Mr. KASSON. I do not recollect what the gnalification was at the time the gentleman reers to. Ionly say that the good sense and wisdom of Massachusetts final (y called for the adoptionof this provision, an that we, who used1to be in the minority in this country for man years, have always asserted that, were it not or the ignorance that always went with the other party, we should have got into power a great cal earlier than we did. I wish also to state one other thing in reference to this same question. Some gentlemen are of the opinion that if we give universal suffrage to these people they are always going to vote with us, and we shall always control their votes. There is no greater absurdity in the world than that we can continue to control that vote. The blacks will vote in accordance with their interests. If their employer is a man whose property is affected by the legislation proposedwhether it be in relation to taxing cotton or other raw material as against manufactures, or whatever elsethe interest of the colored man would be identical with that of his employer; so that the interests of the 2 would become identified in a political party in all the policy of the country. So convinced was I of it that, in a debate in which I took part in the State of Kentucky on this subject, I asserted that in 5 cars from this time the very men who would ten be the employers instead of the owners of these black men would themselves be advocating the extension of the suffrage, because they would control the votes of the blacks, their interests being the same. I believe that the planting interest through out the South will yetif we leave them free to act by construing the constitution as I contend it ought to be construed, instead of taking to Congress the right to regulate the matter be advocating the extension of the suffrage to the black race, because their interests will require it. Mr. Speaker, I have thus stated the general propositions by which I stand, and which, I think, ought, to some extent at least, to guide the judgment of the House. I am happy to believe, from developments already made, that the majority of this House are indisposed to apply universal suffrage, without restriction of any ind, in this District or elsewhere. I am also happy to believe that it is a proposition likely to meet with favor, that those who left the District and took part in the rebellion should be excluded from the government of the district. Let amendments be made to the bill in this sense, and justice will be done. I have spoken from a profound and conscientious conviction that this principle of universal suffrage could only be advocated by those who were ignorant of the actual condition of the black race, or else reckless of the effect it is likely to produce upon the perma nence of our institutions. I have desired, in my humble way, to urge upon them the propriety of admitting the race by derces to exercise With us the right of suffrage, that we may test their action under the influences by which they are now and will hereafter be surrounded, extending the privilege only as education and fitness qualify them or the exercise of the eat right that stands at the foundation of our government.