Mr. ROGERS. I am always willing to yield, but in a half hour speech I cannot. The committee dare not submit the broad proposition to the people of the U.S. of negro suffrage. They dare not today pass the negro suffrage billwhich passed this House in the Senate of the U.S. because, as I have heard one honorable and leading man on the Republican side of the House say, it would sink into oblivion the party that would advoCate before the American people the equal pight of the negro with the white man to suffrage. and I do not believe that the gentlemen who favor this amendment believe that a single proposition contained in it will ever be adopted y 3/4ths of the States. Why do you not do something practical? We have been here something Iike 6 months. We have labored, toiled, and endeavored to bolster up the remains of the old Union, and you comein at this late day of the session with a proposition which you know and I put it to the conse ience of an man on the Democratic or Republican si e of the House will never be adopted by 3/4ths of the States. Sir, I want some principle embodied in a constitutional amendment that the southern States will accept. I desireto see the Union restored, the nion of our fathers. I want peace, prosperity, happiness, greatness, grand eur, and glory such as characterized this nation when the Democratic party had control. I want you to put such a proposition before the people as shal meet their approbation. Do not pretend that you are in favor of the unit of the States when you offer a proposition which every reasonable, honorable. conse ientious man must know will never be adopted by the States. Do you believe the people of the South will close their ees to tie teaching of ages and wait for shac les and chains to convince them that their liberties are endangered and allow no awakening convulsions to shake their ruged minds until despotism shall eat out their vitals? I am not unmindful of the lessons taught us by the despotism of the Old World. I remember Polan and Hungary, and I stand here protesting against this measure which is more wicked than the tyranny practiced upon them. I believe under God that Andrew Jo nson will plant the flag of liberty on every hill top of this land until the tidin shall go forth to the civilized world that the U.S.A. are united in one bright constellation based upon equal representation. Youpome out with another proposition, in the 3rd section, to disfranchise a million voters, and I think I can say with safety that a speech has not been made on the other side wherein something was not said in favor of the enfranchisement of the human race, and yet you come here today, in the face of heaven and this Congress, and undertake to enunciate a doctrine that will, if carried out, disfranchise 7 or 8 million people, and that will put them in a worse condition than the serfs of Russia or the downtrodden people of Poland and Hungary until the year 1870. It is an entire change of front. You have been all the time maintaining the principle of representation based upon the voting population, and now, when these people have been so unfortunate as to be burdgned with a free colored race, in consequence of the sins of northern fanatics and secessionists, you propose to disfranchise 7 or 8 million who had no original participation in the matter. Why, sir, the scriptures tell me that when Christ came upon the earth the fallen world had been doomed to punishment for the commission of sin and had been assigned to eternaldamnation and I am informed by the same Scriptures that Christgave His body, His blood, and His soul as a propitiation for the sins of mankind. Now, I ask you to emulate the noble example of the Saviour of the world. Let us treat our southern brethren like men, like free men, like fellow citizens and we will have a laurel crown placed upon our brows, if not here, then in heaven, and we shullre ceive the plaudit, “ Welldone, good and faithful servants of the Republic." There is no honor in standing here and abusing the southern people. The revolution through which we have just passed was such a revolution as Abraham.incoln, when a member of Congress some years ago, said that the people had a right to engage in as an effort to throw off a Government they did not like and to establish another that they preferred. The people of the South attempted to revolutionize the Goycrnment; they arrayed large armies against the U.S and failed and if we had failed in our revolution against GreatBritain I have no doubt there would have been found in the Parliament of that country rad icals who would have urged against us what the radicals here urge against the people of the South. Our people have shed their blood and spent their treasure in profusion to preserve this Union. The bones of our bravesoldiers are now bleaching upon the soil of Virginia. I have not yet forgotten that the sacred tomb of Washington, around which our soldiers gath ered and, renewed their vows to preserve the institutions of liberty bequeathed to us by our fathers, is in the soil of Virginia, one of the States which a majority of the members ofi this Congress are trying to keep out of this Union. Rebellion or revolution never has been considered by the civilized world as having that odiousness and moral turpitude that attaches to men for the commission of henious crimes and when the honorable Gentfrom Pennsglvania [Mr. KELLEY] undertakes to charge the great masses of the South as being murderers like Probst, he goes counter to the history of the world, and against the revolution which in the end gave Magna Charta to England, and which handed down to this country those hulwarks of liberty upon which our DeclarIndep and our Constitution are founded. I say they are not murder ers, they are not thieves, they are not felons; they are simply political convicts before the altar of patriotism and the patriotic man who now sits in the presidential c air has, in the spirit of Christianity and humanity, extended to these men pardons, which I say, which the courts sa, which tradition says, and which the historyo the world says, relieve their recipients of all the effects consequent upon the crime.