Mr. MOULTON. Mr. Speaker, agreat variety of opinions upon the great questions growing out of the rebellion, and which have arisen since the surrender of the rebel armies, have been expressed here and by the press and people of the country. The questions mostly discussed have been the relations of the rebel States to the Government; what rights of the people of the rebel States were lost by or have survived the rebellion; what rights have the people of the rebel States now; should the rebel States he at once admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the loyal States; and if admitted, what authority has the right to pass upon the question, the President or Congress? The President in his annual message, in his veto message to the Freedmen s Bureau bill, and on various occasions has assumed the ground that he has brought the rebel States to the doors of Congress, and in acondition to be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the other States; that each House simply judges of the returns and qualifications of persons sent here, and that the powers of Congress over all these great questions pertaining to the condition of the rebel States end with the performance of this clerical duty; or, in other words, that the President, and not Congress, is to judge and decide asto the condition and loy alty o? the southern States, and whether they are in a condition tobe admitted into the union; and upon this question and its consequences the President appeals to the people. Sustaining the views of the Presidentwe find the broken remnants of the old Democratic part Y, the men who for the last 5 years rel vile and abused AndrewJohnson and Abra; ham Lincoln; also we find every man, includ 1ing James Buchanan and Franklin Pierce, who has sympathized with treason; also we find 1, on the same side every man who has served in the rebel arm against the flag of his country, SEC] traitors orth and South and everywhere, staining the Presidents policy. On the other side you find the grand Union column of true Union men, all over the loyal States, unbroken and unwavering, sustaining Congress, and in a voice that has even pene trated the White House condemning the pol icy of the President. The Union press every where, and the people in masses all over the loyal States, reclaim and insist upon, as a conditionprece eat to the admission of the rebel States, indemnity for the past so far as that is possible, but security for the future in some orm, so as to prevent rebellion in the future, and give ample, full, and complete protection to every one, without regard to race or color. This was the doctrine upon which Lincoln and Johnson were elected. he Union party every where avowed these principles, and the Union members of this Congress were sent here pledged to maintain these principles, and we cannot i uore them without stultifying our selves an betraying the people who elected us. over the Union party and to a ain transfer t If there is any question in which the people have more interest or feel more intensely than another, it is that the fruits of our victories, won by so many recious sacrifices of blood and treasure, shal not be lost; that treason shall be made odious; that southern institutions shall be purified, and that liberty and equality should be secured to all. This is the reasonable hope, expectation, and demand of the ople. Hidew has it been met by the Democratic party in this House? Every measure for the purpose of ascertaining the condition of the people of the rebel States, for the purpose of protecting the freedmen and Union citizens in those States, to secure their civil rights, for the purpose of establishing liberty and equality on the principles of the DeclarIndep, and every measure that tended to the disfranchisement and punishment of rebels, has been uniformly and steadily opposed by them. Their votes are here recorde, and Will stand as perpetual evidence of their injustice, prejudice, and illiberality. They oppose all amendments to the Constitution because it would take away the power of the southern States to pradtice injustice and to pass infamous laws for the oppression of large classes of their own citizens. he Opposition maintain and avow here the monstrous doctrine that we should forget and forgive the past terrible acts of traitors; that the test oath should be repealed; that the States lately in rebellion should at once he admitted on an equality, with the loyal States, and that they are willing to take the blood stained hand of the southern rebel and receive him with open arms and call him brother. This is the policy of the Opposition and the President, and upon which the new party is to be formed. Upon this policy their shattered and depleted ranks are to e filled. This polic will bring to their aid the whole of Leesan Johnstons armies, all the predatory hordes and guerrilla bands in the rebel States, and every traitor everywhere. It will bring also into this and the other House some 70 members, and with these accessions they hope to triumph e GOverument into the"hands of those who have for the past 4 years been attempting to de stroy it. This is their programme and only hope of success. this for the Union members of Congress to decide whether this stupendous fraud upon the rights of the people shall succeed. The President till recently has had the confidence of the Union art. No honorable man for a moment could believe that he would desert the party who defended him against the assault of traitors, and elected him to the position he now holds.ingratitnde in all ages of the world has been regarded a crime of so damning a character that no man has ever been willing to acknowl edge himself uilty of it and yet, in my opinion, and y Jofinson will go down to osterity, not only as the betrayer of his party. but as aningrate, infamousin all time to come to all honorable men. All the instincts of and y John son are intensely southern. He hates the northern man as intensely as does Davis or Ioombs, Beaureard or Lee. This the southern people know.ence their confidence