Mr. J. L. THOMAS, of Maryland. As the previous question has been 2nded and no turther debate on the question is in order, I ask permission of the House to print some remarks which I intended to deliver on the subject. There was no objection, and it was ordered accordingly. i [The speech Will be published in the Appendix.] Speech entitled Basis of Representation: January 31, 1866, On the propositionto amend the Constitutionof the U.S., apportioning representation. Mr. J. L. THOMAS. Mr. Speaker, the discussion of the propositions from the ComReconstruction to amend the Constitution of the U.S. has developed such a variety of opinion that it is with great difficulty we can estimate the value of either of them, or determine which one should receive our assent. That the altered condition of our country requires reform in our fundamental law, none but those on the other fide of the House deny. That we have not only the power under the Constitution to alter and amen that instrument, but that it is our imperative dut to do so, all candid, patriotic men must admit. To be sure it has been asserted that now is not the time, nor this body the proper medium by and through which our organic law should be changed. It is insisted that we should wait till the States lately in rebellion are represented on this floor, so that they be heard and consulted as to what is agreeable to them to be put in the Constitution. Sir, Iam afraidif we wait for the return of our “ erring sisters, ” who de parted from this House at a time and under circumstances not well calculated to legislate for the good of the Union, that we willfin that but one constitutional amendment could have any chance of receiving their votes, and that one the repeal of section 3 article 3 of the constitution. such reasons as these, Mr. Speaker, are but the special and dilatory pleadings of astute advocates, determined to resist all and any effort to reconstruct the rebel States on any principle save an unconditional surrender of all the great results flowing from this war. For myself, I have too little faith in the professions of loyalty 0n the part of the lending men of the States lately in rebellion to be induced to put off till tomorrow that which reason and Justice and a sound policy demands should be done today. The fathers of the Republic and the founders of the Constitution ha no conception at the time they formed that instrument that their children could become so wicked as, in the short space of 3 score ears and ten, tofill the land with slaughter and by end in striving to tear down their handiwork. They made no provisionsto meet the great changes that have been occasioned by this rebellion. We find that even the 1st congress, that met at the city of NewYork on the th of March, 1789, proposed 12 amendments to the constitution, all ofwhich were ratified by the States, except the 1st and 2nd proposed to them. We nd that at the 1st session of the 3rd Congress another amendment was proposed, and at the 1st session of the 8th Congress still another, all of which were ratified by the several States. So that it will be seen that so far from our proposed action bein a “new thing, ” our redecessors, man ofw om were members of the Convention that framed the Constitution, added to and altered as the times and the occasions demanded. If they had not have acted thus, some of the most valuable powers given to the Government, and some of the “most recious retained by the States, would not this ay be in existence. Alexander Hamilton, in his introduction to the Federalist, makesthis just reflection, which, I think, is peculiarly appropriate at this time: “It has been frequently remarkedthat it has been reservedto the people of this countryto decideby their conduct und example whethersocietiesof men are really capableor not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whetherthey are forever destined to do endfortheir political constitution on accident and orce. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with proprict be regarded as the period when that decisronm in O made: and awrong election of the part we shall act may in this view deserveto be considered as the generalmisfo;tune of mankind." I am not of a nature inclined to indulge in gloomy forebodings, nor to think that “ all islost that is in danger.” Nor am I at all gifted with an, imagination that will allow me to picture “a land flowing with milk and honey” when I see before me nothing but sand and barrenucss. Judging from the official accounts we have re ceived from our sonthern borders, I canpot think t“hat “peace yet reigns supreme, ” or that grim visaged war hath smoothed his wrinkled front, ” except in so far as the legions of Sher man and Grant would indicate by their having one to their homes and rested from their la fior. The war, to be sure, is over; but there is another battle yet to be fought. Our brave soldiers did not fail in meetin the demandsof the