Mr. BEAMAN. Mr. Speaker, in the adop mation of a pretended confederacy with pretensions to sovereignty—stops preliminar to the war—the seceding States contemplate a final separation; and during the consequent hostilities the rebels rejected all terms of arrangement and composition and all suggestions tor peace not based upon an acknowledgment of their independence. They ridiculed the proposition to conquer and reduce them to obedience to the Constitution and laws, and in this they were countenanced by the Democratic party. Many of the members of that party declared the Union already destroyed. hough hostile armies had been raised, and the forts and other property of the U.S. were about to be seized, James Buchanan, then occupying the executive chair, in his annual message to congress, in December, denied the right "to coerce a State into submission which is attempting to withdraw or has actually withdrawn from the Confederac;” and on a later day another dis tinguished democrat, who afterward, pending the struggle of arms, became the candidate of his party for the 2nd office in the gift of the people, “would signalize their (the rebels de parture by tokens of love,” and “wool bid them fareWell so tenderly that they would forever be touched by the recollection of it." Prominent leaders of that party shamelessly proclaimed the inability of the Government to repress the rebellion, and not a few admitted that the wish was father to the thought. During the entire war Democratic members of this House voted against laws for arming the country and against appropriations necessary for carrying on the Government. These gentlemen, notwithstanding the fact that the rebels had commenced hostilities, denounced the prosecution of the war on our art as unnecessary cruel, and unchristian. lhey anathema tized our late martyred President as a despot and usurper. They applied the most opprobrious epithets to our present Chief It agis traits; and they neglected no opportunity to attempt to make the great Union party, which was struggling to preserve the nation, odious in their own country and infamous abroad. Yet, during all that terrible struggle the Union party, composed of Republicans and loyal Dem ocrats, sought only the salvation of the country; and they exhibited a degree of firmness coustanc, courage, and energy that astonishe the worl. Their unchangeable purpose was the preservation of the Government and the enforcement of the laws. Their constant motto was, “The Uniou,itmust,itshall be preserved. ” They struggled against southern traitors and northern sympathizers, and they risked all in the defense of their country. Finally, victory crowned their efforts. That monstrous and unnatural rebellion has been repressed, the rebels have been disarmed, and the pro hecies, not to say wishes, of their sympathizers have proved to be futile. I have referred to these facts, familiar to us all, in order that we may take a correct survey of the present field of action. What now is the proposition? Why, it is to admit without delay these traitors direct from the field of bat tle, with fresh blood upon their hands; with the odor ofFloreuce and andersonville prisons upon their garments; with the anathemas of dying Union men, women, and children upon their heads; with unrepented treason in their hearts, and words of disloyalt on their lips; with per ury on their souls, an with immortal hate and itteruess toward the Government, to repre sentation in these Halls, where they may attempt to accomplish by political skill and dark intrigue what tiey failct to do by the sword. Sir, when we look back upon upon those 5 long years of horror, of carnage, and of death; and when, casting our eyes over the country, we see half a million fresli graves, the legit imate fruit of treason and rebellion, watered by the tears of a proportionate number of wid ows and orphans; and when we remember that, true to their proclaimed determination, the rebels literally resisted until they reached the last ditch, some of us are startled at the bold ness, if not recklessness, of this proposition, and desire time for reflection and investigation before taking a step that may be followed by consequences of the most painful and disastrous character. We would also obtain, by constitutional amendment or otherwise, some guarantee for future good conduct before consenting to place such men in power. I believe these views are, certainly they have been, in accordance with the sentiments of the country. Those were noble words uttered by AndrewJohnson, in the Senate of the U.S., January 31, 1862: “The leadersof rebellion have decreedeternalsep aration betweenyou and them. Those leadersmust be conquered and a newset of men brought forward who are to vitalizo and develop the Union feeling of the South." and the heart of the nation was electrified and strengthened when, on the 8d day of April, 1866, that same AndrewJohnson declared— “That treason must be made odious and traitors must be impoverished, their social power broken. though they must be madeto feel the penalty of their crime. The same speaker continues: “ We have put down these traitors in arms: lot us put them down in law, in publicjudgment and in the morals of the