in Johnson. In my opinion it is, to say the least, unfortunate that any man with intense southern feelings and instincts should at this time be at the head of thisGovernment. the pernicious consequences may require the work of ages to correct and overcome. The Democratic party knew the President and his instincts better than the Union party. The Union party thouaht him true, honest, and patriotic, but in this have they not been shamefully deceived and betrayed? The Democratic party have said from the beginning that the resident would desert the party which elected him, and would return to is 1st love Democracy. Since the death of Mr. Lincoln the bearin of that party has been defiant, arrogant, an supercilious. Their conduct, as well as that, of lending rebels in the South, has for a long time shown that there was an understanding that upon the 1st favorable opportunity the thin ved that covered the Union pretensions of the President should be thrown off, that the Union party and its principles should be] discarded, and that the President was to fall into the arms of the Democratic party, Now, sir, what has time developed? Nobody pretends that the Union party in Congress have proposed measures or departed from the principles upon which they were elected. ey were pledged to every measure that has been proposed in Congress constitutional amendments, Freedmens Bureau bill, and the other measures. They were all discussed before the people in 1864, and indorsed by overwhelming maorities at the polls. lilut the President on these questions differs with the Union party, and Democrats, cop perheads, and rebels agree with the President, and Democratic meetings and rebel newspa pers from one end of the land to the other indorse the President. Somebody has changed, and itisnottheUnion party; besides, that )arty does not intend to c sage. The appea has been made to the people. The people are true honest, and patriotic. They hate treason an traitors. They love justice, liberty, and fair dealing. The are intelligent, and can understand all the e ements in these great questions. They expect, and I hope will not )0 disap pointed, that the Union members will be true to their pledges, themselves, and the country, and unawed by power or patronage. Now, sir, let us see what is the real condition of things in regard to the rebel States. After the collapse of the coufederacy the people of the South did not expect soon to be admitted as equals with the loyal States, but rather expected to be treated and considered as conquered rovince s. They felt and knew that they had fibrfeited all their rights under the Constitution, and that they were traitors and entitled to no rights except what the laws of war and the grace of the conqueror gave them. That life and property was all they asked and more than they deserved. such were the feelings and sentiments of the southern people and the rebel armies at the time of their surrender. such also was the almost universal sentiment of the people in the northern States. Nobody for a moment so posed that as soon as the rebels laid down their arms they would be clamorous for all their former rights without conditions or security for the future. It is almost impossible of belicfthat the traitors who have always hated the Union, and would hang every Union man if they could, should desire, on laying down their arms, to at once come back to the hated Union. But the rebellion had hardly ceased before the Democracy of the loyal States proclaimed the heresy that the rebel States had lost nothing by the rebellion; that on the cessation of hostilities all the former rights of the States revived, and that they had the same rights as any loyal State. Also the lenient and impolitic acts of the Government, by the wholesale pardon of leading rebels, restoration of rebel property, the encouragementto form State governments, with the statement that they woulr be admitted into the Union at once, and the appointment of notorious rebels to office all over the South from Governors down, have entirely changed the hopes, sentiments, and aspirationsof southern leaders and they now imperativel and offensively demand admission into the nion upon an equal footin with the other States. lld we have been to d by a Senfrom one of the border States, and by some of the leading Democratic press of the North, that if this is not done and at once, force may be used and would be justified. such is the arrogance, impudence, and threats that are bein used for the purpose of overawing Congress.This mon strous attempt at fraud will be fully met by true men everywhere and rebuked as it deserves. The VEEP of the late southern confederacy and other rebels admit thatthey have been conquered in the field. But they insist that they can obtain by diplomacy, craft, and fraud all that they desire the control of the Government; that the Democrac of the North are their true friends, and with their help they can succeed. But who are the men in the South that are claiming admission? Not the true Union men, but traitors, southern leaders, the men who in augurated the rebellion and labored for it for 30 years. These are the men who, without shame, penitence, or even regrets for the past, are demanding admission. The true Union men of the South are not now demanding admission. They, as well as every intelligent man in the country, know that the southern States are in no condition to be admitted into the Union at this time. The consequence of their admission now would be that the whole machinery of State government would inevitably be in the hands an control of rebels, who, in every southern State, leaving out the colored race, number 3 ti) one Union man. Then their hate toward the Union men and the colored race is intense and diabolical in the extreme and their power would be constantly exercised to oppress, harass, and extir ate the entire Union element of the South. he Union men in those States desire the protection of the Government against the vioence and outrages of pardoned rebels. The Union people of the rebel States