Mr. Beaks. I believe that many of those gentlemen who agreedto the ratification without amendments did it from principles of patriotism. but they knew at the sametime that they parted with their liberties: yet they had such reliance on the virtueof a future Congressthat they did not hesitate.eitpecting that they would be restoredto them unimpaired assoon as the government commencedits operations conform nhlyto what was mutually understoodat.the sealiniund delivering it of those instruments. "It has been suppose that therein no danger to be apprehended from the General Government of an invasion of the rights of election. I Will remindeon tleuienofnn instance in the Government of Welland. The patriots in that country fought no lessstrenu ously for that price than the peopleof America; yet by giving to the States general powers.not unlike those in this Constitution. their right of representation was abolished. That they once possessed it is certain and that they made as much talk about its importaitn as we do: but now the right has ceased. all vacancies are filled by the men in power. It is our duty. therefore, to prevent our liberties from be in fooled away in asimilar manner. Mr. MADISON observedthat it was the State governments in the 7 united provinces which had assumed to themselves the power of filling vacancies and not the General Government; therefore the Gentlemans application did not lrold. The question on Mr. Sedgwicks motionforamend in: Mr. Burkesproposition was put and loaf Panes 4. A vote was then taken by yeas&nays on Mr. Burkes motion, and resulted yous 23, nays 28. Page 802.) Among the menibers who voted on this question we nd 7 whiyhad been members of the Convention that framed the Constitution. Onl one of them. Mr. Elbrid e Gerry voted for Mr. Berhes proposition; whem, “were. i Carroll, Clymer, Fitzsimons, Gilmmi, Madison, and Sherman, voted in the negative. I submit, Mr. Speaker, to the House and country whether the proceedings Justreviewed do not show clearly that the 1st Congress maintained, after the most elaborate discussion, the supervisory power of Congress over the suffrage regulations of the States, so far as related to the most numerous branch of the Legislature I. But the question received further illustration at the hands of the 1st Congress. By refer cues to the 1st volume of the Annals, it Will be“ found that, January 15, 1790: Ordered.That a committeebeappointed to prepure and bring in a bill or bill sfor establishin a uniform s stcm of naturalization; and that Mr. Hartley O Pennsylvania Mr. Tucker of SCarolina and Mr. vwmm. be of and committee." On February 3: "The House went into a ComWhole on the bill estuhliship a uniform rule of naturalization. Mr. Baldwin in the chair. The 1st clause enactedthat all free white personswho have orshit migrate into the U.S and shall give satisfuctor proof beforea magistrate.by oath. that they intent to res ridetherein, and shall take up oath of allegiance and shall haver esided in thr U.S. foot recognize ewn hshoilpe.ye except ablel inbgeceanptiatlbeldeot of all the rights holdin o co under the STATE or general Government, Nhu mpa city theyare to acquire after a residence of 2 years more." D. The next day, February 4, the same bill being under consideration: “Mr. Sim ii. of SCarolina. admitted the propriety of recommittiiiz the bill: but he wished some principle to be 1st establishedfor the direction of the committee; for, at present, he was at a loss to conceivewhat was the prevailing opinion. Many gentlemen hurl suggested new ideas which occasioned new difficulties; he hoped they would settle and remove someofthum beforethey rose. The Gentfrom Maryland [Mr. Sent y]lIM observedthat we haveno right In (helm eupon10h0l ftll7a1n8 alien shall be admim vllo "M oflivm of the Slnle govrrnmenla;thename urmnumh flmdaalm to the voters. This opinion opens a new field of argument, and entire] changes the system; it ought therefore to be decided or hinpurt he was nf opinion thata uniform rule of naturalisntion would extend to mnhca unorm rule of citizenshipper fllflfl, [he whole continent and decide the right of n foreigner to be admitted to elect, or be elected, in any of “thelr.Sltuateeitsrri, of SCarolina. With res ert to the latter part of the 1st clause he agreedwit the Gentfrom Maryland. [Mr. Seney] that weought to provide a rule of naturalizntion, without attempting to definethe particular privileges acquired thereby under the State governments. By the Constitution of the U.S. theolectors of tbo HoRep are to have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most nnmerous branch of theState Legislatures. Ile presumedit wasto beleft to the discrdinno the State constitution wl howere to be the election of I eSMIe Legislatures; and therefore the General Government nd no right to interfere therein." Gentlemen ask why, if this power exists, it has not been exercised. The limitation of my time precludes an elaborate rgply, but I may show how politicians impaired the achievements of patriot statesmen. The efforts in the Convention and in Congress, when propositions to amend the Constitution were under consideration to deprive Congress of the ultimate control over elections in the States having so signally failed, the advocates of State rights resorted to popular expedients by which they hoped to overthrow that which they had been unable to undermine. They a pealed to the passions and pride of the peep e and excited the fears of the slaveholders throughout the country, and succeeded in imbuing the control ling minds of the country with the pernicious doctrines set forth in the heutucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798.