world." and when the nation itself was prostrate and pdaralyzed by the death of its assassinated Chief agistrate, who had acquired the love and confidence of all patriots, itwas suddenly revivified, reassured, and lifted up by the utterances ofyour President, made April 18, 1865, in an “indication of” his “future policy," wherein he declared— "That the American peoplemust be taught. if they do not iilready feel. that treason is a crime and must be punished. “That what may be mercy to the individual is cruelty to the State." These utterances met the cordial approbation of the loyal North. But now, for entertaining such prudential sentiments and convictions, we are called to an account and denounced as fanatics, disunionists, and opponents of the Administration. Indeed, it is charged that we are opposed to a restoration of the Government, the resum )tion of the arts of peace and the cul tivation of friend] relations among the various sections and people of the country. Sir, who are the men that have suddenly sprung up to be our aceusers? Who are the now foremost in demanding representation or traitors and proclaiming that the Union is completely re stored? Where did they stand when bills were pending for raising an army for the defense of our firesides? Where were they when appropriations were made for feeding and clothing the soldiers in the field? Whatdid they say and do when a Vallandigham was arrested and banished the country for advising soldiers to desert their national colors? What was their langnage when the writ of habeascorpus was suspened in order to restrain the treasonable acts of secret ene mies? vWhat did they do but denounce as vile slanders the charges against rebels of starving Our noble soldiers in southern prison pens? Sir, these are the same men who, in 1862 and 1863. cried for once at the expense of nationality; who dec ared the war a failure; who said the Union was already destroyed; who denounced the Adminstration and palli ated the monstrous crimes of traitors and mur derers; while we, undismayed by traitors on either side and undaunted by the mischances of war, devoted our energies to the roseeution of the war and the restoration of the Governmentnt in all its parts, protesting at all times that nota foot of American soil should ever be taken from us. Sir, itdoes not become the Democratic party and their allies in the rebel States to charge us with the desi n of preventing an early restoration of law and or or and a complete union of the States. There is nothing else on this side of the grave that I so ardent y desire to see as a complete Union of all the parts 5nd people of our land, thoroughly cemented and woriin harmoniously on the basis of justice and universal liberty. But in view of the uni vzrsnl grief that has settled upon the people, equal to the sorrow that fell upon Egypt when death seized upon the 1st born of every house hold; in view of the devastation visible in many portions of the country and mindful of the in describable sufferings that the people have en— dured during the last live ears, I am not willing that the people of t ie seceded districts shall participate in sha in the affairs of the GOvernment until they 5 nl have given us some evidence and guarantee of good faith and earnest fidelity. These Democrats, who alittle time since would let their aggrieved southern brethren depart. in peace, and who declared the Union dissolved, have suddenly discovered that the country is in tact and that the States are all now moving harmoniously in their respective orbits. They have. as in the twinkling of an eye. become the assumed champions of that Administration which they were so lately vilifying, and they even conescend to give us lessons of instruction in regard to our duty toward that Administration that we in spite of their opposition placed in power and the threaten us with the indignation of the people, who they say are clamorous to have these seats lately vacated by traitors once more filled by occupants of the some stock. Do ntlemen who make these statements flatter themselves that the people are impatient to hear once more the voice of JeffersonDavis or of John C.Breck inridge in the other end of the Capitol Y Think you, sir, that the widowed wife or the bereaved father, who nightly dreams of seein the fam ished husband or son lying in the filth of An dersonville prison, and who is ever and anon startled into wakefulness by the fancied cry for food or pure water, is sighing for the speedy return to this Hall of the demon who connived at his death by the slow but sure and torturing process of starvation? Though such crimes may have been forgiven they have not been forgotten. Have the people any evidence of repentance for such flagitious crimes? If so, what is it? Does it appear in the daily conversation, in the public speeches, in the halls of legislation, or in the press of the South, the burden of all which is “ ajnst butlost cause 7” Does it appear in the elections, where wounds and scars received in an attempt to overthrow the Government are alone suffijcient passports to office? Does it consist in the daily murders of Union men in the districts lately in rebellion? Is it shown in the undisguised bit terness and hate