Mr. SMITH. The gentleman seems indis posed to receive my answer, which I thought was very explicit. I say to him that the power by which SCarolina was reorganizet ema nated from the people; it was by the people there that this thing has been done, just as it Ens been done in the States of Tennessee and of Arkansas and Virginia and other States. It has gone back to the people, and the people have elected their Governor, their Legislature, and their representatives in the various branchcs of the State or nization. Now, take the State of Tennessee or instance. What more can we ask than that State has done, so far as it relates to the General Government? I am not speaking of individual wrongs upon this man, or that man, or the other, but lam s eaking of the State. She has elected one of the most unconditional Union men of the U.S. as her Governor. She has sent here the very best men she has in her State to represent her in congress. She has a Legislature elected by her peeple who alone had the power to elect, all who were in the rebellion having been excluded except those who took the oath, having been conscripted and forced into the rebel army. Now, when, h0w, and why are you to disre gard that organization, and when is it to be said that she is a State in the Union? Gentlemen say you want guarantees. I put this proposition, and I want somebody to answer it, if they please, without interrupting me, when they come to speak: what guarantees can you put into the Constitution; what guarantees can you secure by law; what guarantees can on have in the form of statutes; I do not care how volumine us or how strong in words or terms? I do not care what revisions you put in the Constitution. But what power is there in this Government to prevent these people, or the people of NewEng and, or the people of the middle States, from rebelling when they want to? We thought before that our Constitution was secure against rebellion; we thought the laws we had were sufficient to prevent rebellion; we were continually legislating to quiet the different sections of the country; but we had a rebellion; it came upon us, and the only way we suppressed it was by force. I care not what laws you put upon the statute book; if they choose to rebel again they will do it, and the only way the Government can maintain itself will be by force, as it did in the past. The right of revolution is an inherent right in the people; and whetherthey agree today to laws or not is a question for them to determine; and if they choose to rebel against them a year from this time they can do it; but it is within the wer of the Government to prevent the rebellion, to put it down, to suppress it if they choose. Sir, I do not believe in the right of the people to revolt against the Government and undertake its overthrow until that Government becomes oppressive. OurGOvernmenthasnever been oppressive; it has been the best and most beneficent in the world, and therefore our people rallied as one man to its defense. But still, while I say these things, I am for voting for whatever law is necessary to promote quiet and harmony throughout the country. But, gentlemen, allow me to say one thing. The course to be pursued by agrent people and its Legislature duringa time 01 war may not be the best course to be pursued after that war is over. If there are those whom you think should be punished, should be held up as examples for their crimes, then, in the name of justice, of law, and of the injuries they have inflicted upon the people of this country, bring them to justice, ang them if need be, and I shall rejoice rather than Wee over it. I have always believed, as I have reiterated in congress time and time again, that treason should be made so obnox ious and terrible in the sight of the people of this country that all men will be slow to commit it again. Make your examples; I care not who they may be. But in regard to the great mass of the people from whom we must collect our revenues and taxes, with whom we must live, and with whom we must have our common cial and political and social relations, we must not go too far; we must not grind them down too much and above all, we must remember that brave men never kick and abuse a fallen foe.