Mr. WADE. There is only one thing I wish to add to what has been said as a reason why this measure should not be postponed. It is a view that has hardly been touc ed, I believe, in the course of the argument, and it is one that occurs to me as being of very great weight. Of course [am not prepared to take the bill up, if it was in order to do so, and to argue it in detail; but I feel the exceeding importance of the measure before us in one view that is now perfectly in order: and that is, the business of the country is languishing and embar rassed all the time because we do not fix upon something in relation to the tariff. We have been here for nearly 8 months, and we have kept business men in perfect uncertainty as to what we would do aboutit. They stand in peril and in jeopardy every hour, because they do not know what course we are to fake upon this subject; and now you propose to 'keep them in this kind of suspense for 5 or 6 or 8 months longer, perhaps to the very end of the next session; and then the argument would be just as applicable as it is now. Gentlemen tell us about the great deliberation that should be given to this subject. There is not a Senator who does not know that from the hour this Senate adjourns not a gentleman here will turn his attention to this subject for a single moment until we meet a ain, and if the agitation of it has brought it unor his consideration now, he will during the vacation forget what he knows upon the subject at present. It is all idle to talk about that. 'I know the Senfrom Massachusetts says he is going to have it so entirely perfect that it will stand for ever. The HoRep have been nearly 8 months in coming to a.conclusion satisfactory to themselves, with all the light that the commissioners who had the subject under consideration could throw upon it; and yet. gentlemen rise here and say they are not prepared to vote upon it, butlliey have seen enough of it to know that it is full of all kinds of the most egregious errors and absurdities. That is not very complimentary to those who have had it under consideration so long and who have come to conclusions satisfacto to themselves. I do not know but that gentlemen can see great errors in it; I do not know but that the subject is one about which mathematical certainty can be brought to bear; but I never heard that it could, and I never believed that it could. No one man can comprehend it all, or begin to comprehend it all; but when the best minds of the country, those having the greatest experience and knowledge on this subject, have deliberated upon it for 8 long months, with every facility that this Legislature could place in their hands to come to a right conclusion, I am not prepared to say that all their work is most absurd and ought to be revised from beginning to end. I do not believe it; and I believe we are as ready now, today, to enter upon the consideration of the bill as we ever shall be, and I know that the interests of the country are languishing on account. of this delay. Sir, you had better stand by your present tariff to dny than to postpone this measureand kec the business of the country in this jeopardy o suspense all the time. it is better that you should say you will not revise your present tariff, full of errors as it is, than that you should postpone this bill. If you postpone it, the question with busines men will be, as it has been for a year past, “What will congress do when they come together? How can we invest our money, and how can we engage in business?” “What will Congress do about the tariff, ” will be a question that will be attended with the constant stagnation of business. I am astonished that western men object to this tariff bill. I know that the woofgrowing interestr of the Northwest is an immense interest. I do not believe there is a gentleman here from that region but what has been over whclmed with letters on the subject, endeavoring to get a tariff on wool, from the Northwest everyw icrc. If there is such a one his experi‘ once has been very different from what mine has been. I believe that while this tariff is not all they would wish for on that subject, it is of great importance to them, and they are ready and anxious that it should be acted upon. Talk to me about localities! They have nothing to do with it. If NewEngland, under the protecting influence of former tariffs and theingenuity of her people, has been enabled to overcome all the difficulties that are incumbent upon a people just entering upon these manufacturing establishments, as they have been overcome, so that in many branches of business they can compete with the world, and do not care about your protection, that is no reason why we in the Nort west, who are in the same condition that they formerly were when they wanted protection, shouldthrow itoff and throw everything in their hands. In my judgment, it is the same species of absurdity for the great Northwest to go, to NewEngland for every thing of a manufactured kind that she wants as it is for her to go to Old England. All the difference is in distance; in principle it is the same. That great Northwest, which is des tined yet to be the glory of this great nation, will never atttfln the condition she ought to have in this Republic until by protection she does build up manufactures an can vie with the world in that respect. There is no other way to do it except by protecting our infant establishments against the great monopolies that can overwhelm us, and without protection it is their interest to overwhelm us in NewEngland, and in England and other European countries. There is nothing but. labor that makes a people great or rich or influential. If you do not encourage labor; if you do not bring every hand to work at profitablelabor, you never will build up your institutions to that degree of prosperity which they ought to attain; and you never can do it except by protection. I say today, even before we have established our institutions at the West, a tariff would be infinitely to our advantage. Does any gentleman here wish to brin the American mechanic and laborer in his daily wages down to the miserable starvation pauper prices of Europe? Does selfishness dictate that you shall adopt a policy that will compel you to do that? Sir, my sympathies are with the laborer, and I never will make the American mechanic compete with the pauper of Europe. I will pay him more. His work then will be more profitable; it will be infinitely more enlightened; and very soon you will find that the paid, intelligent labor of the American citizen, built up under the prefecting influence of the Government, will be infinitely superior, even to the employer, than the pauper labor is. Who here is the advocate of“ trampling down the American mechanic and the