toward the Government in those regions everywhere prevalent 2 Is it man ifest in the disposition to extinguish the very existence of every man who during the war was found faithful among the faithless, and who was content to wander in the mountains and to find shelter in caves rather than be compelled to raise his arm against his Government? Is this repentance conspieuous in their fiendish treatment of that unortunate race who kissed the rod that smote them, and despite the oppression and fiendish cruelties of 200 years became the sheet anchor of the Governmentnt amid the terrible storm in which it was enveloped, though by that Government, during all that dark night of sighs and groans and tears, theirsupplications had remained unheard and unanswered? Sir, the people of the North are a wise and Christian people. The mourn the victims of assassination, and they eel the ressure of taxation. But they are merciful an forgiving,and delight not in the flowing of blood. Wit you and with me they ray for peace and a restored Government, but they do not desire to see their political interests again in the hands of disloyal men. They know that now is the accepted time, that now is the day of salvation. They know that there is now an opportunity to establish our political system on a permanent basis of liberty and justice, and that if we fail to cm. brace it the golden moment will have escaped for years. if not forever. They see that we have reached acrisis in our afiairs. Today the way ward States are subject to our control, and we may enforce order and require justice. Recognize their status as States, and admit them to representation in Congress with their present disloyal temper and isposition, and the outlays in life and treasure of the last 5 years will have been incurred in vain. Mr. Speaker, it is said that Tennessee is an exceptional case, and that she should stand on her own mefits unprejudiced by the condition of other States. Let us, then, look to the condition of Tennessee and endeavor to ascertain whether she is entitled to recognition as a State if this Union and to representation on this oor. Prima flme, Tennessee is disloyal. She adopted an ordinance of secession and went into the rebel confederacy. Since the 4th of March, 1863, she has been without representation in either House of Congress. At the time of the surrender of the last of the rebel armies the greater portion of her population. were actiye y hostile to the Federal Government. It is true that her people have been dis armed; but is there any evidence of their change of heart? It is said that the new government OP Tennessee is composed of loyal men. This I do not den. But I do not concede that because the nob c—hearted Governor Brownlow and his associates are loyal that it follows as a natural corollary that Tennessee is fit to be recognized and re presented as a State. That, I think, would e assuming for truth what ought to be proved. It is what is sometimes called “a egging of the question.” But. as Governor Brownlow and his associates constitute the government for which gentlemen urge an early admission, we may tor the present waive an examination of flying tourists and the manufacturers of common fame and listen to what these gentlemen have to say; premisin, however, that as they, above all others, have a direct personal interest in the earliest prac ticable and safe. restoration of the State to its complete standing in the Union, we cannot reasonably suppose that they will attempt to make the condition of affairs in Tennessee appear worse than it really is. On the 9th of January last certain gentlemen claiming to constitute a large majority of the State central committee of the Union party of Tennessee,” addressed a memorial “ to the honorable congressional comReconstruction,” in which they say: “That in the sprringof 186labout 40,000 of the voters of ennesseomade up their minds to adhere to the flamot their count in spite of the tor nado of treason that swept the late and carried it into the vortex of rebellion. Theyconslituted less than 1/3rd of the voting population of the and far less of its wealth an political intlneSntcaete., “More than 25,000 of our numbers. loaving their homes and families to be pillaged and abuse. traveling through mount ains or swampsby night and hiding in t iokcts by day to evade a nrsuing and murderous enemy, escapedto the Fe oral lines and without bounty or other inducementsenrolled themselvesasUnion soldiers. They have returned totheir hornetflromairal lant and by goody service to find, in many instances, their homes in ruins their property gone and their families abused.insulted or outraged and it must added that in many instances these victorioul heroesof the national cause are not permitted to re main at their homes in peace or if permitted they are crippled in business and politically and socially outlawed. The dosigns of the great secessionmajority of Tennesseemay have been changed bythe evoatsof the war and so mayhave beentheir opinions of the own strength and of the strengthof the Governmon but unlessyour memorialisls areatly misundemtan them their sohtiments. sympathies and pasions promain unchan ed. They welcome pence becausethey are disabled