country when they faced the cannons mouth and braved death and starvation to preserve what we enjoy today, and we would be recreants and cowards were we to foil in comprehending the great results of this war, and not come up like men and patriots to meet the de mands of the hour. Judging the South by some people in my own State, [am inclined to believe that rebellion only “sleepeth” and is not dead. I have no unkind words for any man, and would rather forget the past than to recount;it but when I seemen in my own State who, in the hours that triedtrue mens souls, proved faithless in their loyalty and used all of their influence to induce the peeple of my State to taken arms against the Government, men who haveriieen incarcerated as traitors to their country, men who re joiced at every Federal reverse and lamented at every Federal victory when I see men like these, Isay, nrrognntly and imperiously demanding that they should participate in the affairs of the Government, and that Union men, who have stood the test of loyalty and have sacrificed friends and social ties and kindred for their country, should hand over what they have preserved to such as sought to destroy them, begin to think it is time for “the watchmen on the towers of freedom” to keep a sha e e and a steady hand on such as are beyon the Potomac. As God knows my heart, I have no bitter nessof feeling toward the people of the South. Some of the dearest kin red I have on earth are there, and buried beneath her soil sleep the remains of all that have gone of my flesh and blood. There is no one more desirous than Iain that the enmities of this war should be forever buried, that its animosities should be forgotten, and that the people of these States should be bound to ether by the olden chains of love. No one Wi go further an I shall to ccomplish it. But, sir, I remember that I have a duty to perform to the future. What has happened once may happen again; and unless we of today make up our minds to so build up that which has been torn down, as that the causes that produced the rebellion shall be forever blotted out, and the active agents in them disqualified from hereafter participating in our national affairs, we will leave to our children the same legacy that our fathers left to us. When these propositions were 1st submitted I was disinclined to vote for any of them, and especially when the distinguished chairman of the committee undertook, Joshua like, to stop the sun in his diurnal course, when he stated that these resolutions should be passed upon before the going down of the sun. But, sir after I had examined the subject carefully, l became satisfied that the sooner they were disposed of the better for the peace and quiet of the whole country. It up ears to meMr. Speaker, that slavery having been abolished, the basis of representation, as fixed upon by the Constitution, is not only meaningless, but, ifsuflbred to remain there, Will work the grossest injustice, and result in permanent injury to the interests of our country ereafter. I cannot close my eyes to the fact that 50 seveu disloyal Representatives and 22 disloyal Senators are quite enough to “ 010" the wheels of Government, ” and e ablein after time to produce a revolution, peace ful, it may be, but as disastrous to the loyal States as the war has been to the South. That this clause was inserted in the interests of slavery is apparent by reference to the debates of the Convention that framed the Constitution, and more particularly by reference to the re marlrsof Clihrles C. Pinc may in the convention of the State of SCarolina. He says, page 355 Elliot, volume 3: " As we have found it necessarytogive very extensive powersto the federal Government, bothoyer the personsand estatesof the citizeris. we thoughtitnght to draw one branch of the Legislature immediately from the people and thatboth wealth and numbers should be consideredin therepresentation. Wewero at a lossfor sometimefor a rule to ascertainthepro portiunn to wealth of the States. At last we thought that the productive laborof theinhabitants was the best rule for mortainingtheirwealth. Inconformity to this rule, joined to a spirit of concession, we determined that Representatives should be apportionod among the several States by uldin to the w olenumber of free persons 3/5ths of the slaves. We thus obtaineda representation for onrproperty and I confess I did not expectthat we had concededtoo much to the emiternSt leg.when they allowed us a representation for a s cues of property which they have not amongthem. "The numbersin the different States.accordingto the most accurate accounts we could obtain. were: New llnmpshire. Massachusetts RhdIsland. Connecticut. NewYork. NewJersey, Pennsylvania. Delaware. I10 negrocs). Georgia (including 3/5th s of 20,000no grocs. It will be seen from this that the 3/5th s rule was to represent the slave property, and nothing else. The slave property having now he