Mr. MAYNARD. I thank the House for this courtesy, and will endeavor not to tres pass upon their good nature. I understand very well the susceptibility of military commanders to rebel influence; too much of that has come under my own observation. Many a time have I seen the poor, humble Union man stand the livelong day at the headquarters of some petty military satrap, unable to obtain admittance to ask for the simplest favor, while rebel beauty would flaunt past him in and out, with silk and satin rustling and in bright array. That was a part of the annoyance attendant upon military rule. It was not always so, however; it is not necessarily so; it need not be so again. A neigh bor of mine—I mean a neighbor in this House representing the metropolitan district of Indiana, [Mr. DUMoNT]—while in command of the ost at Nashville, never gave us any trouble in that way. Many other noble names, a great many others, might be specified against whom this charge never lay. Take the higher officers of the Army, the major generals, of whom is he who won imperishable renown in the capital of Tennessee, (General Thomas;) I have never heard that accusation against him; and I venture to say it never will be made against him. But objections of this kind are no argument against a measure such as this, which looks to the general protection and the maintenance of the peace for the time in that whole country. If imperfect, even if not the best, yet it is a measure of protection. If not complete protection, it is at least a semblance of protection, which is more than some classes of the southern people now enjoy. If the military power of the Government cannot the citizen in the last resort, pray where shall he turn for protection? This is the last and highest expression of its guardian power: there is no security beyond. The citizen is unfortunate who requires such a safeguard;, but when required it is a grave offense to withhold it. I do not understand this measure to be permanent. I understand it to be temporary, merely proposing to hold the country by military authority and preserve the peace annong the inhabitants until civil governments can be organized, such as will maintain the peace and protect the rights of all the people.. We have already indicated by our action today on the Louisiana bill our views with reference to the establishment of civil governments in those States. If asked why not adopt the same course with reference to the remaining 9 States, my answer is that our experience during the war shows us that we should make haste slowly; that we should be careful not to let the reins slip from our grasp. We can see by this time how important it may become to correct mistakes and to perfect our own work. Suppose the measure which was matured by the last Congress, but which was not approved at the other end of the avenue, had become a law, I ask where would we have been today? What would have been the condition of all that part of the country if they had been permitted to go on and reorganize under that bill? committed, as we would have been, to accept the governments they might establish under it, our condition would have been worse, far worse, even than it is now. Because it is not a matter of details that we are discussing with these people. It is not a question of franchises white or black, rebel.i or of courts, or of the rights of one or another class of men. The struggle goes deeper than that. The more radical question to be considered, and the only one, in my judgment, worth considering, is, whether this Government in all its parts shall be carried on by the men who, by their blood and treasure, have preserved it, or by the men who in vain have tried to overthrow it. Shall the loyal men of the country administer the Government, or shall it be administered by the rebels who sought to destroy it? Until this point is definitely and finally settled all others must remain in abeyance. And it is one that from its very nature admits of no possible adjustment by compromise. One side or the other must go down. The loyal element of this country must completely triumph and have the control of the Government in its every dept, or else it must stand aside and let it revert to the control of the element which sought its overthrow and destruction. There is no middle course; no half way house. And furthermore, no concession will satisfy rebel demands if they are denied a renewal of their political power. Give them that and there is no concession they will not make to secure it and until it is secured. It is unnecessary for me, perhaps, to state my own views on this subject. I hold that it is not only the duty, but it is the right of loyal men to take and retain control of this Government. By right, I do not mean right in the ordinary political sense of the term, that they happen to have the majority, always fluctuating, and which may or may not be a majority tomorrow; I mean the right growing out of the result of the conflict; the right , which GenlGrant commands the armies of the U.S., and RobtELee does not; the right by which a friend takes precedence over an enemy; right in the highest sense known to human affairs. In that view of the case our duty in the reestablishment of civil governments for the rebel States seems plain enough. It is, as I conceive, to provide by effective legislation that they shall be established upon the basis of loyalty alone. Men who have attempted the overthrow of the nation have no