Mr. ROGERS. Mr. Speaker, it is some what refreshing to me at least, and no doubt to the other members upon this side of the House, to find that there are gentlemen here who, while they disagree with us politically, have a disposition to have this question which has agitated the country so seriously for 5 or 6 years quieted and settled. I think there are serious objections to the passage of a law of this kind, not only upon grounds of polic but of legal import. If the passage.P. a law be not strictly and technically within the meaning of the Constitution an expostfacto law, it is certainly a retroactive law. It will be a law against the genius of this Republic, against the spirit of our institutions. It is one that in former times has never been countenanced. Our fathers framed this law directly after the Revolution, when they had been guilty within the technical meaning of the English law of the very same identical offense of which the people this bill is intended to reach were guilty. Although the cause in which our fathers were engaged is considered by the people of this country as one of more import in character and entitled to more respect and consideration which it undoubtedly was, as it was the noblest act of mankind yet if the rebellion in which they were engaged had failed they would undoubtedly have been liable to the same rules of conviction according to the laws of England that are now attempted to be inscribed upon the statute book of this country. As was well said by the honorable Gentfrom Pennsylvania, [Mr. STEveNs, I an offense of this character does not partake of the nature of a crime. It does not partake of the character of assassination, murder, rob bery, or theft. It has not that moral turpitude annexed to it that attaches to crimes not of a political character, and which are denomi nated by the law malum in se; and we know that in all ages of this earth, from the remotest times since Governments have been 1st known, and especially since the 1st, formation of F. reand they have been known for several 100 years, there have been rebellions, tumults, and commotions of the same kind and character as the one which we are now providing to punish. The wisdom of ages has taught those who have gone before us that a spirit of charity and leniency is better for the advancement of a republic and even of a monarchy, by dealing with men who have only been guilty of political crimes in a charitable Idalinier. Sir, I feel that the time has come when the }." of this country should turn their hearts from the blood and strife of war to the blessing of peace in this land; peace not by recurring to vengeance and passion, but to the instrumentalities by which this Government was 1st established; instrumentalities which were devised in the spirit of a conscientious belief in the wisdom, fraternal regard, and affection which actuated our fathers in the formation of the law. There ought not to be visited upon the people of the South any vengeance. They have exhibited a most magnanimous spirit. I am astonished at their magnanimity and meekness. I think the time has come when we should legislate as well for the benefit of the South as of the North. From the reason and justice of the case and the general definition of expostfacto, it strikes me that this is an expostfacto law, because the legal meaning of such a law is that you can pass no law after the crime has been committed that places the defendant in more jeopardy than he was in at the time of or directly after the commission of the act. Everyone must see that those persons who it is claimed have committed treason will be placed in more jeopardy by the removal of the limitation, because as time goes on the jeopardy increases. Our fathers knew perfectly well the nature of the offense of treason. They had gone through a mighty rebellion. They had protested against the tyranny and despotism of King George, and they knew the necessity of quieting offenses of a political character as soon as possible consistent with the interests of the nation. 18 months having elapsed since peace was proclaimed why should we undertake to legislate against the people of the South in such manner as to induce common informers to seek their blood through the H. of a generations life, and to worry and arass a brave and courageous people who are now subdued and pleading for justice and mercy at our feet? Why should we under take to break up and destroy the commercial relations which ought to exist between the K. of the South and the people of the orth, and to intimidate the people of the South, and declare them subject to the penalties of treason, although they have received the benefit of the amnesty and pardoning power of the President, and to place them in danger of being under the control of a despotic congress at any time hereafter, who as now may by the impulse of crazy fanaticism be found for their blood? We are told by the gentleman who reported this bill that one of the objects of offering it is to frustrate and destroy the pardoning power which the President in his magnanimity, generosity, goodness of soul, and Christian conduct has seen fit to dispense to the down trodden and fallen people of the South. I want no such impediment in his way. When he came into power he found ten million people guilty before the law. He did as every other human man would have done as I believe the Gentfrom Pennsylvania [Mr. STEVENs] would have done, judging from his remarks of yesterday he extended his pardoning power over the great mass of the people who had been engaged in the rebellion, and by law that pardon. that amnesty relieve them from all the part they took in the rebellion, and the consequences of their crime, as has been well said by the gentleman who preceded me, [Mr.JENcKEs.] Statutes of limitation have been particularly favored in this country, and there is no reason now why this old landmark of the Government, this old principle which was established by our fathers just after the close of the Revolution, should be overridden and subverted by this Congress. I tell you, gentlemen, that the time has come when you should look to the interests of the whole country; when all of us should desire to see all the seats in this Hall filled by Representatives from every State in this Union. The object of the war, as I understood it, was to restore the Union, and I want the principles of justice and liberty laid down in the fundamental lines of the Constitution to be adhered to by this House.