could not maintain themselves for a single day in most parts of the South without the support of the Government. What is the actual condition of the southern States? This is a question of fact, and is to be decided by evidence. Upon this point the evidence has been accumulating for months. It has been gathered from all parts of the South, and by those friendly to the South and without prejudice. The result tends to show, by an overwhelming preponderance of testimony, that if a loyal majority of the people in the rebel States is madeacondition precedent to their readmission into the Union, then they are in no condition to come in. The testimony taken by the reconstruction committee shows that the great mass of the people in the southern Smiths are as much rebels and disloyal today as they were at any time during the war; that their hatred toward the Union and northern peopleis intense; and this is conclusively shown by their acts. The constant and barbarous outrages committed by rebels in the South against the Union men and freedmen would fill volumes, and out rage the feelings of savages. There is neither freedom of speech, of the press, or iotection to life, liberty, or property; and this is the class of people and kind of States that the Dem ocratic party say should be admitted into the Union and the persons highest in authority in the Government are using every 9. pliance, direct and indirect, for the accomplishment of the same object. But these appliances will be disregarded by an honest Congress. But as a reason why these States should be admitted, the rebels and Democrats say that the Government refused to let them 0, and whi ed them back and thwarted their e sigus. This is true. But does it therefore follow that these traitors lostno rights? Is treason no crime? Is an attempt to break up this government no offense? Is it really contended that traitors can inaugurate a rebellion and carry it on for 4 years and yet run no risk of person, property, or loss of rights on its overthrow? The man who attempts my life, but is prevented, does he lose no rights? Can he claim that he be exempt from punishment because he was prevented from the consummation of his offense?.Yet this is the argument of the rebels and those who sympathize with them. The whole territory was ours, and all the people owed allegiance to the Government, and it was our duty to prevent the dissolution of this Union, and because we did prevent it treason is thereby none the less a crime and odious, and traitors are none the less deserving of punishment. Upon what principle was it that we at down the rebellion by force, burned towns, destroyed property, devastated the country, took prison ers, killed people, made warb It was u wer and right incident to all Governments, an without which no Government could exist. It was the high principle of self preservation. We rightfully decided under the Constitution how the war should be prosecuted, what means should be used, and the extent. Our right was absolute under the laws of war. The reellion became a public territorial war, and the people engaged in it werepublic enemies, and entitled only to the rights of enemies under the laws of war. But did this war power of the Government over the rebels and the territory they occupied cease the moment their armies were dispersed and the war no longer flagrant? The rebels have been declared to be “ public enemies” by the highcstlnw tribunal in this country, the SCOTUS The character of a public enemy having once been stamped upon t iem, their former rights cannot be regained by their having ceased fighting. To stop fighting does not made them cease to be public enemies, because they may have ceased to fight for want of means, not will. The Government must necessarily be the judge of the whole case. It not only has the right to decide what shall be done when the war is flagrant, but on the same principle to de cide what is necessary for the preservation of the Government after the armies may have been dispersed. The question as to the static: of the peeple of the rebel States is exclusively a political question, determinable by the executive and legislative branches of the Government. This has been reeatedly decided by the SCOTUS and publicists eve where. Therefore the Government has a rightto decide whether the rebels shall have the status of public enemies; whether and when a state of peace shall be declared, and upon what conditions; how and in whatway the rebels shall be governed; and when and under what circumstances and conditions the rebel States may be admitted into the Union. The power of the Government to this extent I think cannot be successfully controverted. In the prize cases, 2 Black, it is decided that “ The laws of war, whether the war be civil or interaenteac, onvert everycitizen of Rio hostileState into a public enemyapd treat him accordingly whatever may have beenhis previous conduct." All treaties between the partiesare annulled." The court further says: “In the case of a rebellion or the resistanceof a portion of the people of a country against the estab islied Governmentthere is no doubt, if. in its prog ressand enlargement.the Governmentthussoughtto be overthrown sees fit. it may by the competent power recognize or declare the existenceofcivilWar. which will draw after it all the consequencesand rights of war between the contendinc partisan sin the caseofa public war. No rights of the South that were lost by the rebellion were revived or repossessed by trai tors on the cessation of hostilities. War destroys all rights but the rights ofwar. It annuls contracts, compacts, treaties, constitutions, and none of these rights are revived or in force simply by the termination of the war. This is a universal rule in war between foreign nations. The war that we have just passed through stands upon the same groan s. It has been decided by the SCOTUS, in the cases referred to, that it was a public territorial war, and that all the rights, isabilities, and consequences of a foreign war attached. The South strictly are entitled