Mr. ORTH. I prefer not to yield any further at this time. The press of the country has at all times been regarded as a fair exponent of the feelings and sentiments of the people in its immediate locality. The old editors of the South whose business it was to “fire the southern heart” and prepare the way for treason, are again engaged in their nefarious work of stirring up strife and sedition and keeping alive a feeling of bitterness and hatred toward the Government which they failed to destroy. To such an extent has this evil grown as to call from GenlGrant the promulgation of this order: HEADQUARTERS Anxiiis or rm: Usrriio S rnns, Vasnnve rox, D. 0., February 17. 1 You will lpleasesend to these headquarters as soon as practice lo, and from time to time thereafter such copiesoi neivspapers published in your Dept as contain sentiments of disloyalty and hostility to the Government in an of its branches; and state whether such paper is habitual in its utterances of such sentiments. be persistent publication of ar btirciltewsggn calculated to keep up a feeling of hostility the people of different sectionsof the counti Hairnot be tolerated is information is called for with a view to their disposition of the people of t suppression which will be done from these head quartersonly. By command of Lieutenant GenlGrant. owsias. Accident Adjutant General. The following communication sent to this House by the SecyTreasury shows the great difficulty under which the Government is laboring while searching among the rebel rubbish of the South to find “loyal” men sufficient to fill the few revenue offices in their States. It isa rehearsal of the old story of Diogenes with his lantern hunting for an lion est man. In fact “but one such could be found in 23 of the most populous counties of the State of Georgia.” Iwonld respectful] suggest to the honorable Secretary that he will fin plenty of men all over the loyal States, honest, capable, and willin to accept all the offices Within his gift in these rebellious States, and who can take the “test oath” without the commission of perjury; and especially will he find such men among that noble army who are conversant with the State of Georgia, having accompanied the gallant Sherman in his “ march to the sea.” Assnssoas Orrici, U. S. Isrssxu. Riivnsux, Tunw DXSTBICTor Gaonou. AUGUSTA, December20.1865. Sin: I am constrainedtowrite youin relation to the reeal or modification of the “test oath" so far as it greatesto the internalrevenue officers at least its sistant assessorsin southern States. I have labored assiduously to find competentmen (who could lake the oath) for assts, and have to report that I failed to find any such.exceptin a single instance, in my district. Comprising 20 tbrecof the most populous countiesin the state of Georgia. I haveorganized my district by allowing then sswtonts to take the oath of officeand allegiance and proceed to the discbar e of their duties, trustin to Congress to provide for t icir payment. as direete by the ComrIntRev. Many of these men are very much reduced in circumstances by the war and stand in imperatiyeneedof their payin order to provido for their families. Iiideed. some at them Wll be compelled soon to resign their places in order to engage in somebusinessthatmll yield them ready moneyon which to live. I am satisfied that unless something is done in this in: itterimmediately I shall be unable toIafssess the tax in my district. Congress would so modify the oath as far as it relates to otheersof the Internalrevenue and postoffice Depts down here, I am sure it would be regarded everywhere and prove to be a patriotic measure onein which both North and South are equal] interested. Unless something of the kind is done am at a loss to know what we are todo. Respectfully, WLE, Assessor3rd District of Georgia. Hon. Huon McCunLocii.Secrelai vof the Treasury. I do not think it likely that the present congress, at least, Will accommodate these Georgia gentlemen. who are now so flllXlOUSto fill office under our Government, and it will be for the people hereafter to say whether they Will suffer men to be elected or appointed to any Federal office who have voluntarily borne arms in the rebel government, or given aid and comfort to the enemy. Permit me, Mr. Speaker, to give another instance of this want of loyalty on the part of “our southern brethren." It occurred on the floor of the House but a few days ago, and the vivid impression it made will not soon be for. gotten. The chairman of the postoffice committee [Mr. ALLEY] had presented a bill in reference to postal affairs in the South, when the following colloquy occurred: “Mr. BOUTWELL. Let me ask my colleague a question. Why has not a postmaster been appointed in every village town and city of the South. “Mr. ALLEY. The reason is because the PostMGenl is so particular, and, i iislly so. that hewill not allow any miinto serve in that Dept who does not subscrtiboc the oath prescribe by the laws of the U.S., Mr. Bourwntn. Does the chairman of the comPostoffice inform this House that there is notat leastoneloyal man in each postofficedistrict of the South? “ Mr. ALLEY. I mean to say there is not at least the PostMGenl has only been able to find something like 2000, being oulyone 4th of the whole, who could take the oath which the law prescribes.” Here is food for reflection. Let loyal men ponder it well! What is the remedy for this state of things? We are told by the Gentfrom Ohio, [Mr. FIKCK] who has preceded me in this discussion, that the panacea for these evils is the immediate repeal of the test oath of July 2, 1862, l and he has already introduced a bill for that purpose. He is at least a bold, if not a brave, man who, in the light of our recent history, is anxious to break down this great barrier, and at this early day to