Mr. wINDOM. By the provisions of the fugitive slave law the commissioner who tried the case and returned the slave to his master got ten dollars, but if he did not return him be got only 5 dollars and yet the entire Democratic party with which the gentleman acts, has always, I believe, indorsed that law; and if I am not mistaken the gentleman himself indorsed it, for he voted in the last Congress against its repeal. There certainly has been no law which the Democratic party has commended more than that same fugitive slave law, and since I have been in Congress the southern wing of the party declared the non-execution of it as sufficient cause to disrupt this Union. But, sir, I desire to address a few remarks more directly to the bill. The broad and comprehensive justice of this measure is disclosed in its title, AbilLto protect all persons in the U.S. in their civil rights and furnish the means of their ving dication.” This, I believe, is one of the 1st efforts made since the formation of the government to give practical effect to the principles of the Declaration ofIndependence; one of the 1st attempts to gras as a vital reality and embody in the forms O law the great truth that all men are created equal and endowed by the Creator with the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. If there be any reasonable objection to the bill, it is that it does not go far enough. It assumes only to protect civil rights and leaves the adjustment and protection of political rivhts to future legislation. But, so far as it edoes go, it is, in my opinion, in strict conformity with the spirit and design of the grand old architects who, when they laid the foundations of our republican edifice, made these rights of human nature the chief corner stone. adthis design been followed by those who built the superstructure we mi t have been spared the desolation and bloo shed of the last 5 years. A true republic rests upon the absolute equality of rights of the whole people, high and ow, rich an oor, white an by ack. Upon this, the only fliundation which can permanently endure, we professed to build our Republic; but at the same time we not only denied to a large portion of the people equality of rights, but we robbed them of every right known to human nature. Now that the armed power of the rebellion has been crushed, the duty is upon us to so reconstruct the Government as to avoid this fizand mistake of the past. Our warrant for the passage of this bill is found in the genius and spirit of our institutions; but not in these alone. Fortunately, the great amendment which broke the shackles from every slave in the land contains an express provision that by "Caopnpgrorepsrisate shall have pour to enforcethis article lemslation. When this amendment was acted upon, it was well understood, as it is now, that although the body of slavery might be destroyed, its spirit would still live in the hearts of those who have sacrificed so much for its preservation, and that if the freedmen were left to the tender mercy of their former masters, to whose heartless selfishness has been superadded a malignant desire for vengeance upon the ne proor having aided us in crushing the rebellion, his condition would be more intolerable than it was before the jar and hence the broad grant of power was made to enable congress to enforce the spirit as well as the letter of the amendment. ow, sir, in what way is it proposed to enforce it? By denying to anyone man a single right or privilege which he comd otherwise constitutionally or properly enjoy? No. By conferring on anyone person or class of persons a single right or immunity which every other person may not possess 1 By no means. Does it give to the loyal negro any preference over the recent would be assassins of the nation? Not at all. It merely declares that hereafter there shall be no discrimination in civil rights or immunities among the citizens of any State or Territory of the U.S. on account of race, color, or previous condition of slavery and that every person, except such as are excluded by reason of crime, shall have the same right to enforce contracts, to sue. be parties. an give evidence, to inherit, purchase, sell, hold, and convey real and personal propert, and to full and equal benefit of all laws an proceedings for the security of person and property, and shall be subject to li e punishment, pains, and penalties, and to none other. In other words, it declares that henceforth the perjured white traitor shall have no civil rights or immunities which are denied to the black patriot; that the colored soldier, who has worn the uniform of the Republic and eriled his life for its defense, shall have an equa right, nothing more, with the white rebel yet reeking witi the blood of our murdered defenders; to make and enforce contracts, to give evidence in court, and to hold and enjo real and personal property; that in laws and proceedings for the security of person and property, and for the punishment of offenses, no discrimination shall be made in favor of traitors, because they are white and have always been petted and pampered by the Government, as against patriots because they are black and have always been held in cruel and degrading bondage. This is substantially all the bill before us proposes to accomplish. It does not, as I havea ready said, confer the privilege ofvoting, for that is a political right, and not included in the bill. t does not attempt to confer on the freedmen social privileges. It merely provides safeguards to s ield them from.wrong and outrage, and to protect them in the enjoyment of that lowest right of human