only to the rights of war. We are the conquerors and they the conquered; and if they are not a conquered people then no people ever were. They themselves so understood it and accepted it. But the leniency of those in power and the willingness of the Democracy to receive them back, and with open arms, and without conditions, has raised hopes and created de sires doomed to disappointment. At the commencement of the rebellion the South confidentl expected aid and comfort from their friends in the North; this was undoubtedl promised., Now the rebels are invied to come back by these same friends, when they certainly must know that under the present condition of things the doors will be closed. This, I think, the South will regard as add iniinsult to injury. ow, it may be as important for the public good and general welfare to control an govern the rebel States, after armed resistance has ceased, to demand security for the future, so as to prevent rebellion and treason in all time to come, and for selfpreservation, as it was to put down armed resistance to the Government; and there is as much power and authority under the Constitution for the one as theother. The evidence shows that treason and rebellion still exist in the hearts of most of the southern people. This power to govern the rebel States after their armies were dispersed has been acted upon by every Dept of the Government up to the present moment, all concedin its absolute necessity. Hence, we have maintained military governments over the South hitherto. This is in fact a mild form of war, justified by the laws of war, the Constitution, and the admitted condition of affairs in the rebel States. New, sir, what policy should be pursued by the Government in regard to those States; and what departinent of this Government has the right under the Constitution to decide in regard to the question of restoration and admission of the rebel States. I have already stated that the Executive claims that right. This claim, in my opinion, isan attempted usurpation of power, and that the practice of the Government and the decision of the highest tribunal in the land deny this power to the President. It has never been excrcised or attempted to be exercised by an Executive till now. 1he ComReconstruction has reported a resolution to each House in relation to Tennessee, and asserts in that resolution that “ the people of Tennessee can execute the functions of a State within the Union only by the permission of the lawmaking power." I ere is a statement of the true principle, and till ver recently has always been understood to be the law. This certainly was understood to be the theory and practice of the Government as late as September 12, 1865. August 29, 1865, Provisional Governor Mar vin, of Florida, wrote a letter to Secretary Seward, transmittin a copy of s reclamation which he had issue to the pee i; of Florida convening a convention with the view of restoring that State to the Union. I will read a paragraph or 2 from that paper: “ Whereas by the proclamation of Andrew Johnson, POTUS, dated lSlh of July, 1855.I have been appointed pronsiona] governor of the State of Florida, Wit instructions to prescribe, at the earliest practical period, such rules and regulations as may be necessary and proper for convening a convention of the people composed of delegates to be chosen by that portion of the people who are loyal to the U.S., and no others: and also with all the power necessary and proper to enable such loyal people of suid State to restore it to its constitutional relations to the Federal Government, and to present such a RFG as will entitle theState to the guaranteeof the U.S. therefor and its people to the protection of the U.S. against invasion, InSllllBOllOB and domestic violence.“ “ “10th. Upon the establisliment of a republican form of State government under a cpnstitution which guaraiities and secures liberty to all I uhiibitants alike. Without distinction of color, there Will no longer exist any impediment in the way of restoring the State to its proier constitutional relations to the Government of the U.S., whereby its people will be entitled to protcction by the U.S. azainlt invasion, insurrection, and domestic violence." Secretary Seward, September 12, 1865, in answer to said letter wrote the followmg to Governor Marvin: Dept or STATE. WASHINGTON, September 12.1M5. Sm: Your Excellopeys letter of the 29th ultimo, with the accompanying preclamntion, has been received and submitted to the President. The steps to which it referstoward reorganizing the Kowfllmcllt of Florida seem to bein the main gudioiou and Rood results from them may he hoped o. The presumption to which the proclamation refers. however, in favor of insurgents who may Wish to voto and who may have applied for but not received their portions, is not exactly approved. All applications for (par don will be duly considered and will be dispose of as soon as mu be practible. It iiiust. however, be distinctly understood that the restoration to whiph our proclamation refers will be subject to the decision of Congress. I have the honor to be your Excellencys obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. His Excellency wILLIAM Martvis. Provinenal Governor of the State of Florida, Tallahassee. Also by order of the President the following was sent to Governor Sharkey: Wisnisoros, July 24, 1865. W. L. SBARKEY, Provisonal Governor of Miuiuippi. Your tclegram of the 21sthas been received. The President sees no reason to interfere with General Slocum proceedings. The government of the State will be provisional only until the civil authorities shall be restored with the approval of Congress. Meanwhile military authority cannot be withdrawn. