Mr. WOODBRIDGE. Mr. Speaker, the bill under consideration was introduced before this body something more than a year ago, and was referred to the ComJudiciary, of which I have the honor to be a member. It became my duty, under the direction of that committee, to examine the bill, and I gave it that consideration which I deemed the importance of the subject demanded. At that time I came to the conclusion it would be unwise to pass the measure. My colleagues then on the committee agreed with me and instructed me to report the bill back to the House and ask that the committee be discharged from its further consideration. Out of courtesy, however, to my friendfrom RhdIsland [Mr. JENCREs] such a course was not taken, and the bill was referred to a select committee, who have now reported it to the House for its action with their approval. As near as I can recollect, the main features of the bill have not been changed; and I may say, in passing, that for its scope, its clearness, its precision, and its honesty of purpose, it does great credit to. my friendfrom Rhode [Mr. JENCKES] who is its reputed author. The theory of the bill is perfect. It raises a superstructure which it is delightful to gaze upon; and when gilded over, as it has been by the very able and manky speech of my friendfrom RhdIsland, it would seem now to have become a magnificent house of refuge, into which the Government may retire and save itself from all the follies and weaknesses of human nature. But like all schemes, which through all time have been devised to free social organization from the natural weaknesses and wickednesses of man, it wants foundation. Poets have described their Arcadia; and yet no man ever reached one. Speculative and dreamy philosophers have got up communities where selfishness should never enter; where property should be held in common, and where the law of love should reign supreme; and yet no such community ever did exist and never will in this world, at least until the ar rival of that glorious day when “the lion and the lamb shall lie down together.” Sir, selfishness is imbedded in our nature; and I am sorry to say that, often it, only wants a little temptation to be developed into wickedness. ow, I believe that for the aggregation of men in the civil service there is no greater corruption than in other depts of business. Take the gentleman's own profession, noble, manly, elevated as it is, no man can enter it who is not, theoretically at least, of good moral character, and is possessed of considerable learning. Every man who does enter it is brought to reflect and study upon the great cardinal principles of justice and right. And yet, sir, in that profession we find the natural selfishness of man out cropping into wickedness and corruption. It enters the pulpit itself; it disgraces the marts of trade; it gets into the Halls of Congress; and sometimes, I have no doubt, it soils even the ermine of the judge. Sir, legislation to prevent corruption in the civil service of the Government will be, as such legislation always has been, a failure. Under the operation of this bill, if it should become a law, no dept of the Government will, in my judgment, be any purer than it is now. But, sir, there are other objections to the bill. One is that it is antidemocratic. My friendfrom RhdIsland has said, and it is undoubtedly true, that Belgium and Prussia and France and England have a similar system of appointing officers to the civil service. But where is the analogy between England and this country? That, sir, is a country of aris tocracy, a country of classes, where as a rule a man cannot rise unless he is born to position. In England the coal heaver of today is a coal heaver on the day of his death. The boy who digs in the mines today digs in the mines when his hair is silvered with age. How different here ! The cotton spinner of today floats tomorrow upon one. P. splendid monitors the highest achievement of naval architecture upon the inland seas of Europe. The rail splitter of today becomes tomorrow the POTUS Here the avenues to position, to power, to wealth, are open to all, and they ought not by any legislation of ours to be closed. In this country the poor man cannot be kept down. The rich man and the man elevated by birth, if he has not the requisite inherent talents, cannot be kept up. The race is to all men. The avenues are all open; and I think it would be dangerous for us to close these avenues to the many and provide a royal road for a fortunate or favored few.