come changed by the constitutional amendment abolishing slavery, no State of this Union is any longer entitled to have a representation for what does not and cannot by the terms of the same Constitution have any existence. This being the case, the question is now presented, what basis shall be proposed to the States for their ratification or rejection? I always considered that representation according to population was the best and most cer taiu way O aportionment. I seea great many difficulties in asing representation on voting population, unless you say at the some time that the qualification for electors shall be uniform in allthe States, so as to prevent one State from manufacturing a class of voters that another State would refuse to have; and yet I do not see how this can be done unless you give the power to Congress to regulate by general law the fication of voters for each State. This (inaalmi Opposed to, for the reason that it would be de priving the States otone of their most recious rights, and at the some time give to congress a power that would be dangerous in its application. To have representationbased on voting population would be most unjust to such of the loyal border States oswere compelled toingraft clausea in their constitutions preventing such of its citizens as were engaged in rebellion n ainst the Government from exercising the cactive franchise. Maryland and Missouri are perhaps the only States that have laws to exclude this class of disloyal persons. Kentucky, I believe, bad one, but 5 sled it, and the repeal of that law by Kentuc y has been awarning to Union men in my State to let it remain as it is until rebels learn to breathe a spirit of loyalty to the Government. Strenuous efforts are now being made in my State to repeal that law; and public meetings have been held, bold and defiant resolutions massed, and petitions circulated and signed by althe rebels and rebel sympathizers in the State, asking the Legislature to restore them to their rights, which they so the Union men deprived them of. ere is one of a number of the resolutions lately passed at a meeting of these men in Bal timore, which will show the kind of reasoning they resort to in demanding their rights: “This convention, after having carefully deliber ated and havingnsccrtainedwhatenlightenedpublic sentiment demands. now expresstheir profound conviction that it is the duty of the Legislature.atits present session. to repenttho registration law posed in 90,000 March last, which himbroughtin uisitorial power, in itsmostodiousand irresponsible orm, to the tiresido of ourcitizens which compelseverymanto giveeVi dones against himself. under oath. astothe utterance even of his private thoughtsand sentimentswithin thesacred circloof hisownfamily. and w ich, whether, he confessor refusesto swear.cqually eclureshim degraded;which otfersa premiumto perjury and corruption and imposes penlaties only upon the coin sc“ientiousand the trut ful. They further declarethat the 4th section oftho 1st nrticlo oftho constitution relating to the qualitication of voters, and prescribing a test oath for thern, and the 7 ths ectionof the sume article prescribing a retrospective test oath for all State officers, are re pugnant to the spirit of the constitution of the U.S and to our own declaration of rights and that it is the duty of the present Legislature to passan amendment of the constitution accordingto the terms of the 11 tharticle of that instrument, abrogating those odious and antirepublican invasion and to submit that amendmentto the poop e at thonext general elpetion for ratification. nd, us a measureof immediaterelief. this convention also declaresthat the Legislature ought to passan act.in conformityto the provisionsoft c constitution, rrstoring to his full rights of citizenship every one who is deprivednfthis by the terms of the fourt sectionof the 1st nrticle of the constitution.” Be it remembered, too, that some of these men are the descendants of the soldiers of the “old Maryland line, ” whose contemporaries passed laws to better secure the Government, and to irevent the men who refused to aid our revolutionary sires from participating in the affairs of Government. Here is an not passed by the General Assembly of Maryland, October, 1777: “ Whereas in everyStateallegianceand protection are rociprocal.nnd no man is entitled to the onc who refuses to yield to the other: and as evegy inhabitant of this State enjovs the protectionand encfit of the government and laws thereof, and as it is reasonable that any icrsonshould give testimon of his attachment on fidelity to this Stateand the presentgov ernmentthereofrusnow established: Therefore. “Be it enacted, do, That every free male person within this State above 18 yearsof age unless a (fiuakcr. &c shall, on or ctorothelst dn of hlnrch ta a, repeat and subscri c the oath of delity and support to this State, contained in the act entitled An act to