Mr. DOOLITTLE. Mr. President, how many States constitute that. great republic which the world calls the U.S.A.? The President and those who think with him say 36. The Senfrom Massachusetts [Mr. SUMNER] and my colleague say 25. Where are the 11? Where is Virginia, NCarolina, SCarolina, Georgia, labuina, Louisiana, MisSisSippi Arkansas, Tennessee, Florida, and Texas? These 11 great States are lar or by 1,000s of square miles, than Eulan, rance. Spain, P ortugal, and the Germanic Confederation, including Austria and Prussia. all put together, as the table I hold in my hand shows: COMPARATIVE nuns. Area in squaremiles. Area in squaremiles. Virginia. 61. 86! – S NCarolina. “. 4258, 5”“). Georgia. lubumn lississippi. Louisiana. rknnsns. o gal. 219, 491 Germanio Uonfedoration. including Austria and Prussia. 2i4. 41i. NIH! 7m. 498 million 4 milion bales of cotton, and are capable of producing double that number, where are ey and whatare they? That the once constituted These 11 great States, with ten people, which produced, annually:1 part of the States of this nion is certain. Do they now? That is the question. Presdent Lincoln, during his administration and President Jehosen, and those who sustain their policy, say they do. The Senfrom Massachusetts, [Mr. SUMSER] the honorable member from Pennsylvania, [Mi Srsvnxs] who oppose that policy, and, to my smccre regret, my colleague, say they do not. Before giving my views, 1 will notice what is sometimes said, that this question, namely, whether they are States in the Union under the constitution, Or are Territories, is a mere abstraction an idea of no practical importance. While I yield to none in the desire to secure practical good and avoid practical evil, I cannot forget that ideas rule the world. They are the spiritual forces which bring on wars, lead in revolutions, and underlie every great movement in the scientilic, religious, and political world. I need go no further to find an instance than to this great rebellion against the U.S. 2 radical ideas radically false, however. brought on this civilWar, which has cost this nation more than half a million lives, and untold millions of treasure., 1st, that States had a right to secede; and, 2nd, that slavery is a blessing. The surrender of those 2 ideas by the South is now the basis of permanentence. Sir, this question, whether those States are still States in this Union under the constitution, or not, is no vain abstraction, no idea without immediate, practical, and most grave consequences. Is it of no practical consequence whether, to adopt an amendment to the constitution, it requires the ratification of 27 or only of 21 States? Is it of no practical importance whether 11 States, with their ten million people, shall be taxed and governed without representation? With less than 1/3rd of that number of people, our forefathers, because the parliament of GreatBritain, in which they had no representation, passed laws to tax them, declared the independence of these States. Isit of no practical importance whether these 11 States and ten million people shall govern themselves under a republican form of State government, subject only to the constitution of the U.S., or whether they shall be held as subject vassals, to be governed for an indefinite period by the unlimited will of Congress, or by the sword? Is it of no practical importance whether the lac of our country, for which half a million have laid down their lives, and which bears 36 stars as an emblem of a Union of 30 sii: States, speaks a nations truth, or is a men strous falsehood? These, and manylike questions, are involved in this discussion, and depend upon the answer to the 1st. It is, therefore, in my judgment, 8. question of the 1st magnitude; 8. question which must be met; a question which neither men not parties can avoid or put aside. It demands and will have an answer. It is a question, too, upon which there is and there can be no compromise and no neutrality. They are States in the Union under the constitution, or they are not. We must affirm the one or the other. We must stand upon one side, supporting the Lincoln and Johnson policy, maintaining the Union of the States underthe constitution to be unbroken, or we must take our stand with the Senfrom Massachusetts npou the other, and maintain that the Union is broken; that secession is a success and not a failure, so far at least as to withdraw 11 States from the Union or reduce 11 States to the territorial condition. 1st, I call to mind the language of president Lincolns proclamation of December 8, 1863. In that he said: “I do further proclaim. declare, and make known, thnt wbencver, inany of tbe States of Arkansns. Texas. Louisiana. Mississip i. Tennessee, Alabnnia. georgia, Florida. SCarolina and NCarolina. a number of persons mot less than 1/10th in number ot the votes cast in such State at the presidential electionof the year of our Lord 1860, each having taken the oath aforesaid and not having since violated it and bring a qualified voter by the election isting immediately law of the State ex before the socalled act of secession e. rannmde excluding all others. Shall reestablishaState which shall be republican. und in no wiso contravening said oath. such is o rocexnised as the true provermnent of the State, and the State shall receive t provisionicre under the benefits of the constitutional which declaresthat guaranty the U. S shall to every State in this Union a RFG, and shall protect ouch of them Mains invasion. The policy thus announced was entered upon at once in the States of Louisiana, Tennessee, and Arkansas. It received the unanimous support of every member of his Cabinet. Whi e that great man was always open to conviction, and ready to hear the suggestions of others, he became more and more settled and firm in his convictions as to the wisdom of that policy from the date of that proclamation down to the very day of his death.