Mr. BINGHAM. I owe my thanks, Mr. Speaker, to the House for giving me the opportunity of Presenting to it the issue which is thus sharply made between the honorable gentleman who has charge of this bill and myself. And before I proceed further in this discussion I thank the honorable Gentfrom Pennsylvania for so far. his prejudices as to deem one amendment proposed by me to the bill as not unworthy of his acceptance. I refer, sir, to the amendment offered by me to the 4th section of the bill as reported by the gentleman, and which amendment is in the words following: Except in cases in which, the person is held to answeronly for a crime or crimesexclusively within the jurisdiction of the courts of the U.S. within said military districts, and indictable therein. This amendment having been accepted by the gentleman, there remains, therefore, Mr. Speaker, in controversy the additional amendment which I propose to insert, and which is as follows: Whereas it is expedient that the said States lately in insurrection should, at the earliest day consistent with the future peace and safety of the Union, be restored to full participation in all political rights; and whereas the Congress did, by JtResolution, propose for "ratification to the Legislatures of the several States, as an amendment to the Constitution of the U.S., an article in words, the following to wit: ARTICLE –. Sec. 1. All persons born or naturalized in the U.S., and subject to citizensof the U.S. jurisdiction Stathteerwehoef, raerien they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law with citizens shall tahberi U.S. gensor or shimalml quanniy the State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of Sec. the laws. 2. RePresentatives shall beapportionedamong the several Statesaccording to their respectivenumbers, counting the whole number of persons in State, excluding each right Indians not taxed. But when the to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and VEEP, : in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of ants of such State, being 2tohneemyaelaerisnhofabaigt e and citizens of the U.S., or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or .crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens 21 years of ngein such State. Sec. 3. No person shall be a Senator or RePresentative in Congress, or President, elector of President and Vice or hold any office, civil or military, under the U.S., or under any state, who having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress or as an officer of the U.S., or as a of any State Legislature, or as an executivemorejmudbei r cial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the U.S., shall have engaged intion or rebellion against the same, or giveinnsuairdreoer comfort to the enemiesthereof. But Congressmay, by a vote of 2/3rds of disability. each House, removesuch Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the U.S. authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensionsand bounties for services in supPressing insurrection or rebellion; shall not be $.". But neither the U.S. nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the U.S., nor any claim for the loss or cipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal and void. Szc. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by. appropriate legislation, the provisions of article. this Now, therefore, Be it enactedbythe Senate and HoRepof the U.S.A. in Congressas sembled, That whenever the above recited amendment shall have becomepart of the Constitution of the U.S., and any State aforesaid lately in insurrection shall have ratified the same, and shall have modified its constitutionand laws in conformity therewith, and shall have Presented to Congress a constitution of governmentrepublican in form and not inconsistentwith the Constitutionand laws of the U.S. fr, aagned which shall secure equal and to all the male citizens of the U.S. 21 years of age resident therein, without distinction, of race or color, except such as may be disfranchised by reason of participation in rebellion or, for felony at common law, and which constitution shall have beenoby the ualified votersthereofas aforesaidand by Congress, the Sens&Reps from such, State, if found duly electedand qualified, may, afterhaving Ctaoknegnretshse required oaths of office, beadmitted into as such. Szc., 2. Abife:, That when any State lately in insurrection as aforesaid shall have ratified the foregoingamendment to any part the constitution of the direct tax under the act of August 5, 1861, which mayremaindueand unpaid in may be assumedand paid by such Statesu; cahnSdtatthee; payment thereof, upon proper assurances from such State to be given to the SecyTreasury of the U.S., may be postponed for a periodnot ioisnacts. ten years from and after the passageof Sec. 3, Abife:, That until said States shall be admitted to rePresentation in gressasherein provided, &c. ConIf this amendment be adopted it leaves the gentleman's bill to follow the words “herein provided” just as the gentleman Presents it. I did take some objection when the bill as reported by the gentleman was 1st before the House for discussion to the phraseology which was employed therein, and the House yesterday, in the passage of the bill known as the Louisiana act, recorded their vote against as. the theory adopted by the gentleman, that the States were foreign or domestic Territories. For that vote of the majority on that question, although, I could