Mr. RANDALL, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, in discussing this question briefly, as I am compelled to do by reason of the limited time allowed me, I shal advert to the proposition now before the Houseas awhole, not undertakinga lengthy discussion of the variousamend ments which have been proposed and I trust the chairman of the committee [Mr. Srsvsxs] will, when the propertime arrives, call the previous question, and in thatmanner induce a vote upon the main proposition as embraced in the whole 5 sections of the preposed amendment to the Constitution. A “( Tllilltllfll. purpose I desire to analyze the vaiious sections of the proposed amendment. the fu st section 1)!QpQ Q I;O equality in every respect between the Licences, notwithstanding the policy of discrimination which has heretofore been exclusively exercised by the States, which in myjudgmentshould remain and continue. They relate to matters uppertaining to State citizenshi, and there is no occasion whatever for the Federal power to be exercised between the 2 races at variance with the wishes of the people of the States. For myself, I would wisg that the colored race should be placed in the samepolitical condition as it ocen ice in Pennsylvania; but I would leave all this to the States themselves, just in the same manner as the elective franchise is rmitted. Ifyou have the right to interfere in behalf of one character of rights I may say of every character of rights, save the suffrage how.soon will you be ready to tear down every barrier? It is only because you fear the people that you do not now do it. I consider the federal restraints upqnjthesmtes in reference to rightsmfcitizriis as now in the Constitution sziteflndsufliciciit."Tfeel it, in consequence, my jmpomtnrtefiuty to oppose this section. Grant this power, insert it in the Constitution, and how soon will the privilege of determining who must vote within the States he assumed by the Federal power? Gentlemen here admit that they desire this, but that the weak kneed of their party are notequal to the issue. Your purpose is the same, and but for that timidity you would nowingraft negro suffrage upon our Constitution and force it on the entire people of this Union. The 2nd section, to my mind, is ambigu ous, and is liable to a doubtful construction. What does this amendment mean? Does it mean that those males over 21 years not allowed to vote shall not be counted in the basis of representation? If so, why not say so in terms; but if it means, as it may, that the diminution ofrepresentation is to be in proportion they bear to the voters, it may deny all or greatly abridge representation. Suppose, for instance, a State with 100,000 voters, and a similar number excluded, if proportions are considered this State would seem to have no Representative. I desire that my colleague, [Mr. STEVENS] the gentleman having charge of this legislation, shall answer what the claim it to mean, so that the issue when he ore the country may be rightly under stood. In addition, this section makes an entire change in the basis of representation, which should in every country rest upon inhabitants. This is the safest and has been found to work the best. I do not consider there is any need to change, more especially when a large portion of our people with whom we hope for all time to live on terms of peace and equity are not now here to present their views and consider the effect this legislation will have upon their interest. The injustice and the animus of the 3rd section have been so fully stated by gentlemen on the other side that I will not consume my limited time in reproducing, but dismiss it with the remark that it is “ intended to secure what you most wish, an entire disagreement to the whole scheme by the 11 southern States, and a continued omission of representation on this floor. This brings me to another point in the argument of the Gentfrom Pennsylvania who introduced this report. The 4th section I need not discuss, because I believe if that proposition was presented to this House as a snap a proposition it would be almost unanimously adopted. The Gentfrom Pennsylvania [Mr. Srsvuivs] tells us "Upou a careful surVey of the whole ground. we did not believethat 19 of the loyal Statese ould be induced to ratify any proposition more stringent than this. I say 19.for I utterly repudiatenud scorn the idea that any State notaotimzin the union is to be counted on the question of ratification." In this respect let me say that the gentleman must fly directly in the face of the decisions of the SCOTUS; he has to put at naught the precedent established in reference to the amendment of the Constitution abolishing slavery; he has to overcome what is clearly the commonsense judgment of the people of this country upon this point and moreover, I believe his opinion, as there expressed, is in contravention of the judgment of a majority of this House, with whom he is politically associated. such is the plan of the committee of 15, or what may perhaps be described as the congressional view of this vexedquestion. It is. a plan of disunion, and it is a eception