invite the traitors to take possession of the Government. Wait. at least, pray you, until the blood of our murdered kindred shall have dried on rebel hands. Wait at least until the approaching spring shall cover with verdiire the graves at Libby and and personville. Wait atleast until the wounds of the soldier shall have had time to heal. A justly incensed people will command you to wait until the last traitor shall sleep the sleep of death before that test oath shall be removed from the nations statute book. M remedy for the evil is to appoint only loya men to the othees of the Government, and where none such can be found in any particular locality, select them from other localities. An infusion of loyalty from the North will be beneficial to the South and there is no better way to make treason odious than to place upon the traitor the brand that he shall forever be disqualified from holding any office under the Government which he attempted to destroy. TINBEEER. The evidences of disloyalty to which I have called the attention of the ease, exist in a greater or less degree all over the rebellious district, but particularly so in what are known as the Gulf totes. The border States now, as in 1861, when secession 1st swept over the land, are in a much better condition than those lyin further South, and for the simple reason that, being in closer proximity to the loyal States, they are into more intimate relations with them bsorocuiaght ly and commercially, and thus, imperceptibly if you please, more readily imbibe loyal sentiments. In this category Tennessee occupies most prominent position. We are told the liberty loves to dwell among the mountain regions of the world; that crags and precipices but seldom become the abode of despotism; and to this we can doubtless attribute the fact that amen the rugged fastnesses of East tennessee we have always found a spirit of freedom and of loyalty to the Republic equal to that of any other portion of the country. When we cottld not extend to them a he] in hand, they rallied of their own accord to the efense of their homes and the old flag with sublime and heroic devotion amid ersecutions the most bloody and unrelenting ofany that blacken the records of this rebellion. When others feared and trembled for the safety of the Republic they never wavered in their support of the right; defeat and disaster seemed but to nerve them to deeds of nobler daring. Patriotism so pure, and courage so undaunted, could not be without its effect, and long before the collapse of the rebellion her patriotic sons commenced the work of reorganization upon the basis of freedom and loyalty which they have carried forward and maintainc under difficulties which would have appalled less earnest men. Tennessee thus presents a much better position than the other revolted States. She cliected a loyal State organization while the fires of rebellion were burning all around her. She has preserved such organization, addin to its efficiency and permanency every day. f her own free will and accord she amended her Constitution, forever abolishing the institution of slavery which was submitted to her people, and by them ratified and adopted. It is republican in form and not in consistent with the Constitution and laws of the U.S. She has passed, and still maintains upon her statute books, a law disfranchising all er leading rebels for the term of 15 ears, and by her legislative acts greeting to her freedmen civil rights and privileges, she has set an example which ought to be followed by some States in this Union whose loyalty has never been doubted. As another evidence of a urified public sentiment her congressional delegation is composed, so or as I know them, of men upon whose garments there is not the least taint of treason, some of them bearingi honorable wounds as the result of their devoItion to the Union and yet with all this evidence in her favor we cannot close our eyes to this important fact, which is apparent from the testimon submitted to Congress, that it would be nnsa e to withdraw our military protection from the State; that the effect O such with drawal would be detrimental to the Union men, and might place the destiny of the State to a serious extent in the hands of the rebelportion of her population. This fact of itse f is sutheient to justify Congress in acting with the utmost caution and deliberation in determining upon her restoration and right of representation. Much of what I have said respecting the State and people of Tennessee will apply with equal force to the State of Arkansas, which, under the wise and firm military leadership of one of my own respected constituents, General Reynolds, is ra idliy merging from the errors, the crimes, an the follies of i ebellion, and preparing to assume a position of loyalty and evotion to the Union. Would that I could say half as much in favor of the other rebel States; for ifl know my own heart, I desire to see all the States once more in union and harmony with the General government; but by no vote of mine shall they ever be recognized, until I am thoroughl sat isfied that it can be done without jeoparizing in the least the peace, safety, and prosperity of our people. CONSTITUTIONAL AHENDIESTS. Our great charter of liberty, the Constitution of the U.S., formed by wise and patriotic men, justly claims the regard and ven eration of our people. For 3 quarters of a century it has protected our citizens, and de monstrated the fact, so long problematical, that manis ca ableof self government. At its adoption but 13 States formed the American Union, while now it embraces within its jurisdiction 36 States, while its capacity to control by its vast and complicated machinery an almost indefinite number of States hardly admits of a serious doubt. At one time but 3 million human bein s acknowledged its authority and enjoyed its by casings. That number has increased tenfold, and still it protects them all. It has carried us safely through 2 I foreign wars, and survived the terrible shock of a gigantic rebellion. Amendments to such a Constitution will not be made by the people without due deliberation and reflection. he changed condition of public affairs will, however, require itsamendment; and when the people become convinced of the necessity for an change. they will undoubtedly act upon sue conviction; for however much we may revere it, we will not lose sight of the fact that the Constitution was made for the people, and not the people for the Constitution, and that it is their right to mold and fashion the fundamental law to suit their own judgment. 