Mr. HOWARD. I leave that question to the decision of the majority of the people of Colorado as the best test, as the most satisfactory rule for my conduct at present, especially as the number of that class of persons is so very small. I beg to say, however, and this I speak from my deepest convictions, that I think the time is not far distant when every citizen of the U.S., black or white, ought to be and will be admitted to the right of suffrage. I could wish it were Otherwise in the present case; I could wish that the people of Colorado in forming this constitution adseen fit to omit the word “white” as a qualifying provision before “person, ” in reference to suffrage, and I shall vote under the expectation that that generous and enterprising people who have one so much according to their numbers to u hold the Government of the U.S. during the late war will see to it hereafter that this error shall be corrected in their constitution, and that all persons, black and white, shall be permitted to vote in that State. I hope the same principle will be carried throughout the States, and that we shall all live to see the day I expect to live to see it, and at no ver distant period when there shall be no such distinction in respect to suffrage as “colored” or “white.” I believe that it is as much the right of the colored man to vote at an election as the white man; but still we must look to these matters in a practical sense; we must contemplate them as practical questions of legislation, and not as mere theoretical questions. But, sir, it is said that this constitution originated irregularly, without the sanction of law, and the Senfrom Indiana [Mr. HIxnnicas] has passed some severe criticisms on this feat ure of the case. I do not regard this constitution as having originated without law. I look upon the statute of 1864 as containing. asI before remarked, a pledge to the people of Colorado that they should come into the Union, as a pledge to them of the privilege of forming a State constitution, Congress having adjudged that their numbers were sufficient and that their situation at that remote point was such as to make it necessary and properthat they should form a State constitution and be admitted into the Union. It is very true that certain provisions of the act of 1864, relating to the proceedings to be taken in the territory, had lapsed and ceased to be operative in consequence of the lapse of time. In such a question as this, Mr. President, is the mere lapse of a few months time of such importance as to justify gentlemen in saying that Congress is under no obligation to the people of Colorado 1 We know very well that in all legal proceedings, even in proceedings of the most solemn character, where life itself is at stake in a court of justice, the court, in most cases, holds time to be merely immaterial; it is the substance of the thing to which the court looks; and it seems to me, in this case, it is the substance, it is the promise, the encouragement, the pledge which we in our sincerity held out to the people of Colorado, that ought to govern us, and )not the mere question of the lapse of time. Now, sir, I have not heard any complaint made that in the proceedings preliminary to the election of delegates to the convention that framed this constitution there was any fraud or unfairness whatever. The Senfrom Massachusetts has made no such allegation. He does not pretend, nor does any Senator pretend, that the mode of takin the vote was unfair, that there was any frau or corruption in the whole proceeding; and I take it that if Senators are I silent upon this, which would appear to be a very grave objection, it may O taken for granted that the proceedings were entirely fair; that although the constitution originated spon taneously with the people, and was carried forward by their consent until it finally became consummated in the form of a constitution, that is no reason whatever why we should disregard the constitution itself, or look upon it with suspicion. I have in my mind, sir, a precedent which may not be without its interest on this occasion. it is one relating to my own State. The State of Michigan organized itself under an act of the territorial government of the Territory of Michigan, and utterly without the sanction of Congress or any fundamental law, in the year 1835. It called a convention, which assembled, framed and adopted a State constitution, and that constitution was submitted formally to the vote of the people of the Territory in the fall of 183 5, if my memory serves me, and the people of the Territory assented to the constitution and ratified it. Subsequently, in 1836, Congress passed an act declarin that Michigan should be admitted into the nion as a State, provided a convention of her people should give their assent to a change of her boundaries on the southern border. The Senfrom Ohio, perhaps, is old enough to recollect that rather stirring controversy between his great and gigantic State and the little Territory of Michigan. The Territory of Michigan called a convention in pursuance of a regular territorial statute. That convention met and took into solemn consideration the proposition of Congress to assent to a change of bounda ries which striped us of several townships on our southern liorder, and decided that they would not consent to it; and the convention dispersed and went home. The Democratic urty, then entirely omni otent in the State, discovering that it might fie necessary in order to give strength to h