Mr. BOUTWELL. Mr. Speaker, only a few days since a bill of a different sort from that now pending was before this House, and a majority of the House I believe the Gentfrom NewYork {Mr. RAYMoND] was of that majority desired to refer the whole subject to the ComReconstruction. The various propositions were so referred. They have been considered by that committee, and I believe I am guilty of no breach of confidenee when I say that never has any report been made from that committee which was so unanimously supported by its different members as the one now under consideration by the House; nor has any bill submitted by that committee ever been so carefully considered as this. We have now spent 2 days and more in the discussion of the Present measure. We have but 8 or ten days in which, as a legislative body, we can act. I hold that it would be the greatest of public calamities if this Congress should adjourn without an exPression, both on the part of the House and of the senate, of the opinions entertained by the representatives of the country in reference to this measure. It is now to be seen plainly that if this measure be recommitted there can be no new consideration of this great subject by a new committee, no conclusion reached, no report made, much less any action had even by this branch of the Government within the period to which we are limited by the Constitution of the country for the consideration of this subject. Today there are 8 millions and more of people, occupying 630,000 square miles of the territory of this country, who are writhing under cruelties nameless in their character injustice such as has not been permitted to exist in any other country in modern times; and all this because in this capital there sits enthroned a man who, so far as the executive dept is concerned, guides the destinies of the Republicin the interest of rebels; and because, also, in those ten former States rebellion itself, inspired by the executive dept of this Government, wields all authority, and is the embodiment of law and power every where. Until in the South this obstacle to reconstruction is removed there can be no effectual step taken toward the reorganization of the Government; and argue as gentlemen may, no way can be devised for the removal of this obstacle in the South except to confide the work to Grant and Sherman and Sheridan– the men who overthrew the rebellion when it was flagrant in the field and not organized in the Government. They will crush out these despotisms which have been set over the people and prepare a way for the inauguration of civil government. You might as well expect to build a fire in the depths of the ocean as expect to reconstruct loyal civil governments in the South until you have broken down the rebel despotism which everywhere holds sway in that vast region of country. Therefore, sir, after all this debate, considering the magnitude of this question, the peril in the country is i. I for my part feel it my duty to insist that we shall hold this business in our hands as the RePresentatives of the people and take the judgment of this House upon the question whether all power shall be surrendered to the rebels of the South or whether we shall exert the constitutional authority we possess over the Army (which is our servant today and will be our servant through all this contest) in the interest of loyalty, and thus break down the governments in the South, lay a basis on which we may be able to build civil institutions, and, as soon as we have the opportunity, prepare away for their establishment. But it is the vainest delusion the wildest of hopes, the most dangerous o aspirations to contemplate or even to hope for the reconstruction of civil government until the rebel despotisms enthroned in power in those ten States shall be broken up.