punish certain crimes, ” Am. The following is the oath referred to: "I will be true and faithful to the State of Maryland, and Will. to the utmost of my sewer, support, maintain and defend the freedoman independence thereof, and the government as now established, against all open enemiesand secret and traitorous conspiracies and will usemyutmostendeavorstodis closeand make known to the Governoror someone of the judgesorjusticcs thereofall treasonsor traitoroul conspiracies, attempts or combinations against the State or the Governmentthereof. which may come to my knowledge. So help meGod.” and it will be found by reference to another section of the law that every person neglecting to take the oath was not only “ mulct” in hea damages, but forever disqualified from holding any office: "Slc. 10. That ovary person neglecting shall for and during life in all no lie and county assessinen pay a tax treb of the tax which. by such public on county assessments shall be imposed u n everyilOO worth of real or pesonal properly wi in this State, and sopro mug which said tax shall bepaid.collected, and levied, c. 17.That every person chargeable with the treble tax aforesaidshall beforever disabled and rendered incapable to practice the law.physio, or surgcry or the art.of an a otheenry, or to preach or tone the Gospel, or to tone in public or private schools, or to lie] or exercise within this State any otheeof profit or trust.civil or milita, or to vote at any election of electorsor senators or clegatestothe llouse of l)cl cgates, and if any such person shall offend sgainst this notin any of the particulars above specified.he shall for over such oil eiise, forfeit and pay 0 for every 100 O property he shall be decined worth the public assessment of all propertywithin this i a c. 1000s of these men were disfranchised after they had left a State that, thank God, was true to the Union, and had joined the enemies of the country, to fight your sons and brothers in maintaining the iiion. Is it for such men as these, who desecrated the scil of Maryland at Antietam and at South Mountain, and who carried devastation and ruin in their track, des olating our fields and despoiling our homes is it for such men to dictate to the ieople of Maryland when and how and to whiat extent they shall be allowed to vote? Is it tor the men fa miliarly known and commonly called the " rebel Legislature at Frederick, ” who for their direct complicity in rebellion were taken military possession of by the Gentfrom Massachusetts, [Mr. BANKS] and placed where their “bills of safety” and their “resolutions of sympathy” and their “probes ” against arbitrary arrests could do the country no harm is it for such as they to again influence the destinies of my State? Let others act as they may, for one I shall never consent that such men shall be enfranchised till the foundations of this GOvernment have been so firmly established as that no man once tainted with treason can ever exert any influence in unsettling it. But, sir, the most mortifying thing to me, as a Union man and a Marylander, is the fact that prominent men in my State men who once held high positions in the Union ranks, and who have been onored by the loyal masseswith their confidence are found leagued with these rebels and rebel sympathizers in obtaining a repeal of the clause in our constitution disfranclnsin them on account of their disloyalty. To say that the Union people of Maryland hold in utter abhor rence such men is not to express half of the in dignation that is felt at the unholy alliance they have made; and I venture to assert that these disfranchised rebels, who are now usin them as their pliant tools, will, so soon as the r work has been finished, cast them adrift as no longer worthy to associate with “southern chivalry.” Prominent among these constitutional reform ers” is one who, failing to become the leader of the Union element, has sought for prominence among those who hate him as cordially as they love, or rather feign to admire, his treason to his party. They are dupes enough to believe that that gentleman can make ticir “calling and election sure.” In a speech which he lately made to the “anti registration convention” he thus discourses: “Tho POTUS has said that we must trust thopeople pith their Government. [Applausc] That 15the principle I go upon and when we havegotto the period when we cannottrust the peoplewith their Government, thereis an endof thenatureofgovernment and heapplieathat to the sine gu.thern States where the rebellion has been exist arid where all men whether they concurredin the original policy of secession or weredrawn into it by their sympathieswith their brethren, have been or still arearrayed against the Government. llcsays tohis follow citilcns, You musttrustthosemenwith the management of their local governments and give themtheir sharein the affairsof the General Governmeut.: Afor!mri. if this can besaid of"thesouthern