nature, the right to exist. Its object is to secure to a poor, weak class of laborers the right to make contracts for their labor, the power to enforce the payment of their wages, and the means of holdng and enjoying the proceeds of their toil. Who can deny them this? To do so would be to repudiate utterly the pledges we made in the day of our sore trial, and would justly merit the scorn and contempt of mankind. We know, and the whole world knows, thawhen in the hour of our extremity we called upon the black race to aid us, we promised them not liberty only, but all that that word liberty implies. AI remember how unwilling we were to do anything which would inure to the benefit of the negro. I recall with shame the fact that when 5 years ago the socalled Democracy now Egyptians were here in this capital, in the White House, in the Senate, and on this floor, plotting the destruction of the Government and we were asked to appease them by sacrificing the negro 2/3rds of both Houses voted to rivet his chains upon him so long as the Republic should endure. A widening chasm yawned between the free and slave States, and we looked wildly around for that wherewith it might be closed. In our extremity we seized upon the negro, bound and helpless, and tried to cast him in. But an overruling Providence heard the cries of the oppressed and hurled his oppress ors into that c asm by 100s of 1,000s until the whole land was filled with mourning yet still the chasm yawned. In our anguish and terror we felt that the whole nation would be speedily ingulfed in one common ruin. It was then that the great emancipator and savior of his country, Abraham Lincoln, saw the danger and the remedy, and seizing 4 million Eloody shackles he wrenched them from their victims, and standing with these broken man acles in his hands upraised toward heaven, he invoked the blessin of the God of the oppressed, and cast them into the fiery chasm. l hat otlering was accepted and { the chasm closed. fthe Government reluctantly adopted emancipation as a means of its own salvation, it was not because those in authority did not sympathize with the slave and love liberty, but course the old prejudices were still strong, I and it was feared that it might exasperate our enemies. During the 1st year of the war it was believed that the South could be conciliated; and hence to gratify rebels in arms we 5 urned the slave from our cam s; and when lie came into ourlines to give information concerning the enemy, he was sent back to his rebel master to be seourged, and sometimes murdered, for his loyalty to our cause. He was plainly told that the war was not waged for his benefit, or for his emancipation, and that if we could save the Union y preserving slavery we would do so. All this we did to conciliate the master and to avoid “firing the southern heart.” Finally when it was decided to accept the protfered services of the blacks and to permit them to aid in fighting our battles, we were still unwilling to do them full justice; and they entered the Army with less pay than white soldiers, and without any of that protection which the laws of. war accord to belligerents. The black soldier knew full well when he was enrolled in the Army it was with a halter about his neck and that if taken prisoner no quarter woulbe shown him. Yet, notwithstanding these discouragements and disadvantages they heard the nation s prom. ise to the race, made in the proclamation of emancipation, and trusting to the nations honor to make good its pledges, 200,000 strong arms seized the musket, and 200,000 dusk heroes grappled with the foe. Nobly have ey performed their part, and largely have they contributed to our victory. 1 hey come to us now and demand the fulfillment of our promise. They ask us by this bill for that protection of person and rep erty without which liberty isasolemn moc ery. They implore us to give them the right to live and to enjoy the fruits of their own labor, and in answer to thesejust demands, sanctioned by a most solemn compact. they are told that they must look to their State daws for protection, and that this is a “ white mans Government.” Sir, when a few months ago we saw our depleted battle riven ranks filling with stalwart negroes, we for ot for a time that this was a “white mans government, ” and even the Egyptians on the other sideof this Chamber began to think that a black man had, after all, some rivhts which a white man was bound to respect. when we heard of the fiendish massacre at Fort Pil low there were some radical enough to believe that civil and even political rights might be almost as safely and properl lodgedin the hands of the loyal African as invthe hands of Ferrest and his band of murderers. When the reports from Port Hudson and Fort Wagner tgrilled all loyal hearts by the recital of the heroic deeds of the black soldier, we were not reminded that if the negro were permitted to enjoy the same rights under the Government his valor helped to save that are possessed by the perjured traitors who sought its destruction, it would “lead to a war of races.” Oh no! Then we were in peril, and felt grateful even to the negro, who stood between us and our enemies. Then, our only hope of safety was in the brave hearts and strong arms of the soldier at the front. Now, since by the combined efforts of our brave soldiers, white and black, the military power of the South has been overthrown, and her Representatives are as eager to resume their places on this floor as 5 years 2 they were to quit them for a place in the rebel army, we are told that hav mg been victorious it becomes a great nation like ours to be