Mr. STEWART. About the white mans Government I said that the idea should not be settled at; that it was a prejudice in the country that no man had a right to disregard; and I still say so. But I was goin on to explain that having come to the cone usion that this is the present attitude of Congress and of the country, and not having heard from the southern States upon the reosition, I think it but fair and just that the est terms Congress is willin to grant at this session should be submitte to the South for them to adopt voluntarily or to reject. This proposition avoids all the odious provisions which were attached to the other propositions that have been brought forward, in my estimation which appeared like coercion. It also avoids the long road of a constitutional amendment which must be contested upon northern battlefields before the South Will have an opportunity to be heard upon it. This, or something of this character, is the only proposition that can be heard in the South upon which they can pass during this session ofCongress. I do not pretend to be wedded to the particular provisions, but simpl to the generalproposition. I want it to conorm exactly to the sentiment of Congress. I want the South to have an opportunity to vote upon it without embodying in it any of the provisions which they regard as odious or coercive. After the proposition has been discussed, if they refuse to adopt it it will be time enough to consider other ropesitions; but until theydo refuse I thing it is unjust to take from them the right to decide for themselves. I will say furthermore. in presenting this proposition, that I find it to be in accord with the telegram sent by the POTUS to Judge Sharkey, which I am authorized to say Judge Sharke informs me is genuine. It corresponds in spirit with that dispatch, and I have no reason to believe, from what the POTUS has said heretofore, that he at all objects to it. I beg leave to read the dispatch referred to: Exsenrivn MsssioN. WASHINGTON, D. (3., Aumm 15, 1865. Governor WILLIAML. SHARKEY, Jackson.Mimluippi: I am gratifipd to seethat you have organsed our convention without dilficulty. 1 hope tlml in out this session. Vhat about that “white delay your oonyentiion will amendyour State constitution. abolishing s avery and denying tn all future Legislatures the powersto legislatethutth ore is erty propin man. Also, that they will adopt the nuiond iiinigensltatvoctrhye. Constitution of the U.S. esllblllsh to all franchise of the personsol color who can read the Constitution U.S.in English and write the irnames, and to all personsof color who own real estateval, uedat notle ss than and pay taxes thercon. you would completely disarm the adversary and set an example theother Stateswould follow. This you cal do with perfect safety and on thus place the southern States. in referenceto too personsof color upon the same basis With the frog States. I hope and trust your convention will do this and as a consequence, the radicals. who are wild upon negro fronckise. be completely will foiled in their attempts to cop the southern States from renewing their relationsto the Uuion byuotucooptmg their Sens&Reps. AndrewJohnson. President U.S. I will state that this letter was not sent to the convention for the reason that, as Judge Shar key understood, the convention had refused to receive communications from him upon such subjects, so that the question never was presented to the people oi1 that State or any other State. The resident it appears did not feel himself authorized to submit the question to the people, or to demand it as a condition, because it was not one of the issues made in the war. He confined himself to those issues. This was a question outside on which the people of the South have had no chance of passing. The resolution, it will be perceived, in terms proposes to confer equal suffrage upon all persons; that the same tests shall apply to all persons with one exception; that is, thnt persons who were entitled to vote in 1860under the laws of their respective States shall not under any circumstances be disfranchised. It leaves the States at liberty to fix an educational or property test that they may desire as regards other persons. That would apply to the young white population under 27 years of age as wcllas the colored population. Both would be placed precisely upon the same footing as to educational tests. It would be unfair now, I think to impose an educational test upon a man who had passed those years at which persons can with facility learn to read and write. This would place the young white men of the country as for as tests are concerned upon the some footiii with the colored people for all future time. f the States desire to establish an educational test, it would only apply to young white men who are now under the age of 27, an age at which people can readily learn to read and write. A test of that kind cannot be up lied under this resolwtion, thus excluding that mass of ignorance which all must confess would embarrass the operations of Government. At the same time it holds out the opportunity which appears to be desired on the part of the majority of congress that the negro may have an opportunity ultimately to be eufranchised. At all events it submits the whole question to the South for them to determine, and we disclaim by the resolution any desire to coerce them in so doing, The resolution also places before them distinctly the other questions that are not wholly settled as to the rebel debt, and as to any claim or compensation for the emancipation of their slaves. Let them pass upon these questions fairly. The resolution calls upon the rebels to vote upon these propositions. I am of opinion that the South cannot. be governed except by a majority of its people. I do not believe that one 10th can govern the rest of the people. In order to govern them they must necessarily resort to such arbitrary means as will destroy free government in the South. The majority must govern, and I think it but fair that we should give the rebels an opportunity to assent to this proposition, because believe that this is about the sense of the country. If they reject it, it will then be time enough for us to adopt further provisions and take another course. be me will then be pointed out to us; we shall then know the disposition of the South. It mox be that the South would rather make the rising generation stand upon an educational test With the colored population, if thereby the present generation could be excluded from disabilities and enabled to become citizens, to be Americans again. It maybe that the South will huil this proposition with joy. lf so I am confident that the North would gladly accept it. If the South adopt it, it will prevent al further agitation of this most embarrassing question; but if you force it without the consent of the people, if there is an attempt by faction to ru e in the matter, it may prove disastrous. If there is no middle groun of pacification it seems to me that civilWar is almost inevitable before the whole matter shall be closed up. Before we resort to any coercive means, to anything that may drench this country again in fraternal blood, I am desirous that this proposition, which I believe to embody the o inion of a majority of Congress, shall go to the southern States and be ratified or rejected by them. The proposition to them is certainly a very liberal one. It proposes to relieve them of all the pains and penalties incurred by them in consequence of their treason, and if they cheerfully adopt it, they can regulate their elective franchise so as not to impair their free institutions. I have assurances from which I believe the South will adopt it. I find it is in accord with the reeated sentiments of the press of the North. read an extract from Mr. Greeleys paper, the Trib une, the other day. I will again read it: “ Let it bedistinctly understoodif the whites oftho South are not representedin Congress it is because thqy deny the right of representation or power of selprotcction to the blacks." I say they have not had an opportunity to say whether they would or would not deny those rights; that the opportunity has never been extended to them; that the letter of the President which proposed substantially these terms did not reach them; that the people have never had an opportunity to vote upon them. The Tribune goes on: " Showus a single Statewhich admitsher blacks to vote on alike intellectual. educational. moral and pecuniary basiswith the whites and wewill urgoihe instant admission of the chosen representstivesof that State, t houghtheyheal] exrebo generalsof the mostobnoxious type." With this explanation, stating again that I do not attempt to give any opinion or commit my selfat all on the question of negro suffrage, introducing this resolution simply to submit what I believe to be the opinion of the majority of Congress voluntarily to the South, disclaiming in the resolution itself any idea of coercion, but simply wishing to submit it in order to avoid angry discussion here, and then to wait until there has been action there upon it; simply offering it for such a purpose, I move its reference to the committed on reconstruction.