rebelliousStates.it can besaidof the state of Maryland and yet, here in Maryland. by the process talgenhero. More than onehalf of her stalwart population are denied a sharein the Government of the country. Everybody agrees that our troubles are over Gencral Grant. GenlSherman . Governor An drew. in a late messageto the members of the general Assemblyof Massachusetts. Aud let me tell you here that I have great respect for Governor andrew. He is one of the sincere men of the countr. He says that everybody in the South has uphel the sentiments of scoession but that it is a thing of the past. Tinhat hteinwtahro sentiment of the men who havemin led and the disinterested men who have looked on from a distance. Why then are our people here and thereto be disfranchisedl It is for the object of possessing political power [loud applause and hissing] in defiance of the politica principle which undcii cs our wholo form 9 government: that the minority may rule the mmonty and they have ulterior ob, aionctticg iipinavteiew to perpetuatethat rule. They do not that they can keep forever ono linlfof the whole country. Or 1/3rd of on my fellow citizens from lharing all powerin the government: but itnhteoy the anticipate keepingitso long until they can force elements of political power the lack race. [(Iilonlgl continuod i applause and cries of Thats the on “That is. to build power over you and over our 15 southern states.until it is absolute that such elements are introduced into the future history of the country. to be managed by the Freedmens Bureau and absolutely controlling the bu once of pow pr of the wholeof these 15 Statesin which that institution has united. You see that it is a very scheme conceived with very great skill and by hvearvy inagdtrhoiist and ambition! men. A little while ago. Conception of the matter. I felt it my duty to scpprate myself, in my political action. from the prganized forceswith whom I had been voting dur 1115.“!w6ar. apd to go to that party and hel and oi gtin Dflhllhi th copnntry together – the Democratic. party [pri usiastic cheeringd the Democratic which it 18 chargedby the op oncnts is to be restored to powerif these southern fates are to have their froirghetxseorfting franchise. If they had no higher mo ern themselves in shelf of the south States. I go With them without reard to their motive because that is our object and want to see secured. The other side. acting upon the same i party interests. Seek to keep those States out because they apprehend they will be voted doivn. That made a great nrrah among my friends of the Union party 1in Maryland. that I should presume to have an opinion of my own and to act upon it in reard to the existin circumstances.Someof the gentlcmen With whom had been associated.sonic of whom I had been instrumental in electing to Congress reproaiched me with having left them and one to the side of the Democratic part in NewYork. Wcll.whrit have they been doing? Thcy have beenvoting With the Democrats in the HoRep, They have found.what I told them before. that this radical part, which tleiredominatesn, iid under the disci line O old Th. Stevens.who drives them where c wills. has got the negroas the predominatingelement to the controlof ower. Mr. Phelps and John L. Thomas, in and ot crs. who represent the constituenciesof Baltimore. have to voteWiththe Dem ocratsall the time.” Now, sir, in so far as these remarks are applicable to myself, I can only say that this gentleman is the last man on earth that I am indebted to for the position I occupy in this House. On the contrary. it has been asserted that he was the friend ofanother gentleman who failed to get the nomination of my party. Neither am Iaware ofhaving “repioachedhim forgoing over to the side of the Democratic party.” I never considered that his going over to the Democrac was of any moment, and I do not think his efection will carry along with it any consequences detrimental to the Union party. As to my voting with the “ Democrats all the time, ” it is not “according to the record." I have never voted for a Democrat in my life, and since I have had the honor to be a member of this bod I have found my name recorded on the same side that they supported but once, and that was on the District suffrage bill. Had I the right to vote tomorrow, I wouldvote the same way and for the some reasons. Sir, these men who left the State to engage in armed rebellion will find that the Union men of Maryland are not inclined to sell their hard earned heritage for a mess of pottage. They will discover that there is lo alty enough in the State to prevent its surrender to its enemies, and that he whom they have chosen as their leader will be as successful in deluding the Union party to commit suicide as he was in persuading the people of NewYork to support John VanBinen & Co. I be e.Mr. Speaker. I may be ardoned for thus alluding to the affairs of my State; but as the proposition of the