Mr. SHANKLIN. Mr. Speaker, the subject now before the House for its consideration is a matter, perhaps, of as much importance, and involves as many important interests to the American people, as any subject upon which the conrose of the U.S. can have to pass. fpon its solution may depend the weal or woe of the American people and their descendants. Those institutions, republican and free in their character, reared by the wisdom, the patriotism, and the sufferings of our revolutionary sires, and consecrated by their blood, may depend upon the action of this Congress upon this subject. It becomes us, then, as the representatives of a generous and confiding people, who hold these important interests and trusts in our hands, to divest ourselves as far as is possible of every an y passion, to banish eve sectional prejudice or partiality, to discarpersonal interest and considerations, to break the lines of party, and to rise above considerations of that kind to a higher and purer s here, that we may act for the general good of the whole country now and forever. 1 we could but do this our labors would be easy, our task would be more than half performed in its very commencement. But if, from the frailty of our natures and our passions, we are unable to as sume a position of this sort let us at least apg; h outta sh clean hands, pure hearts, v., distention!!!. {the "subyect which has been submitted to this House for its consideration comes to us clothed with all the power and the commanding influence of a committee of the 2 Houses ofCongress, selected, as charity compels us to suppose, on account of their experience, their Wisdom, their justice, and their patriotism; and thatwhich has been submitted to us is the work of 5 longand tedious months, and represents the views, sentiments, and principles of atleast the majority of the House, or the party from which they were selected. I therefore approach this subject with no ordinary degree of embarrassment and hesi tancy; but my own convictions of truth and justice, of right and of duty, must control my action, and 1 am ready to take whatever responsibility may attach to it. The JtResolution reported by the committee, and which is now before the House, is as follows: Anricu:. Sse. 1. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the U.S.; nor shall any State do prive any person of life liberty or property.without due processof law: nor deny to any person. within itsjurisdiction. the equal rotcction of the laws. $140.2. Representativess all beapportionedamong the several gates which may be included within this Union according to their respective numbers.counting the whole number of personsin eachState. excluding Indians not taxed. But whenever. in any State. the elective franchise shall be denied to any portion of its male citizens not lessthan 21 years ofage, or in any way abridged. except for participation in rebellion or other crimes. the basisof representation in such State shall be reducedin the proortion which the number of such mule citizens sha I bear to the whole number of male citizens not less than 21 yearsof age. Size. 3. Until the 4thday of uly.18TOa. ll persons who voluntarily adhered to the late insurrection. giving it aid and comfort shall be excluded from the right to vote for members of Congress and for elect ors for President and VEEP Neither the U.S. nor any State, shall assume or ay an debt or obligation already incurred or which may oreafterbe incurred. in aid of insurrection or of war againstthe U.S.; or any claim forcompensationfor loss of involuntary service or labor. Sec. 5. Congress shall have power to enforce. by appropriate legislation. the provisionsof this article. That JtResolution presupposes and takes as an established fact that those States lately in rebellion are no longer members of the Union; that the tics which bound them to this Government have been severed, and that the people of those States are aliens and foreigners to this Government. That is the position which has been assumed by this committee, and upon that hypothesis this resolution and these measures are based. I do not design now to discuss the question whether these States are in or out of the Union. That question has been ably and elaborately discussed. Our minds are made up upon that subject. The mind of the public is made up upon that subject. But we all remember that at the commencement of this difficulty these States asserted that it was a constitutional right which they had to with draw from the nion and form independent and separate governments themselves, and in obedience to this claimed right they passed their ordinances of secession. We took the ground, and rightfully too, as I believe, that the had no such right under the Constitution which had been framed by our fathers; that they owed allegiance to the General Government; that they must obey the laws and constitution of the General Government and that they could not withdraw from it. The issue was fairly made up. One party contended that they ha the right of secession and to sever the ties which bound them to the Union; and the other party, as I think rightfull, took the ground that they had no such right; and the issue was made and submitted to the arbitrament of arms. Mr. Speaker, after 4 long years of bloody war, the most desolating that the world has ever seen; after the sacrifice of halfa million of our Federal soldiers and citizens, and the slaughter, perhaps, of nearly as many more of the confederate people; after the expenditure of more than 4000 million dollars, a debt entailed upon this country, and which will be handed down for years and years to come, our armies triumphed. These people who asserted this right of secession surrendered it; they said they would give up the contest. They laid down their arms and dispersed; and they then expected to come back into the room and to assume the places which they had occupied before. But Iey are metat the threshold with, “ No, no; you are aliens and foreigners, and you cannot come into this Government unlepp upon such terms as we may propose to you. You went to war to sustain the Constitution of the U.S and to enforce all the provisionsof that Constitution. We triumphed, and then we turn around and say that all their constitutional rights have been lost. We say to them, “ You made war to go out of the Union; you have failed with your armies to accomplish your purpose to get out of the Union; and yet you are out of the Union. We fought. to keep you in the Union and we triumphed, yet you are out of the Union." That is the result of this whole proposition, and the logic of the committee. Mr. Speaker, there are 2 prominent and distinct ideas contained in this proposition. The 1st idea is to strike down the reserved rights of the States, those rights which were declared by the framers of the Constitution to belong to the States exclusively and necessary for the protection of the property and lih erty of the people. The 1st section of this proposed amendment to the Constitution is to strie down those State rights and invest all power in the General Government. It is then proposed to disfrzinchise the people of the southern States who have gone into this rebellion, until the party in power could fasten and