Mr. BROOMALL. Has any information been received by Congress or the country from the district lately in rebellion calculated to rebut the presumption that those whom the Government has conquered are still the enemies of the Government? GenlGrant has visited that country, and after aweek of investigation has given us as his opinion that the late rebels are seriously returning to their allegiance, that all disaffection is fast disappearing, and that. the people are about ready to be intrusted with their owu government. Now, with all due respect to that distinguished commander, I must be allowed to suggest that he was hardly the man to send upon such an errand. The Lieutenant Genera is probably the only map in America who, if mown in any contmunityin it, could by no possibility ascertain the sentiments of that community. Surrounded, as he doubtless was, by admirers. by tlatterers, bypoliticians, his chance of obtaining access to the common people and learning their sentiments was about as good as if he had made the tour he did inclosed in one of Herrings patent safes. Every man he met was interested in thinking as he thought, in pleasing him in return for the honorof his company. Would anyone differ in opinion from GenlGrant? Would he hear disoyalty, disaffection? What other conclusion could he come to than that, though there might be smoth cred treason somewhere, it was confined to the common people, the lower orders with whom he did not mingle? Carl Schurz has also made a tour of investigation among the defeated rebels. He labored under no such difficulties as those which surrounded GenlGrant. He was not inclosed miles deep with polite, obscquious, and hypo critical disloyalty. His report is before the country, and it by no means favors the experiment we are trying. He thinks Congress had better send one or more investigating committees into that country before intrusting its des tiny to conquered rebels. If there were no other difficulties in the way, can we intrust the negroes unaided to the rule of theirlate masters? If no new cause of disa greement had occurred between the 2 classes, what warrant have we for supposing that the dominant race would treat the servile one better than heretofore? and heretofore the for mer enslaved the latter, and madeita crime to speak of liberty within its hearing. It will be answered that slavery being abolished. a recurrence of that state of things isimpossible. This is true in words; but if we leave all power in the hands of the dominant. race, we will have done the negro little kindness in abolishing slavery. We will have abolished the duties of the slave holder while we will have preserved his power and his spirit, only transferring them from the individual to the mass. We will have left the negro a slave to the community, with no one man pecuniarily interested in his wellbeing. But a new cause of disagreement has arisen. In the girantic struggle through which we have passed, the negro has been on the side of the country and against his master. He sought our camps and offered his services at a time when we were base enough to. send him back to his master to he scourged and even under that treatment no Union spy or prisoner, no rebel refugee or deserter, ever threw himselfupon the protection of a negro and was betrayed. Loyal to a Government to which he owed nothing but chains; a Government which had authoritatively pronounced from its highest altar of justice that he had no rights which it was bound to respect; true when the hand that fed him and could crush him became false; shed ding his blood and leaving his bones on the most snnguinary battlefields, fighting, and falling when he fell, always on the side of loyalty, shall we leave him to the tender mercies of his and Our old enemies? I answer, without. his consent, never! What then? Shall we confer upon the negro the right of suffrage in the reclaimed territory? Certainly, if that will protect him. While I on tirely dissent from the opinion of my colleague i [Mr. KELLEY] that Congress, under the constitution as it now stands, can regulate the right. of suffrage in the States of the Union. yet I cannot doubt its power to do so in the DistCol, the Territories and in the country reclaimed from the rebellion. At one time the Democrats would have denied this power; but standing committed to the acts of the President in the conquered territory as they do claiming for him the right to organize States therein and fix the right of sutTrage by proclamation, it is hardly worth while to inquire what possible power they could consistently deny to the President and Congress united. In short, the Government of the U.S. above all other duties owes it to itself and to humanity to guard the rights of those who. in the midst of rebellion, periled their lives and fortunes for its honor, of whatever caste or lineage they be. These people have common cause. In the darkest day of our countrys trial. when treason within and treason without waited only to shake hands over the grave of the Republic. the loyal men of the North demanded the aid of the negro as a soldier. He came amid the sneers of polished disloyalty and the curses of unpolished. He shared the danger and the victory. Now the loyal men of our own lineage in the Southyare asking the aid of the negro to confront pardoned but unrepentant traitors at. the ballotbox. Again the sneers and curses of polished and unpolished disloyalty are brought mtorcquisition. But shall the request bedenied? It is within the possible future that the loyal white men and the loyal black men, working side by side, will yet reconstruct the South on the basis of equal rights to all men, not only before the law, but in that which makes the law, thrusting out of the way those abortions assumingtobe States, the hybrid products of the most corrupt elements of northern and southern society. Finally, it remains for me to answer the question with which I set out, for myself and in my own way. I am willingto try these new organizations long enough to show either that they are or are not capable of protecting the interests of all classes, holding them subject to the controlling legislation of Congress, to be used to prevent or correct abuses. lf the experiment should run through an entire decade. if these people should be 40 years in the wilderness, no evil can result to the South or the country. Almost all oflocal government may be carried on in these organizations as in the States. congross, it is true, will lose the services of such men as represented that country in 1861, but Congress can afford to do this. During this experiment these people will be taxed by the U.S. without. their consent; but this is a small punishment for so enor mous a crime as that. which broughtupon them this state of things. They taxed as without our consent, both in blood and money, for 4 long years. In the mean time let the constitution be so amended that a representative from SCarolina will not be elected by a 4th of the number of electors required for one from Pennsylvania; so that if the negro of the South must be counted as a political element in the Union he shall casthis own vote, and not have it cast by his antagonistic and probably disloyal neighbor. If the experiment shallrcsulttn favor of these organizations, I propose that they be constituted States of the Union by act of Congress. If, as is much more likely. they shall prove unable or unwillingto protcctthe interests of all classes, and especially of those who never voluntarily rendered aid or comfort to the rebellion. then Congress should thrust them aside as the president did their predecessors, and create new States by the votes and voices of the loyal men of the South only, forever excluding the active and willing traitors. But under no circumstances will I consent to erect any such community into a State of the Union as long as standing armies are needed in that communit to re serve the public peace and collect e public revenue.