5 years ago the people were almost willin to amend it in the interest of slavery, roviing that the institution should be perpetua, and yet today we find an amendment, but recently adopted with singular unanimity, declarin that slaver shall not exist in any portion O opr wide omain. Congress cannot amend the Constitution. Their action is merely initiatory; they can only propose amendments for ratification or rejection by the several States, acting either through the Legislatures or by conventions called or that specific object; and even this initiatory action must receive a 2/3rds vote of each House of Congress before the States can be, called upon to act, and such amendments must be ratified by the votes of 3/4ths of the States before they become a part of the fundamental law. With all these safeguards and restrictions thrown around the Constitution, we may well assume that no changes will ever be may e, except such as are regarded of the utmost nce cs sity and importance., he amendment.aeleiuning slavery was a In necessity growing out of the rebellion, and the people appreciated and acted upon that neces 31t So. with the amendments now pending in Congress: the 1st providing a inst the as sumption of the rebel debt, an the 2nd with reference to the representation of the several States in the HoRep and the Electoral College. The 2nd is de manded by the abolition of slavery, which. without such amendment, would give to the late slave States an undue and unjust amount of political power in the Government, for the reason that before slavery was abolished the slave States were entitled to representation for only 3/5ths of their slaves, while now they are entitled to representation for all their for mer slaves. Representation should be based on actual voters in each State, and so long as the right of suffrage is withheld from the freedmen, so long should the States in which they reside be de prived of the exercise of political power based upon that population. 1is is a proposition so just, so democratic, that the American people will at no distant period make itapart of their Constitution. Another amendment of great importance in view of the recent rebellion, and as a security, to a great extent, against any future rebellion, should be proposed by Congress, providing That any person who has been, or shall hereafter be, engagedin rebellion against the Government of the U.S shall be disfranchised undrendered incapable of holding any office of honor or emolu mqptd under the Government against which he ree e. These changes I regard as essential to our future welfare and safety as a people, and their adoption is demanded by the events of the last 5 years. We must never lose sight of the lessons taught us by such bitter experience, and if we are Wise, if we are true to ourselves, we will profit by that experience, and thus add to the power and peretuity of our Government. In conclusion, it Mr. Speaker, permitme to say that the country is not yet saved; the sentinel upon the watch tower cannot yet be relieved. All the vast interests of the country which were involved and which suffered in this gigantic attempt to destroy our Government must receive the careful attention of years of wise and patient legislation, even after all the States shall have been recognized and restored. Questions of finance, of currency, the public debt, the regulation of trade and commerce, the protection of all our people, and especially the freedmen, in their rights of life, iberty, and property; questions of revenues, tariff, and taxation, justice to all our soldiers in the equalization of bounties, the revision of our pension laws, the development of our agricultural and mineral resources; all these, and more, must for cars claim the attention of our people; and who so well qualified to solveall these important nestions in the spirit of the age in which we ive, and in the light of surrounding circumstances, as that party which has thus far preserved the Government from destruction? We need no new party. Those who assumed the once honored nameof “ Democracy, ” under which to carry out their traitorous designs, and have thus brought deserved reproachnpon themselvesand their party cognomen, may need a new party organization to cover 11 and hide from merited public seem the last 5 years of their history. The Union party, which sprang into existence whenrebellionfired its 1stgun, which has stood by the Government under every difficulty and saved it thus far from subversion, is able under the providence of God to meet all present and future emergencies and solve all questions pertaining to our national safety and prosperity. Animated by the common dangers of the past, by the difficulties of the present, and the importance of the future, let Union men press on in the discharge of every duty, discarding mere questions of expedienc, about which a difference of opinion may we 1 be to] crated, and rememberin that upon their uni ted and patriotic actionglepends the salvation of the Republic. RECONSTRUCTION.