from making war; they submit because they can he longer resist: the accept results they cannot reiect; and professloya ty because they have a halter around their necks." “These memorialists further say: Whether we regard it as our former stategover nment restored,or as a new governmentRiven to us by the power of the nation is iminaterial. as it has been compelled at every step to lean upon the strong arm oftho national authority forsupport. The action of the convention was submitted to the votes of the loyal people and by means of the strong will of the military governor and a rigid test oath and because the election was not recognized by the disloyal, it was nearly unanimously adopted. securing over 20,000 votes many of the Union men being in the rebel lines at the time. It further appears from this memorial that “the convention of February,” in order to keep the power of the State in loyal hands, attempted to provide — “ For a formal disfranchisement of [by] conferring upon the 1st Legislature the power to limlt the elective franchise. far the legislation on this subject has been nuantlsfaotory und ineffectnal.Indeed, many of the membersare utterly unequnl to the task and yielding to the influence and dreading the power of numbers, shrink from its performiince. A suffrage law was passedat the spring session, the result of compromise and doubtful in its terms easily evaded and practically defective. By means of repeated proclamations by the Governor, telegraphic orders from the President, end the aid of the military, partial executiononly of the law was obtained. So do ective iwtas the execution of tho law by the officersto whom was intrusted. that the Governor was constrained to declare the Au ust.election totally void in 29 counties in.t eState. An attempt Wlll be made at the present session to pass ill! amendedsulTrnge law. but it is doubtful whether any effectual dislriin chiseuientcan pass and still moredoubtful whether, ifpnmed. it can be executed.even with the presence of the military; certainly. such a law cannot be executed if the supervising power of the General Government should be discontinued. In short, your meine rialists anticipate that at the 1st general lection the entire civil and judicial power of the State must pass into the hands of these who have so long oppressedthem and madeactual war upon them." Those memorialists further allege that they are citizens of the State, and “ not driven to, consult tourists nor correspondents for information;” that they “speak not from hearsay or report, but as witnesses admissible in court;” that “ the predominant feeling of those lately in rebellion is that of deep seated hatred, amounting in many cases to a spirit. of revenge toward the white Unionists of the State;” that the rebel party in the State “is every do be coming more and more compact and powa iil;” that “ it has 5 wellsustained and ably edited daily newspapers in Memphis, 4 in Nash ville, one in Knoxville, and a weekly in each of the im. ortantvillages;” that this party consists “ O over 2/3rds of the white men of the State;” and that “free from restrictions upon suffrage, they will probably cast 90,000 votes in the State.” After making many other statements in reference to the condition of Tennessee, quite as pregnant and striking as any that I have quoted, they utter an appeal for protection, and — “They pray that the Governmentwill not forsake them by withdrawing its direct agencyin our [their] lfiairs. Thereby delivering them to their tormentors." This earnest invocation from our persecuted brethren and loyal fellow citizens is suggestive of the groans of the Britons, and reminds us of the misfortunes of that unhappy people when they made that touching appeal. to Rome for protection against those barbarians, the fierce Picts and Scots, who were pressing them into the sea; and in fact there is some analogy between the cases. The rebels pursue the loyal Tenuesseeans With wrongs an instruments of assassination, while we refuse to take them under the protection of the Federal Government, but turn them back and hand them over to the tender mercies of the rebels. It is true that the memorialists do say “that they desire to be represented in Congress,” but they are ca“reIfful to add that— our form of government is such that to admit our Regresentatives to seatsi n Congrcsws ill compel the WM drnwal of the supervising control of the national Government over our internal affairs, thereby insuring the ascendencyof the rebel majority, your memorialists prefer,and they are sure the loyal people of the Stateprefer, to live in a territorial condi on, and even under military goVerument." I regret that I have not time to read the entire memorial. It is clear in its statements, replete with facts, and throws a flood of light upon the condition of affairs in Tennessee, and ought to be read by every man in the country. But it has been attempted in some quarters to throw discredit upon the testimony of these memorialists and I will therefore produce the action of the Senate of Tennessee in support of their statements. I ask the Clerk to read the following pro ceedings of that body, which I find reported in Brown ows Knoxville Whig of the date of February 7.