to call it otherwise; and the friends of the Union, by whatever name, must cooperate to defeat this measure, or the Union will sooner or later be destroyed by those who have arrogated to themselves to be its special defenders. This proposition is worthy of having ema nated from the tower of Babel. It carries with it a confusion of tongues and a confusion of purposes. One design, however, is clearly apparent, and that is to secure the success of the Republican party, even in the event of the overthrow of the Union. Now, Mr. Speaker, whnthave we in the opposition to this plan of procrastination and delay? The President, immediately upon his accession to the Presidency, took up the plan which Mr. Stanton informs us was the mode which Mr. Lincoln had marked out for himself; and he has steadily pursued it, regardless of threats and clamor, exliibiting a moral courage of the equal of which we have but rare instances in history. Thus guided by wisdom and rudence, he has broughtus along until now the admission of loya representatives in Congress from the late rebel States is all that is required to complete and make perfect our Union. His plan is simple and effective, just and equitable; and acceptable, asI believe, to a vast majority of the people both North and South. What is this policy? 1. That the southern States are in the Union. Their ordinances of secession being null and void, they have never been out, and are legally entitled to representation in Congress. 2. That whenever the people in any of those States elect Union men, of whose loyalty there can be no question or doubt, it is the duty of Congress to admit them. 3. That all those claiming seats in Congress from the southern States who were prominently identified with the rebel government or rebel army should be immediate y rejected and their constituents requested to elect loyal Union men in their places. The issue is now made up, and to the eo 16 we must appeal. It rests with them whether we shall at once permit the people in the 11 States to do as generals Grant and Sherman told the soldiers of their disbanding armies to do go home, resume their occupations, be good citizens, and then promisedpthem that they should not be disturbed. No real and hearty peace can for years come from the course the majority in this House are pursuing. You are continuing to do with the loyal people of the South what the rebels did during the war, persecute and contemn them. All this is unjust, and is not the way to approach restoration. Let us leave the war path, and return to the ways of friendship and peace. Complaint is made. Mr. Speaker, of the support which the Democratic party, as a party, throughout the country is giving to the resident in his plan of restoration. That should not surprise anyone. The Democratic party, during the period of the war, have O osely adhered to the Constitution and the laws of the conntr. They find in President Johnson that same isposition to adhere to the Constitution and the laws. The course of the Democracy, in their support of the President, is actuated by a devotion to principle. It does not ema note from any seeking for office or from any other sordid motive. There is another matter to which I wish to direct the attention of the House, and t ough the House the attention of the country. I would suggest that in the view of just and reasonable men the time has arrived when this system of virulent abuse of the POTUS should cease. It is time that there should be an end of these appeals to the morbid feelings and prejudices of the people of the North, appeals calculated to array the northern people against the people of the South, who have laid down their arms, and who, I believe, are now seeking in good faith to conduct themselves in allegiance to the constitution. They have been punished severely, not more severely, perhaps, than they deserve. But why should we not accept their words as expressing their real sentiments? Why should we treat them as aliens and outlaws, a policy which must for a long time prevent us from securing the full benefits of our victory? Gentlemen seem to fear that unless something is done by legislation to prevent it the great conservative men of the country, under the leadership of AndrewJohnson, will come into possession of the legislative branch of the Government. Nothing can avert this. Your reckless extravagance, your unnumbered violations of law, your constant effort to change the organic law for party purposes; your persecutions of the President, who has lanted himself upon the plan of restoration which Mr. Lincoln dietermined upon; and your careless mode of taxation, relieving affluent men and heaping the expenses of our debt upon those least able to bear it all these point to your certain overthrow. All these points are certain to have their effect. The Democracy, so far as I know, stand ready to operate with any party or set of men to crush out the party which started with a disposition to let the “South go, ” and now at the close of the war seek the same practical result a continued separation of the States of the Union. I now ield the floor to my colleague.