not approve the uisiana bill, I thank the majority of the House for declaring in that that Louisi ana is a State by iothe words therein “the State of Louisiana:” not the so calle State, not the conquered territory of Louisi ana, not a territory occupied by alien enemies and conquered by arms, but “the State of Louisiana.” The gentleman has so reformed his bill as to describe those States lately in rebellion by the words “late socalled confederate States.” Now, sir, the House having settled that question by a decisive vote yesterday, and the gen: Gentfrom Pennsylvania having so far changed his bill, I waive any further objection to his bill on that ground. Mr. Speaker, I respectfully ask attention to the importance of allowing the vote to be taken on the amendment proposed. Here is a bill the object of which, as I said when I had the honor of addressing the House before, meets my hearty approval, as I believe it meets the approval of others, in that it makes some provision by law to protect life and property in the disorganized States. It is the duty of Congress to provide such protection until constitutional State governments in accordance with the requirement of the Constitution of the U.S shall be established therein by the people. On that question I have no controversy with gentlemen; but, sir, I have some controversy with gentlemen who declare that, either by direction or indirection, Congress can make State constitutions for the people of any State of the Union. That is a power that belongs exclusively to the people of those States respect ively, and by their act alone can such constitutions of government be adopted, and not by act of Congress. The formation of a State government must be the voluntary act of the people themselves. I desire to give the people of those States, all the people thereof, an opportunity to exercise this right even in the Presence of that military rule which it is deemed needful to set up in their midst. To secure this privilege to the people is the effect of the amendment which I propose to the bill. The amendment is in accord with the grand imperishable words of the Declaration.: that all Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. The amendment buf reaffirms the words of that declaration. It secures to every male citizen of the U.S. over 21 years of age, resident within each of those States, and who may not by the laws thereof be disabled by reason of participation in rebellion or by having been guilty of a felony at common law, the privilege to vote and to have equal voice in the adoption of a constitution of .for themselves, to be Presented to congress for approval or rejection. I thought the gentlemen who favor the military bill would accord manhood suffrage, but it seems that the special champions of this bill are now for suffrage restricted and restricted to a minority of the people of a State, a large majority of.ominority being emancipated slaves, now happily free men, and about to be righteously.with the highest rights of citizens of the Republic. Has it, indeed, come to this, that gentlemen are not content to secure to the emancipated citizens of the republic the elective franchise, and all the rights of citizens and men, but by act of Congress insist farther by like act of Congress to secure to them even in a minority the whole political power of the State, and by like legislation compel the majority of white citizens to be their subjects for life? By the Louisiana bill, which you passed yesterday, you require that this shall be the law in Louisiana, and that the majority of white citizens in that State shall by coercion of the bayonet pay the expenses of the minority's administration. If the majority in that State will not consent to equal rights and equal justice to all, compel them to yield to the just government of the minority. To deny them the privilege even to do this right and just thing seems to me an act of tyranny. There is not, in my judgment, an emancipated slave in America that would ask any such legislation at your hands. These men only ask equal rights and equal protection. They ask that that decree of the people who saved the nation's life, and which, thank God, by the recorded legislative act of 20 rePresented States of this Union has become a part of the supreme law of the land, shall be enforced by act of Congress. That is all the freedmen ask, that is all that the great people authorize or require in this work of restoration. That decree is obeyed when in every State every man, being a citizen of the U.S., shall have equal rights and full and equal protection until he forfeits it by crime, and no person shall be denied the equal protection of the laws. “But, ” say gentlemen, “you do not want to allow rebels to vote, do you?” Certainly not while in rebellion; but those who were cue mies in war, but in peace friends and citizens, should vote. Why not? The Gentfrom Massachusetts [Mr. Hiroij says they will control the State. How? In what State are they in a majority except Louisiana? unless you include in your law of proscription and exclusion those who were friends of the constitution, but who in fact aided the rebellion under an enforced conscription. When we enfranchise, as I trust we shall, and as I propose to do, all the emancipated citizens of those States, will not the loyal men be in the majority, and can you not trust the majority? Is the principle of republican government, the right of the majority to govern, to be aban doned 2