Mr. SHERMAN. I am merely s eaking of what the President did, and I say that so far as I know be exercised and enforced every power of the Government to protect the freedmen of the southern States without exception. As a matter of course he did not require it as a condition to be inserted in their constitutions. PARDOXS. Now, what are the objections to this policy? The 1st objection, that I have hear made most commonly, and which I have made myself, is, that the President was too liberal in exercising the ardoning power. But when we remember he fact that there were more than five times as many included in his exceptions as were included in the excctions to the reclamation of Mr. Lincoln, and that the num lier of pardons in comparison with the whole number of persons excepted is substantially insignificant, and that we cannot know all the circumstances which surrounded every particular case of ardon, it is hardly fair for us to arraign the POTUS We can limit his power to pardon in these cases. The POTUS has no power to pardon under the Constitution of the U.S. in cases like this. That power is derived from the amnesty law which we passed at an early period of the war. The constitutional power to pardon given to him by that instrument exten s only to cases where there had beena legal accusation byindictment or aflidavit, or to cases where a man had been tried and convicted of acrime. That is the kind of pardon contemplated by the Constitution, but the authority which we gave him by law to extend pardon and amnesty to the rebels is as broad as the insurrection itself. We conferred upon the POTUS the unlimited power of amnesty, and he has exercised that power only to a very moderate degree. SUFFRAGE wri nou rnis i iscrios or COLOR. But the principal objection that has been made to his polic is that he did not extend his invitation to allt e loyal men of the southern States, including the colored as well as the white people. lfI were now required to state the leading objection made to the policy of the President in this particular, I should use the league of an eminent statesman, and say that when the President found before him an open field, with no law of Congress to impede him, with the power to dictate a policy in the South, to impose conditions on it, he ought to have addressed his proclamation to ever loyal man above the age of 21 years. hat would be the plan of the Senfrom Massachusetts.