rights as citizens, no franchises whatever, until they are restored to them by the proper legislative authority. It is maintained by laborgd argument that they are not criminally liable as rebels for treason, that they might at pleasure renounce their allegiance; but neither on this nor any other principle could they retain the rights while they repudiate the duties of the citizen. It follows, then, that whether the loyal men in any State be in a majority or in a minority, great or small, it is our duty to empower them, and them alone, to reorganize the State government; and then let them enlarge its privileges and limit its franchises just as fast as, and to the extent which, in their judgment it is prudent and safe. In this way the men who have maintained their loyalty take precedence in the great work of reconstruction, and by being made respectable they will be respected. This they have a right to demand, and do domand, at our hands. Less than this will be such a dereliction as will work scandal to our Government, and be cited in all coming time as another and most signal in stance of the alleged ingratitude of republics toward their defenders and friends. A few months ago it was proposed to publish in the city of Richmond a periodical to be called The Southern Opinion. The editor, Mr. H. Rives Pollard, like Messrs. Fitghugh, Spratt & De Bow, may be taken as a fair representative of the ideas rather than of the political or military power of the rebellion. The following is taken from the prospectus, as published in the Richmond Daily Examiner of November 30, 1866: “Prompted by a love for a free and independent press—a presswhich shall fearlessly expose corruption whereverfound, and characterize menand measures as they deserve—andoncouraged by the earnest solicitations of many kind friends, I have concluded to establish at once, in Richmond, a southern paper. I propose to make this paper a true exponent of southern thought and sentiment, and shall give to it, as its most appropriate title, Opinion. Committing the name of The Southern it to the support of no particular set of men or measures, I pledge it unreservedly to the South, in all her manifold interests, traditions, customs, and affections. While The Southern Opinion shall advocatesuch obedience to the Constitution and tShoeutlihlw, s as has been promised by the people of the and shall support the reconstruction policy of President Johnson as country the only means by which the can be savedf from thesavageand bloody rule of radicalism, it will accept the Yankee as a fact, and logically and forever as a foe—whether in peace, war or or in the field or the forum, or the Legislature olteays an enemy. There is a mutual and inguishable hate between the Yankee and the Southerner. Whenever and wherever they meet they will meet as foes at heart; and this feelingwill live as long as there are 2 men on earth to bear it toward each other. Politicians and hypocritesand knaves for this or that temporary purpose may attempt to glaze and conceal this fact, but what stronger evidencedoesone want that this, hatred of the South doesexist in North, and with increasedintensity. than what the is fur mished in the spirit of the legislation and debatesof the last Congress, in the temper and results of the recent political contests in the North, and still more so in the ruffianly assaults inade upon the POTUS in his late tour in the Northwest, only becausehe was suspected of a sympathy with the South, and of being in favor of giving to the people of the South their constitutional rights. This atred between the North and South doesexist and will exist for generations to come, despite all efforts nt conciliation, all blandishments, mutations, and vicissitudes. ‘I‘ am for the South. I make no protensions to an affection for a Union that is both false and hateful. The Union sought by our forefathers has perished, npootssoinbliy lity from reality, not only from hope, but from The South hassubmitted, without resistance or murmur, to military tyranny, outrage, rob bery, and the einancipation of 4 millions of her “laves: she has accepted the new condition of affairs with a heroism and resignation unequaled in the history of the world; and yet the Yankee race, insteadof exhibiting somethingof the generousspirit that should be born of victory, seek only fresh pretexts for the infliction of further injury and insult. cThhiesesdo, uthern States are this day practically disfran and deprived even of every political right and privilege won?. our commonancestry. Yet this is us, not enough We musthug the chains that bind and kiss the rod which smitesus. We must complete our abasement by our own act. We mustaccept the negro as our equal and a brother; and to set us an example for imitation, Massachusettshas just elected 2 negroes to her Legislaturel But rather than eversee this state of things in the South, rather than we should be degraded by such an abhorrent and unnatural equality with the negro, and have him admitted into our legislative halls and to our firesides, we would seeour land Again committed to the desolationand devastation of war, and our homes burned and ravaged by another Butler and Sheridan. The negro is free; I have no wish to see him reen slaved; his condition as a freedman' is a greeable reality that must be recognized by ditshae South: but beyond his emancipation The Southern Opinion will not yield, and will resolutely resist all measures tin at pretend to