Mr. WILSON. Mr. President, the Senfrom Pennsylvania tells us that he, in the future, more t on he has in the past, shall resist certain measures here. I have not a doubt of what he will do in the future, and I have not any doubt but that the same result will happen in the future as has happened in the past, that his counsels will not be the counsels ot the senate. The Senator invokes the Constitution. Every time a question came up hero touch me Slavery, or slaves we had his interpretation of the constitution dinned into our unwilling ears. I take it, we are quite as capable of interpreting the constitution, or of understanding it, as the Senfrom Pennsylvania. I do not know what right he has to come into this Chamber and make pretensions to interpret that instrument to other Senators. It is not the constitution that we object to; we believe in that quite as much as the Senfrom Pennsylvania; but it is to that Senators construction of the constitution to which we object. The Senate has not believed in it in the past, and I venture to say it will not be guided by it in the future. What right has that Senator to rise here today, as he has done, and hold the constitution of his country in his hand, and speak to us as thoughhe was o. marshall, a Story, or a Webster, and that we were children to sit at his feet and accept without hesitation his construction of the Constitution? I do not acknowledge such a right on his art. He is not my teacher, nor the teacher of the rest of us. He has his opinions. I am ever ready to give to those opinions due consideration; but when he comes into the Senate and arraigns the rest of us for want of fidelity to our oaths, I ask him by what authority he does it. God and nature never intended that he should teach the Senate of the U.S. as one having authority. But the Senator is pleased to tell us that during this war he has had to carry us along. He carry us along! Why sir, there is hardly a measure that we have advocated during the war that received his sanction. The Senator talks about the antislavery societies. I said nothing of antislavery societies. I spoke of that great organization ralling around living ideas that made Abraham Inncoln POTUS in 1860 and again in 1864. 99 out of every 100 of the men of that organization think as we think here, and have been with us through the war, and are with us now. When we hesi State, they are behind us pointing out the path of duty and bidding us walk therein. The Senator tells us that the soldiers put down this rebellion; of course they put down the rebellion. Wepnt 180,000 black men into the field to hel em to do it. The Senator opposed it; he thought that putting arms in the ds ofblack men would weaken us. In fact, nearly all the great leading measures to weaken slavery and to strengthen the country were o posed by the Senator; and he tells us now that if he were to stand by the side of Jeff. Davis in his dying hour, Davis would whisper into his ear that it was this antislavery sentiment, this to slavery here, that banded togetheo rpposition is men in the South and enabled him to continue the contest! We have heard that assertion often enough, and there is not the shadow of a shade of truth or reason in it. It served its purpose, and it is quite time it was abandoned. very vote given in this Senate, every act passed by Congress that weakened slavery or emancipated a slave, weakened the rebellion and strengthened the country; and history will so pronounce. That is the verdict of the nation today, and the Senator himself may think so at sometime;I hope he will advance farenough along for that. Sir, you will find that just as the idea pervaded the rebel States that slavery was a lost institution, just in that proortion they gave up the hope of triumph and yielded. Let me say to the Senator that if he should stand by the side of Jeff. Davis at his dyin hour, if he should be Daviss confessor, an Davis should make a confession of that character, the great rebel willbe more mistaken than he has been in all the 6 past years of his life, which have been one grand mistake. There is not a semblance of truth in it. It was only on Saturday evenin that one of the most learned men of the Sout came to see me, and he gave me this statement: believing in secession, believing in slavery, he left the country, sto ped for a time in one of the West India islan s on his way to Canada. He found the ffeedmen thereliving comfortably, and he began to change his opinion about emancipation. He went to Halifax. There he foun the colored people free and prosperous, and he became impressed with the fact that these people could prosperin freedom. He came to this conclusion, and he went to Richmond, after his return home, and urged upon the government that as slavery was to o down there was no need of the war continuing any longer; that the object for which they were fighting was lost; that if slavery was a lost cause, there onght riot to be 2 nations on this continent. that statement of the distinguished gentleman, who is known through out the country for his learning and accomplishments, is the statement of a truth that pervaded the whole southern mind. They went into rebellion to make slavery eternal; they found that by our legislation, by our determination, by the policy of the Administration, which the Senator in Pennsylvania generally op osed, slavery was perishing, that it was to go own, and then they realized that the cause of the confederacy was lost, and they had better give up the hope less contest. I remember being in the room of Mr. Lincoln when an eminent American just returned from abroad was presented to him. He said to Mr. Lincoln, “I have spent many months in England and France, and I come to tell you that your proclamation ofemancipation has prevented the "recognition of the coufederacy by enland and France.” Mr. Lincoln replie, “I now that to be true.” and yet that great measure, that prevented the recognition of the confederaey by those 2 powerful nations; that great measure that strengthened us in Europe beyond human calculation; that eat measure that struck the 1st great blow at t iis rebellion, was opposed by the Senfrom Pennsylvania and these gentlemen who undertake to arrai 1 us now an to arrest the consummation of the great work of complete emancipation. I say to you, sir, what is true, that we who have stood by this policy of destroying slavery alter slavery had raised its bloody hand against our country, we who broke it down wherever we could reach it, contributed, as far as legislation could go, and as faras the public voice Could go, toweaken the rebellion and strengthen the country and our brave soldiers in the field, partaking of our spirit, believing as we believed, 4 htths of them believing in the cause of liberty, trampled the rebellion own under the iron heel of war. If we had had no rebellion we should have had now no emancipation; but sir, it was the sentiment of the country, of the Christian men of the country, the men who love liberty, standing up and resisting the aggressive policy of slavery, which made that war of ideas that finally came to the warof arms, and in the contest the country has been made a free country and slavyery has perished forever. There are evils now to be corrected; there are rights to be secured; and it is our duty, the country and God impose it upon us, to do in the future as in the past, to take the amplest guarantees for the liberties of the poor, the wea, and the lowly, and the amplest guarantees for the security of the future peace and glory of our country. Although the Senator speaks of the intense spirit of iatred toward tie Southz I say, for myself, and I would say it if I were in the presence of Almighty Go, that I never ha one sentiment of hostility or hatred toward the people of the rebel Statesniot even during this loody war. I have looked upon Davis and his compeers as the mere han s of the rebellion. I have believed slavery to be its brain, its heart, its soul. Standing as the advocate;of human rights, as one of the humblest of the men who were u. boldin their country and the cause of liberty, have fe t charity toward those people; and all I ask of them now is security for fthe future. I want universal justice, universal libert, and then I am for amnesty to all. I would I say it in all conscience here today; hiave those rebel States s eedily comeback again nd fill these seats with 1 their chosen leader find although they might not vote with me, or ove me, or love what I loye, I would tijust to the future, to the healing influence oftime, and I will meet them everywhere with kindness and treat them as I would crring brethren of my Fathers household. But, sir, I insist upon it, the country will insist upon it, that we shall not geril one single right of the poorest man that treads the sail of the country. This position I shall maintain; for I would rather have the thanks of one poor black boy away down in the depths of Carolina, that I may never see and never know; than to receive the compliments of the proudest man in the land who would take away or impair the rights of the poorest of the sons or daughters of toil.