Gentfrom Ohio, [Mr. SCHENCK] basin representation on voting population, wouldie unjust to the Union people of my State, and, in my opinion, aid directl the efforts now being made to enfranchise tie rebellious portion of it, I thought it my duty to allude to it and at the same time to defend myself from the efforts made by their leader to place me where I do not now, never have and never. expect to belong. I have said, Mr. Speaker, that population was the most certain way of apportioning representation. I do not see how we can agree on any other plan. To base representation on wealth or the amount of taxable property in a State, is not right in itstheory orjust in its prac tical workings. It would give large representation for wealthy cities, and do an injustice to aggicultural districts; nd the only feasible plan that has been proposed is the one reported from the ComReconstruction. This resolution has been supposed by some to be intended to force negro suffrage on the southern States. If I thoughtthat this was either its intention or would be its effect, I would not support it. I am opposed to negro suffrage at this time, in any manner and any and everywhere, for the reasons fully stated by me in the debate on the DistCol bill. I have nothing to take from what I then said. From the language and intention of this proposed amendment, I am satisfied that no southern State will grant the suffrage to the negro. They cannot give a qualified suffrage to the negro for the reason that they make not in in their increase of representation. They will not give them universal suffrage, because i a minority of white men cannot be ound in the l South willing to place them on the same political level. It leaves it to be settled by each of the States for themselves, and that without any interference by the General Government. The effect of this amendment will be that the States lately in rebellion wil? lose ten Representatives in this House. To illustrate this poin more fully, I beg leave to add the following. from the remarks of the Gentfrom Ohio [Mr. LAwnniven] and which shows the gross inequalities that have existed all along, and will continue to exist, unless this amendment becomes a part of the organic law: " In 1790the ratio of representationwas one Rep Representativetoevery 33,000 of the rep Representativepo ulakon. owitis one Representative for every 127,000. 0n them of May, 1850t.heprinciple was established, for the 1st time. Of limiting the number of liepresontatives and thin relieving Congressof the necessity offixing every ten years the numberof members of which the Houseshould consist. This law establilshnd the number of Representativesnt 233.whowereto beapportionedHIDOHI the several Slates. respectively. By dwiding thenum ber of the representativepopulation of the Statesby the number253 and the product of this diVision was to bethe ratio of representation. In the slaveStates 3/5th s of theslaves wereaddedto the whiteclass to preserve the balanceof power. Thisliiw of May. 185i)w, aschangedafterthea ortipnment by another law. Passed on March 4. 1862. This increased the number of Representatives to 241. several of the States gaining one member y change. the "This representation was apportioned among the several States having freeandslave population thus: States; Repre Iirce whito Slave population. Alabama. 6 526.431 435.080 Arkansas. 3 California. Connecticut 4 451.52) Delaware I 90.589 1.798 Florida. I 77.748 61, 745 Georgia. 7 591." 462.198 Illinois Indiana 11 1.339. own. 6 673.844 Kansas" I 106.5: Kentucky 9 919.517 2%.483 Louisiana 114.931 NewHampshire 3 325.579 New. [crscy 5 646, 699 18 NewYork. NCarolina. 7 Ohio. 19 631.100 331.059 2.302.838 Oregon. I 52, 337 Pennsylvania. 24 2 849.256 RhdIsland. 2 170.668 South Caiolina. 4 291.388 406 Tennessee Texas Vermont. Virginia. 11 1.04".411 490, 865 Wisconsin 6 774.710 Total. 241 $308, 157 3.950.531. “The free colored population of the Statesin 1860 was 476.562m. akin a total of 31.149.905. From this it will O seenl hut NewHampshire.with a.white populationof 325.579h.as but 3 Representntives while Louisiana. with a white population of357.629h.ad five. California with a white population of 323. 177 has but 3 Representatives while with asiniilnr population “353.901. five. In Scarolina. 