroes and muluttocs, exec t so far as the mode and manner of trial and punisment have been changed or altered by law. "Some of the “penal and criminal laws which have been reenacted for the freedmen are as follows: “Article 58, section 11, p emRevised Code. makesit punishable with death or a negro to murder. Commit rape.burn houses.commit robbery, or attempttocommitsuch CHHICI. White persons are not punishable with death for most of the nffensea meuiioned in this section, nor for the attempt to commit anyone of them. "Article 45 of the above named act. page 245.provides that a slave shall receive 20 lashes if he be found away from the place of his employment without a pass. This is recnactedfor freedmen. “Article 46, pa? 246, awards 39 lashes to the slave for uyin or selling without written permission. Rocnact for the freedmen. “Artiele 476, page 24, allows civil officers and others to appropriate to their own use any article a slave may a seeking to sell. Reenacted for the freedmen. “Article 51. page 247.makes it punishable for negroes to congregate at night, or hold schools, &c." Recmictedas above. “ Article 63.pa O 249. Both earscare to be cut off for false witness. (rowhito cars to be served so.) Reenactodas above.” Here you have a fair sample of the legislation of a State which has “accepted the situation.” Is such a State fit to be represented now in Congress? Let the loyal people an swerl Sir, the laws which have been passed by the southern States in reference to the freedmen are of the most degrading and oppressive character. I have given one sample; let that do for all; I have no time to present any more to the House. Many of those States have reem acted, it may be said, their old code of slave laws, simply striking out the word “slaves” and inserting the words “ freedmen, H fpersons of color, " “mulntto, ” &c., and giving them no more rights than if they were still chattels. So it would be in every single southern State, unless by the strong arm of this Government you protect the black man who aided in the preservation of your liberties, who aided in the preservation of the Republic, and the preservation of that Constitution which is now being sought to be used as an instrument for their oppression by the Executive of the U.S. ! He tells us that the passage of these laws for their protection was unconstitutional. Sir, has it come to this, that to protect the citizens liberty under a RFG is unconstitutiona? If it has, we ha better have anew Constitution. I believe that it is one of the inherent powers of Government to protect the citizen in the enjoyment of hisliberty and in the security of person and in the rights of property, independent of all constitutions. It is an in herent power, a power that dwells in government without any written law that in the language of the Constitution, that instrument was tuned by the people of the U.S. in order “ to establish justice, ” “insure domestic tranquillity, ” “provide for the common de fense, " “ romote the general welfare and secure the lessings of liberty, ” kc. Will it be said that it must be written in express terms in the Constitution, otherwise the congress has no powerto protect its citizens, without respect to color or race, in the enjoyment of that liberty said to be the prime object in fodnding the Government? No, sir, it is but the make shift of the demagogne. It is a bid for the Presidency in 1868. It is a crumb no, not a crumb, but a whole loaf thrown to the south;gn people fortheir support in the convention of 68. We now have 2 great prestidigitators on the political tapis, performing all sorts of lofty tum ling in endeavor ing to win the admiration of the Democratic convention (to be) in 1868. I will not say that the gentlemen to whom I refer are AndrewJohnson and William H. Seward, for no one would suppose that Sew ard, with his “higher law” and “irre ressible conflict" doctrines of the past, would stand a ghost of a chance and he willnot. The South will never touch him. The other gentleman, in fact, stands no better chance than Seward. He has betrayed one party that trusted him, and no other party will ever give him a chance for a 2nd, betrayal. But the race between the 2, their throwing of crumbs, and in fact whole loaves, to their southern friends, is quite amusing, and in the end, may be instructive. I have not the least confidence in the political probity of either of them.