Mr. SLOAN. I have alread spoken much longer than I intended, and shall be through in a short time. I prefer not to be interrupted now. The only argument against the proposition which I shall offer that I have ever heard, possessing an weight in my judgment, was advanced by the Gentfrom Maine, [Mr. Burnt1] and was conclusively answered by the Gentfrom NewYork, [Mr. Consume] hat argument was, that there might be some inequality in the representation of the respective States. We all know that the young men of the old States go outin large numbers to settle in the new States and Territories, while the women and children do not emigrate to so great an extent, and hence there would be alarger number of voters in the new States in proportion to population than in the old and yet this is a considemtion which, in my judgment, ought not to wei h a hair with any member on this floor. It won (1 be only a temporary inequality. In the rapidly increasin settlement and in the natural increase of po uation of our new States, that inequalit won d very soon be entirely swept. away. believe the difference today between Massachusetts and Wisconsin would be very slight, if any, so rapid has been the increase of our population an the settlement of our State. We are now proposing to adopt an amendment to the constitution which we expect to stand for all time, and any temporary inequality which could continue but for a few years ought not to have any weight and when the Gentfrom NewYork [Mr. Coxnmxo.) showed by his table of statistics that the ins qualit is so small that it will have no appreciable in uence upon the practical operation of the principle, the answer I decline to yield for the directly, and so is conclusive and I beg gentlemen of this i House, in considering this question, to come directly up to the true principle. If we are to amend the Ceiistitution of the U.S. to accomplish a certain object, which I think we all agree inat least all on this side of the House that is, that these States lately in rebellion shall yield 1up the political power which they are now entitled to exercise in this Government, or shall adopt the republican principle of enfranchising the people of those States Without regard to race or color; that they shall give into the hands of the people that political power which is conferred upon them by the Constitution of the U.S., or shall cease from exercisin it, we must do it in plain, direct, and absolute terms, by sayin that those who are authorized to vote, who elect representatives to this House, and they alone, a nail constitute the basis of representation. We shall then have a guarantee against any further restrictions which exclude white men from the elective franchise, and an impelling motive which will ultimately break down the restrictions founded on prejudice of color or race, which cannot be eva ed, or by any device oringenuity defeated. As the Gentfrom NewYork proved very conclusively yesterday, in the very able speech which he made, we should adopt the principle that those who are not fitted by character and intelligence to exercise political rights at home, shall not swell the political power of those who wholly monopolize the exercise of political rights. Look at the practical operation of the question we are diseussin toda. In the State I represent there are 800,000 free white people loyal to the constitution, who have done their whole duty in sustaining their Government during this terrible war. The bones of our soldiers are moldering in the soil of every rebel State. They have stood around our flag in the deadl hail of every battle of the war. The State o Wisconsin lins 6 Representatives on this floor. SCarolina has 300,000 white inhabitants, disloyal, who have done all in their power to overthrow and destroy the Government, and yet, sir, under the constitution as it now stands, the 300,000 disloyal white inhabitants of SCarolina will exercise as much political powerithe Government as the 800,000 loyal people of the State of Wisconsin. The question as to whether we shall amend the constitution so as to make a loyal man at least equal to a disloyal one in political rights and power, is, in my judgment, too plain to admit of argument. The same principle lies at the basis of both of these propositions. Which shall we adopt? I ask the House to do it directl, to say that the basis of representation shal be those to whom political rights are ventbat highest privilege of free men, the rightto voteto those who help elect the officers who govern this country. I have yet heard no argument which seems to me of any weight against the proposition which I have advocated, while there are many, some of them, I think, unanswerable, to the proposition reported by the committee. When had the honor of introducin this proposition at the commencement of the last session of the 38th Congress, itthen met with seemingly very little favor, but now there seems to be an almost entire unanimit on the part of the members of this House in avor of a opting this principle. Let us adopt it like men. Do not ct us have any circumlocution about it. The object of all is to narrow the basis of Representation as the number of those who exercise political rights in the States is narrowed, and to widen the basis of representation as the number of those who are enfranchised is wi dened. That is clearly the object of all the propositions made, and the avowed purpose of all who advocate them. Let us, then, say so nt the provision in the constitution that no evice, noingenuity can evade l or defeat its practical effect. Then eve State must make its system of elective franc ise as bread as the political power which it desires to exercise in the Government.