Mr. HENDRICKS. Idid not understand my colleague as being in favor of somebod goin and shooting them without authority. I am discussing the question whether he can, as a Senator here, say, “The President has been too lenient, he has not tried enough men, and I will not consent to his policy for the restoration of these States until there is more blood shed.” I deny thatproliosition. If these States are here clothed With the rights of States, and their Senators come here With the proper cer tificates showing their election, neit ier my colleague nor any other Senator, in my judgment, has the right to say to these States, ” Go back until some felons are executed.” Sir, the POTUS has shown a great deal oflenicncy. When he came into power I was afraid that the extreme would be the other way. Consider the difference of position between the Senators on this floor, who criticise the President on this question, and the President himself. I say with all kindness and respect, that I think they have not considered the position the President has been thrown into during this war. These Senators of the North have friends and relatives to mourn for us we all have, but otherwise they have the prosperity that attended the war in our section of the country, enhanced prices of property, the results of an inflated currency. liiiey have had prosperity in the North, from this cause, for a time. They have had political power. They have placed one star upon one mans shoulders; 2 stars, by their political influence and recommendations, upon another mans shoulders. They have enjoyed power, safety, peace, quietat home, and high positionsof honor ere in the Senate; while AndrewJohnson, a citizen of Eastern Tennessee, when the war broke out, rallied the Union men around him. They stood theirposition among the mountains, as my colleague said the other day, u long a 1866. 885 it could be held, he, during that. time, enduring scorn, derision, and t reats of his foes. Finally danger became so imminent that he had to leave his State, an exile, and wander in other States for 2 years, to seek that safety and that quiet which he could not enjoy at home. Stung by personal abuse, his property gone, stun" by being driven out of his home an exile, 1his family scarcel safe at home, brought, by the providence o God, to be POTUS, he can be lenient and kind. He forgets for the time being his personal wron s. He forgets an party allegiance in that high obligation and ydhty which e owes to his country. He wants to restore this Union. He wants these people to come together. I was taught by a solidier one night, in traveling from the city of NewYork to Philadel)hia and onward west to my home, a lesson which I do not expect soon to forget. I fell into conversation with him. I found that he was from the camp in front of Peters burg. among other things, he told me that the soldiers frequently stood together upon the lines of each army and fell into conversa t“ion, and they talked. One asked the other, Dont you wish this was over and we could go home?” The rely from the enemy would be, “It would delig it my heart.” Said the soldier to me, ” Stranger, if Abraham Lincoln and JeffersonDavis could stand together, face to face as we soldiers stand face to face on the border line between the cam, and talk as we talk, this war could be close in one month.” Now, sir, that soldier knew what was in the heart of man. He knew that kindness and conciliation eould frequently bring eace when it would take long months of bloo shed to do so. But the bloodshed is over; the armies are disbanded; we are in a state of peace; and the President says that the resolution of 1861, which on Senators adopted, ought to be carried out. It is the pledge o Congress; it is the pledge of the Dept of State to foreign nations; it is the pledge made to the Army, to the country, to the world. that when this war is over all these States shall come in with all their dignity, rights and powers unimpaired. Mr. Johnson, POTUS, standing upon that resolution, says, “Let them come. He has recognized them in all the relations to the GOvernment to which he is competent to recognize them. The duty is ours, he says, to complete the work. It is a high duty. It is aduty, brother Senators, that we cannot discharge as artisans. It is too great a duty to discharge in that spirit, and I was astounded when I saw in the a voeacy of this resolution the perpetuityof the power of the Republican party urged as a reason. We are in times that do not admit of that consideration. Mr. President, my colleague referred to our public debt, I believe, and to the pensions to the soldiers, &c., as a reason why we ought not to admit Sens&Reps from these southern States. I believe he intimated that these States being represented our public debt would become insecure and the public credit impaired, on the ground that they might not vote for the necessary revenue. I look a on that question from another standpoint. That is the security for the public debt? The debt is large; but if the right policy be pursued it is not beyond the power of the people to pay. I