72.847 whitepersonshad one Representative while the ratio of representationll on“efor 127.000 persons. Under this modeof apportiopmentthe late slave Stateshad 18 Representatives b the censusof 1860 more than their just share, if base on freepopulution.” So much impressed were th cUnion men of Maryland of the preponderating influence in the slave counties of the State, that in 1864, when they abolished slavery, we made anew apportionment of representation, which was based exclusively upon the white just as population, it will hereafter be under t isment in all the late slave States. We daimdetnhdis because we thought it would he unjust to allow the slave counties to have the same representation for their negroes as freedmen pa under the old constitution they had for their slaves. That this is so can be seen by reference to the hallowed hands shall again be allowed to seize 3rd section of article 3 of the constitution i the helm of the "old of Maryland of 1850, where it says that repre i ship sentation shall be apportioned nce ordingto the population of each county, while in the new constitution of 1864, section 4 of article 3 provides “that the white population of the State shall constitute the basis of represen tation.” Under the old constitution the negroes. free and slave, were counted as population. Under the new constitution neither male nor female colored are counted, but the white population exclusively. By the census of 1860 Maryland contained, as a portion of her population, 39,746 free colored males, and 44,313 slave males, making in all 84,059 free colored males. The most of these are contained in what are known as the 1st and 5th congressional districts of the State, so that, conceding that Maryland would lose one Representative, the loss of that one would cause such a change in the reconstruction of the congressional districts as that the loyal element will be more evenly diffused where the formerly disloyal redominated. But. it is not at all likely t. at Maryland will lose any Representative, for, so soon as the ople of the North find that we are in earnest in our endeavors to place our State on the firm foundations of right, ier enterprise and her people will floodin upon us and fi1up what may be temporarily occasioned by the operation of this amendment. This amendment commends itselfto my mind inanotherparticular. Bythe amendment offered by the Gentfrom Ohio, which bases Representatives on the number of male citizens who are allowed to vote in any State, it might have had the effect of forcing the repeal of the law referred to, because as disloyal people are not allowed to vote, neither would they have been counted in the representation. By the provisions of the amendment of the committee it is only when “the franchise is denied or abridged on account of race or color that all ersous of such race or color” are excluded rain the basis. Now, we do notexclude such as took part in the rebellion on account of their race or color, but on account of their disloyalty, without regard to race or color, so that all such persons are still counted as a part of the basis just as though they voted. In conclusion, Mr. Speaker. I desire to say that I am fully alive to the fact that the vote I am about to give will cause to be heaped upon me all the bitter venom and vile abuse of the lecesh ress of my city and State. I ask no favors from them and expect none. If I re ceived their friendship I should begin to suspicion thatI was not “acting in the strictliue of my duty“ in standing firm and true to the cause whichI expouse and which they oppose. When I consented to run as the candiate of the Union men of my district for this body, I told them that if it became apparent to me that. the professions of our southern brethren were not sincere, that they were trying to get back into the Union under false pretenses, that they had the rebel still rankling in their hearts, I would reserve to myself the right, while I took them by the hand, to stand true to my country. Sir, I am convinced from what has transpired in Virginia and elsewhere, and even in my own State, that the only difference between the men who 12 months ago were defying the constituted authorities is, that then they had arms in their hands and armies in the field, now they have neither, but the disposition to have both; 33, air, they have the determination to seize hold of the political power, and touse it if possible to punish those who have made them submit to the laws. I have been too true in my devotion to my country in the past to consent that their unof state." 4 years of carnage and bloo has taught me who the friends of the Republic are, and in their hands I hope it may remain. I do not liiiow, sir, whether my course in this matter will be indorsed by my constituents or my State. If it be, then shall be gratified to know that the sentiments I have uttered have been the reflexof their loyal feeling. If such be not the case, I shall at least have the proud satisfaction ofknowing that my course here today has been prompted by no other motive than a conscientious conviction of a duty I owed to my country and to osterity. I would rather retire from these alls covered all over with the curses and anathemns of the whole people of my State, feeling that l had ncted and vote in so reconstructing this Government as that here after no power exerted by the South can ever disturb the harmony of the Union, than to re ceive their praises and hallelujahs, knowing that Iliad yielded “one jot or tittle” of the full measure of the solemn responsibility expected of every loyal man.