American laborer? I am for building them up. I am for protecting the American laborer everywhere against the pauper rivalry of Europo, or NewEngland, if you please; and I hope that this great subject will not be post poned for s moment. What was the argument of the Senfrom Missouri? He says if we put a tariff on higher than what we have had, it will increase importations, and we shall be overwhelmed with foreign goods. That is a way of considering the subject that I never had thought of; but if there is any truth in it, it shows the greater necessity immediately of raising your tariff. Our poverty in this country, and our inflated currency, arise from the fact that your old mines are absorbed at once by Europe. our gold does not stay here an hour; it goes right off to Europe to pay for what? the clothes you wear upon your backs and wherewith you clothe your families, and for the products of their manufactories, coming in direct competition with the raw material here, because the raw material raised in other countries is worked sip and brought in here in competition with our own. Sir, I am the advocate of the wool grower’s interest, and every other interest in the North west; and, in m judgment, western gentlemen stand in their own light when they throw an the trade of the world to the monopolies of England or even NewEngland. I fee that NewEngland is comamtively indifferent on this subject. She will vote for the measure. She will vote for it on patriotic principles, if none other, because I am not the man to disparage NewEngland. But, sir, as I said be fore, her establishments, which when in their, infancy were built up b the protection of the Government, have now become strong enough to stand on their own feet, and in all the coarser fabrics perhaps can compete with the world and are not very solicitous for a tariff for protection. It is true, on many of the finer and more costly fabrics they need protection now; but they can do very well with the coarser kind; and in that way they are indifferent, as I said before. But we of the Northwest are vitally interested in it, for our vast products of wheat, corn, beef, flour, &c., cannot profitably find a foreign market; they are too bulky; the transportation is too expensive; their whole value is absorbed by the conveyance. The way to prevent that is to encourage manufacturing establishments to row up among us, where the can take the a vantage of our cheap food, an have the manufacturer abng side of the consumer. I should think every man would be for it; but the Northwest I know and feel are interested in it; and I am a northwestern man. The Senator says that Ohio is a great manufacturing State. Sir, that is not so. What few manufactories we have are in their infancy, and free trade would annihilate them at a blow. He says we have increased the tariff during the war. So we did; and your war would have been a failure and your bonds would have been no better than confederate bonds today if you had had no tariff. Your paper would have been multiplied endlessly, and would have been worth nothing. It was your tariff that upheld it. It is your tariff. that by encouraging Amer ican labor must keep our specie from going out of the country. There is no other way to do it. The gentleman talks of increasing the specie basis. How are you going to do it? He could not tell us how he would do it. He says that 50 millions of specie, in less than 6 months, have gone out of the country. I say that all your specie, if you get 100 millions from all the mines of your country, will go out to pay foreign productions that could be made much better at home as fast as you can dig it out of the mines. We must have a better policy. This unreasonable method must give way to a more enlightened policy. Why does GreatBritain senher emissaries here preaching free trade all the time, subsi dizing presses to advocate it, hiring traveling agents to preach it, expending millions to perVert our minds on that subject? Why, sir, her geople Were the most highly protected on the cc of the earth, until by encouraging her own labor and building up her own manufactures Ihe lwdaequired the monopoly of manufactures throughout the world by the very recess of protection; and when she stood so iigh, with er machinery all perfect, her wealth infinite and ready to annihilate any infant establishments, then, for the same reasons that she had secured the exclusive manufactures of the world b protection, she preaches now free trade, that s e may keep that monopoly and prevent other nations from growing u and manufacturin to vie with her. That is althere is of that e sides, sir, most of her croaking about free trade is perfect hypocrisy; for if you look at her tariff to dny it is more protective than ours. She raises a greater revenue today from the importation 0 foreign goods than we do; yet she is croakin about protection all the time. Every article that she can manufacture; every article that will build up her interests she protects; and where she has such a monopoly that she can overwhelm other establishments in other countries, there she preaches free trade. Sir, I hope we'shall not be gulled by this song of free trade from across the ocean. “Take no counsel of your enemies” is the 1st lesson of war. She teaches that to us, and it ought to be a.beacon to warn us off the coast. She never teaches anything for our advantage knowingly; for a' more selfish nation never existed on the face of God’s earth, nor amore tyrannical one, nor one that grinds down the face of the poor with such remorseless energy as does GreatBritain. Now, sir, I can see no reason on earth why the Senate of the U.S., with so elab orate a system, almost perfected, except that we are to pass our judgments upon the work before us, should postpone its consideration. It has been got into shape, and does not require the labor they had to go through with in the House in order to understand it. It is organized; the evidence is all at hand; it is read; the brief is made up, and the judge can take his notes and go through with it in one 10th of the time and with one 10th part of the labor that was bestowed upon it in the House, and come to an enlightened conclusion. In view of this fact, and while the great interests of the country are watching for us to fix something that the may rely upon, for Heaven’s sake let us not isappoint them by our indolence, our childish impatience to leave these Halls and go home. Let us not sacrifice the great interests of the country. Let us stay here until we have perfected our work, if it takes us the year round. That is why we took upon ourselves the bur dens of this position, and we have no right to relinquish it while anything profitable to the country is to be done. That is all I wish to say about it.