magnanimous. I answer. it is far more becoming to be just. I am willingr to carry my magnanimity to the verge of justice, but not one step beyond. I will go with him who goes furthest in acts of generosity toward our former enemies, unless ttose act; will be prejudicial to our friends. Butwhen you advise me to sacrifice those who have stood by us dur in the war in order to conciliate unrepentant rebels whose hearts still burn with ill suppressed hatred to the Government, I, scorn your counsel. But do the freedmen need the retention which this bill proposes to giye? he President informs us in his message vetoing the Freedmens Bureau bill, a kindred measure to this, that "He should be protectedby the civil authorities, especially by the exercise of all the constitutional gpaiigcrsytphfe courtsof the U.S and of the es and he adds: “ His condition is not so egrposedas may at 1st be imagined. He is in a portion of the country where his labor cannot well be spared. Competition for his services from planters from thosewho are construct and repairing railroads, and from capitalists in is vicinage and from other States.will enable him to command almosthis own terms." This certainly sounds very hOpeful, but what are some of the facts of the case? On the 16th of December, 1865, Colonel De Gauss wrote to Major GenlHoward, of the Freedmens Bureau, as follows: " Housros, TEXAS, December 15.1865. "Sin: I have the honor to respectfully report that in some portions of this State the norrroes are not yet free. that the pass system is still in force and whena freedman is found at large without a pass, he is taken up“and whipped. That a trcedmapis not allowed to hire out without written permissionfrom his former master: ntleast planters have hold meetings and have agreed not to ire freed people Without such permission. These factsare known to me from personalobservation, and written statements of reliable men.” Lieutenant Stewart Eldridge writes to Major GenlHoward from Vicksburg, Mississippi, under date of November 28, 1866: “ I have the honorto incloseherewith for your consideration the freedmensbill. which has just become a law inthis State and would respectfully ask your attention to the following points thereon: “ Section1stprohibits the holding, leasing, or rent ing of real estateby freedmen. “Section 3rd compels all freedmen to marry whomsoever they may now be living with and to support the issueof what was in many casescompulsoryco ha“b Section. 4th excludes freedmen from testifying in“casesall white. Segtion 5 authorizes mayors and boards of polioe by theirsole edict to prevent any freedmen from doing any independent bil “MS and to compel them to labor as employees, with no appeal from such decision. “Section 7 givesthepower to any white citizen over the person O a freedmaiiunknown to any other law. tand denies the right of appeal beyond the county cour." Colonel. Samuel Thomas, asst commissioner, writes from Jackson, Mississippi, concerning this same MisSissippi freedmens bill: " the treeilmen bill has become law. It does not. allow freedmen toown or leaseestate. 1,000sof acreshave beenrented from owners of lnnd by freed Inen who oicpectedthat the would beallowedto cul tivate land in tlus way. They are notified that they must give up their leasesby citizens. What course must pursued" The State laws of Georgia and SCarolina prohibit any negro from buying or lensing a home. In NCarolina the black code of slavery is still in existence. In Virginia the laws and customs reduce the negro to and then some and sell him as a vagrant and SCarolina and other States there are laws compelling the return of the freedman to his master under the name of employer, and allowing him to be whipped for insolence. liese, sir, are some specimens of protection which they get from the civil authorities of the States in which they live. They are denied a home in which to shelter their families, prohibited from carrying on any independent business, and then arrested and sol as vagrants because they have no homes and no busmcss. Planters combine together to compel them to work for such wages as their former masters may dictate, and deny them the privilege of hiring to anyone Without the consent of the master; and in order to make it impossible for them to seek employment elsewhere, the pass system is still enforced. Ifa freedman is found away from home he is taken up and whipped, and if he has the impudence to complain he is whipped again and yet we are told that “ his condition is not so exposed as may at 1st be imagined.” In the name of liberty and justice, I ask, what was the exposed condition “at 1st imagined? Sir, do you at this late day call the whipping post and the pass system evidences oi liberty? Do you call that man free who cannot choose his own employer, or name the wages for which he Will work? Do you call him a free man who is denied that most sacred of all possessions, a home? Is be free who cannot bring a suit in court for the defense of his rights? Sir, if this be liberty, may none ever know what slavery is. Bear in mind the fact, tou, that these wrongs are inflicted upon the freedmen by communities and States while they are yet supposed to be on their good be havior for the purpose of regaining their old places of power in the Union. If such is the protection they now get from the civil authorities of their own States, what may we reason ably anticipate when those States again resume their places and have no favors to ask of the FederalGovernment. “ If these things be done in the green tree, what shall be done in the dry?” Sir, our duty is clear; let no man falter in its performance.