the clevation of one whose status has beenfixed by Heaven. “The Southern Opinion shall be confederato in its devotion to the memory of ourshort lived independence, and all who fought for it or sympathized with that proud though unsuccessful struggle, from JeffersonDavis to the humblestsoldier, shall be cherished ns a sacred, memory, Diographics, narratives, descriptions, sketches, incidents and anecdotes illustrative of the late war shall form one of its mostpromi mentfeatures. A number of distinguished confederate officershave promised to contribute to its columns. The scenes consecratedby valor, the o: hallowed by victory or by scarcely less glorious defeat, shall not be allowed to fall into oblivion. The holy ground which entombs our dead heroes shall often be visited, and our readers shall accompany re us in these sacred pilgrimages. A special reporter will be sent out immediately to visit the various cemeteries in Virginia and the South where our loved and lost are gathered, who will furnish graphic and interesting sketches of thosesacredprecincts. In the 1st num: ber of the paper, in addition to other attractive orig inal matter of the same character, there will be a full and accurate description of “Stonewall” Jackson's tomb and its surroundings, togetherwith a prize poem commemorative of of the confederate thsoelvdaielorsr., suTfhfeerifnirgsst, annudmsbacerrifwiciells also contain a true account of the health and general condition of yis, our beloved expresident, Jefferson Da whose wrongs but the more endear him to the hearts of his people, and whose greatness of soul seems to expand under the infliction of the torture and cruelty visited upon him, while ironed and in a dungeon, his brutal Yankee jailors, and whose dignity of behavior as a prisoner has entitled him to the perpetual sympathy and affection of his country men and the admiration of the world.” The leading editorial article of the NewOrleans Times of Sunday, February 10, 1807, is as follows: “THE WASHINGTON Dorsgs. We used to interest for the news from Washington. lTohoek wbiethst and mostintellectual menused to be sent to Congress, and we were in the habit of reading their speeches with a kind of awe, and of regarding their acts with a species of veneration; indeed, with a homagewhich we shall never extend to mortal man again. Human nature we find is a mistake. It us; at least the political branchhoafs grosslydeceived it in this country. We hereand there see a manlooming up onthe arena who is governed not by passion, but by reason, and who performs his whole duty. such a man, is the present Executive of reasted the storm of potlhiteica U.S. n, dwphaortis haans fury without blenching, and who, though threatened with impeachment for defending the Constitution of his country, maintains his equanimity and is indifferent to the persevering and malignant attempts of his political foes to destroy him. “We seethat the Senate has passed the Nebraska bill over his veto, and we supposethe House will do so likewise. There is no order, no stability in Government. Congress has evidently set itselfthe to work to undermine and overthrow both the other coordinate branches of it. struction plans, their riot committee thprtohjeeicrtsr, etChoenir military Government bills, and their tariff abomination none of which come within the legitimate sphere of congressional legislation—they keep up a constant alarm in interests the country, and involve all its in confusion and uncertainty. “It is high time that Congress should, in o: the 1st be made a legal body, as it wasbeforethe war, the admission of the southern Representatives. Its acts may pass muster for the present but their constitutionality are liable to be questioned. It is time that respectablemen, whocontrol their passions, who use decent speech in abstain from calling each thotehirerinatbeurcsoivuersnea, maneds, whkheo low, ruffians, should be sent to the congressional Halls of the country. If there is any decorum left in northern regions it is time that the Representatives of the people there should abandon their present manners and begin to practice it. But above all things else, if we are to have a country that we can love, a Constitution that we can maintain, and laws that we can obey, it is absolutely necessarythat the presentRadical party, whose leaders and whose posse comitatus have been miserably wastingtheir time and the people'smoney, and making arrant foolsof themselves before high iteaven and the face of the whole swuomrlmd aforirlytwo full years, should be summarily, or as as may be, thrust from the seatsthey now occupy and disgrace, and their places be occupied with decent, honorable, and respectable men. ‘. Their presence at Washington is no longer toler able. Let them resign their seats, go home, repent, pray, andhope to beforgiven. If theywill do this without an instant's delay, the South, much cause as she has to complain of them.will forgive their varioussins of omission and commission, of bold aggressionand sBuubttle plotting, and will say no more about them. if they wif not vacate the premises of accord, and do their own it immediately, the people of this country, of all sections, will set themselves to work with a will in order to accomplish oust them effectually, and will the object before they begin to dream of such a result. We advise them to listen to counsel and depart from the congressional, vicinage, horse, and dragoons, before a worse thing happens to them.