am not for reudiation. I conSider repudiation a doe isgracc. But where is the guarantee fort at debt? Huge as it is, what is, the guarantee? Peace, prosperity to the people. If you send out your duplicates into the country for the collection of $350,000,000 every year, must you not have a prosperous people at home to meet that demand; and what shall bring us prosperity but union, cordial, hearty, permanent. so that we of the West can seek our natural market along the shores of the mississippi and the Gulf, so that the people of the North may buy their cotton, their sugar, and the staples of the South from that section, so that commerce shall return to its ancient chan nels? These aresome of the assurances and in the judgment of the world, what is the highest, 1 guarantee? A united people under the constitution that all do. love and respect. Let it be announced over this world that these States are again cordially united, that there is no longer schism or discord in our ranks, then, indeed, the credit of this Government will be established; but if it goes abroad that this Union cannot be restored, that the war has failed, that we keep the States out, that we intend to govern them by military power, let any sentiment of that sort go abroad: and as that sentiment gains power and influence in the country our credit must o down. Does any Senator here fear foreign Powers? I do not. I do not think we need have any foreign wars. But we want foreign nations to respect us, and that is the best guarantee for peace. Let them know that they cannot hurt. us, but we can hurt them, and we have the highest assurance for respect and ence from all nations. Now, sir, whint is the est guarantee we can give? What is the best assurance to foreign nations 1 It is that we are able under all circumstances to defend ourselves. Let us be a united people, united heart and hand, the constitution governing all over the land, the tin everywhere respected, men cordially heart to ieart again. whien that time comes foreign nations will look upon us as again one of the established Powers of the earth to be respected, and we will have peace. This is the gravest question that has ever been discussed in America. Nothing like it has before been presented. The discussions of this Congress, in my judgment, will go down as the most importaut ages of American history. As we ecide this question it may be I will not rophcsybut it may be the most important decision ever made in this government from the time our fathers agreed to lay the Articles of Confederation aside and adopt the constitution of 1789. Why cannot we let these States come in? Are party considerations to govern us? Certainly not. What shall govern us, then? Are you afraid of the vote of Sens&Reps from the South, that they will prevent your doing what is right in respect to the laws? When shall that cease? You iave, as you claim, a strong guarantee here; you will not allow a man to come into this Chamber unless he takes the test oath. Is not that guarantee enough I These States have laid down their arms, they have complied with all the conditions required in the resolution ofl861. They come and ask again for representation. You say “No, no, no; we will not hear you, we will not even give you the courtesy of seats upon this floor.” Is that policy? Is it right? I know many have been traitors, (whether it can be defined treason in the courts is a question about which men differ) but they havellicen guilty of moral treason in organizing a rebellion; but they have been conquered, and what is right between man and man, as ageneral thing, is rightamong nations and people. If either one of the Senators have a controversy with his neighbor, and it comes to blows or even to weapons, and after the fiercest strife you disarm him, and have him entirely in your power, and he sues for mercy, I know there is not a Senator who would deny it. You would not say that you will lift the point ofyour dagger from his breast, and that you will let him up again if he will give y“ou certain guarantees. No, you would say, You are my conquered enemy; on acknowl ede it; and Iono furtherin t iis contest;" an if attacked another you will stand by him. That is human nature; it is honorable; it is right. Here are States that lay down all arms of opposition and ask to be admitted into the Union. Do not Senators believe the ros pects of our country would be brighter at ome and abroad, that every interest would be promoted by letting them come in? Mr. president, Is all do all in my power in a sense of right and duty and obliration to the country to restore these States. I hope that it will nothave to go to the country as a political question, but I am not afraid of the judgment of the country upon it. The people say the war is over and the States ought to be in. Peace is here and we ought to have the results of peace. I am not afraid of the people if this is to be made a question, butI seek no such question in good laith I ask that these Slates shall come in. I believe they have a common interest in our prosperit, and our destiii may deend upon it.