rivet the c sins of oppression for all time to come, and hedge themselves in power, that they may rule and control these people at will. Those are the 2 ideas contained in this proposition. Now, how"do you propose to carry out that 2nd idea.9 Is it by degrading, by humbling, by humiliating these people, and rendering them unworthy of the blessings of liberty or of being recognized as citizens? Do you expect in effect the object in that way? Do you expect, by the terms you propose to impose on those people, to render them willing serfs and slaves to your power? If they will submit to the burdens which you propose then they ought not to come back into this Union; for they will be unworthy to hold the position of American citizens. But how are you going to humble and de grade these people? By difranchisin them, by oppressing them With taxes, by enying them representation, by dragging them down to the 10 al political and social equality with the servi eAtrican race. You may impoverish them, you may exterminate them, but you can never reduce them to the condition when they will kiss the hand that strikes them. How long do you suppose it would take to bring you to that condition? How long would you struggle against those acts of those acts of tyranny, before you wo onppression, d bow in submission as slaves and serfs? Do you suppose these people in the southern States are intellectual y, morally, or physically our infe riors? Certainly you do not believet at. They may be disloyal in the estimation of some. But I will assert that so far as we know these people from their past histo, they are not your inferiors ph sically, moral y, or intellectually. The people of the southern States and the people of the northern States stood side by side in the great battles of the revolutionary war; they met in the councils of the nation; they were as brave upon the battle field, as wise in the couucil and as safe advisers as the people of the northern States. They were the peers and the equals of the people of the North. In the war of 1812 ey stood by the Government and they drove back the foreign invader. Were they your inferiors then? Does history establish that to be the fact? They were yourequals wherever tried and wherever met. qlu the war with Mexico, men from SCarolina and men from Massachusetts and RhdIsland stood side by side on the battle fields upon the plains of Mexico. Were not the men of the South as brave and gallant as the men of the North? Did they shrink from respon sibility? They were your equals in every point of view. From the commencement of this Government down to the commencement of this unfortunate war they met in councils of the nation; they met in judicial forums; they filled executive, judicial, and ministerial offices side hyside with men of the northern States, and in every station and position they were the peers and equals of the men of the North. You have recently met them in this civilWar, with 5 times their population and ten times their resources, and they ke t your gallantand brave armies at bay for 4 ong years. Their councils were as wise, their measures were as judicious for prosecutin the war and to effect the objects which they ha in view as yours were. They kept ou at bay. The cannon of their army were heard as often in this capital as your can nonwere heard in their capital at Richmond. Does this prove that they are your inferiors? You overcame them by numbers, not because you weretheirsu criors inwisdom, in. llantry in bravery. I a mit and assert that they erred in this matter. They claimed rights which did not belong to them. 1,000s of them, however, believed that they had these rights. They acted upon that belief. But, sir, they have now snrrendrered all those claims. What policy will you now pursue toward them? Mr. Speaker, if the doctrine of the party in owe r is true, that those States are out of the nion. that they have cut loose from their obligations to the Constitution, and taken themselves outside of the pale of that instrument, I ask you what have you gained by this war. We waged a war to prevent their oing out; we waged a war for the purpose oFenforcin the laws against them. We were successfu, as gentlemen say. The people of the South waged a war to go out of the nion. They were unsuccessful. et the doctrine of the party in power admits that the rebels succeeded in accomplishing the object for which they fou ht. I ask again, what have you gained? have you kept them in the Union? You so that you have not. Have you maintained an supported and enforced the Constitution? You say that you have not. Then what have you gained by this war which has cost this nation so much blood and treasure? All that you have gained is that you have entailed upon yourselves and upon posterity a debt which ears the nation down, and will continue to bear it down as an incubus. You have freed, it may be said, 4 million slaves. Yes, you have freed 4 million slaves, who were productive laborers, whowere contented and happy and well provided for, and you have thrown them upon society unprepared for their condition, ldestitute of that training and education which are necessary to enable them to. protect themselves. You have converted 1/2 of them into vagabonds. That is a part of the fruits of this war. You have done more. By the demoralization of these people, and by the policy which you have adopte in regard to them you have imposed upon the people a debt which I will not attempt to estimate, for the purpose of supporting a pet institution called the Freedmen s Bureau. Perhaps on have gained another object. You have through that bureau manufactured the materials that have filled the galleries of this Hall during the whole session. Crowds of these negroes have hungr governs like ablack and threatening cloud, while we were crucifying the Constitution of our fathers and tram pling under our feet the rights and liberties of the people in passing the Freedmens Bureau bill, the civil rights bill, and the indemnity bill. They have joined in the shouts of triumph which have gone up when this House has trampled on the rights of the people and set at naught the provisions of the Constitution. What more do you propose by this measure? You deny to the States the right of repudiaItion. Yet, in the very act of denying that.right, i on yourselves commit an act of repudiation. on violate the honor of the nation, which is most solemnly pleded to payment for the slaves which were eniisted in the U.S. Army in loyal slave States. In my State, Kentucky, more than 30,000 negroes enlisted in the Union Army. Before that enlistment an act was passed ythis Congress, pledging the faith of the nation to pament for the slaves that might he enlisted in teUnion Army in loyal slave States, not exceeding $300 apiece. Has such compensation ever been made? It has not. The nation is pledged to the payment of that debt. The nation today owes to my State more than $10,000,000 under the provisions of that act. Yet now you propose a constitutional revision denying both to the States and the general Government the right to pay such debts. By this measurcyou propose to violate the plighted faith of the nation; you propose to practice upon the people an outra cand a violation of their rights. But, i