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Seward distinctly lays down the doctrine, that the question of restoration to which the proclamation referred must be f subject to the decision of Congress.” This was sound constitutional doctrine then; but now we are given to understand that Mr. Seward, as well as the President, repudiates the doctrine and policy which they proclaimed but a few months ago. This same principle, that to Congress belonged the question of restoration, was asserted by the ast Congress, with but little if any opposition. But the SCOTUS, in the case of Luther vs. Borden, 7 Howard, page 42, in ii. case growinv out of the Dorr rebellion in the State of RhdIsland, pnd involving the question under consideration, says: “Under this nrtiele of the Constitution it rests with Congressto decide which government of the 2 set u in Ithodo Island] is the establishedone, for us the U.S. guaranties to each State a republican government, congress must necessarily determine what government is establishedin a State before it can decide whether it is republican or not. When the Sens&Reps of a State areadmitted into the councils of the Union the authority of the government under which they areappointed is recognized by the proper constitutioual authority. Audits decision is binding on everyother Dept of the Government.” These authorities, it seems to me ought to end the controversyas to the right of Congress over the IGSMOD of restoration of the rebel States. he civil governments of the rebel States were totally destroyed. Their organization as States in the Union no longer existed. These States voluntarily dissolve their connection with the Government; their members left these Halls, and they attached themselves to another government in hostility to our own. This condition of things has been 7 times recited by the President in his proclamations establishing provisional governments for 7 of the rebel States. I Will read from the proclamation establishing provisional government for NCarolina. his language is used: “ Whereas the rebellion which has been waged by a portion of the people of the U.S. against the properly constituted authorities of the Government thereof, in the most violent and revolting form, but whoseorganizedand armedforceshave nowbeen almost entirely overcome. has, in its revolutionar regress.deprived the peopleof the State of Nor arolina of all civil government." The language of the other proclamations is the some. The distinct statement is that the rebellion, in its revolutionary progress, has deprived those States of all civil governments. Now, sir, under all the circumstances, and in view of the future pence, prosperity, and security of the country, and in view of the pledges made to the people touching the past and present condition of the rebel States, what ought to be required as a condition precedent to the readmission of the rebel States? In my opinion public faith and security renire 1st. That the Government shall be absolutely protected from the repetition of secession and reellion by providing for the punishment of treason. 2nd. That the freedoms shall be secured itian absolute equality with the white man before i the law, and shall be endowed with every political right necessary to maintain that equality. 3rd. That representation in Congress shall be founded on and in proportion to numbers entitled to suffrage. 4th. That the rebel debt shall be absolutely repudiated. k 5th. That civil rights shall be guarantied to all with the means to enforce them. These rights and conditions should be so cured by properamendments to the Constitution, and now is the time and this Congress the place to inaugurate these amendments, and if now we fail to perform our duty in this regard when we have the power, we shall justly be held responsible by the people who sent us here. We will be derelict in our duty to our selves and to the honest expectations of the country. The people demand security for the future, so that the sacrifices which have been made to secure union and liberty may not be entirely lost. Now, sir, who are the men that have opposed every measure, and are now opposin every measure that tends to equality before the law, and the protection of the citizen in life, liberty, and iroperty? Why, sir, it is that class of men who have sympathized with the rebellion, who refused to vote a man or a dollar to suppress the rebellion, and who proclaimed at Chicago that the “war was a failure.” and in this Hall this week, when a measure was before us for the protection of the Union soldier in the rebel States for his acts under lawful commands against the prosecutions that are being instituted against him by rebels, the Democratic party voted solid against the bill. This certainly is strong evidence of their love for the soldier and the rights of the citizen. We are told that in the State of Kentucky alone there are 3500 prosecutions pending against Union soldiers, and that in most cases the prosecutors are rebels and have fought against the old dog and on the side of Jeff. Davis; being whipped in the field, they apical to the courts. ut, sir, we are told by the Opposition and by the South that unless we admit the southern States at once, and without condition, the rebels in those States will become very indignant; that it will produce hatred and malice toward the North; that the “ southern heart” will be fired anew; that Union men and the freedmen will not be permitted to live there, and that the South will again take up (wins against the Government; or, in other words, that the South lost nothing by the rebellion, and that the rebels are the conquerors and entitled to name the terms upon which the consent to come back. This was the kind of talk that we heard at the commencement of the rebellion. It was said the Government should conciliate the South; that it should do nothingto irritate her; that if the southern heart became fired the whole North would be overrun with the rebel armies;. that Our towns and cities would be sacked, and all our women carried off. Well, this alarmed a good many timid men and women, and the conciliatory pol icy was tried, and the “southern heart” was not appeased, and the success of the Union arms was almost despaired of. A new policy was inaugurated; we made war on the rebels and success and victory every where perchc on our banner. The rebel ar mies have been dispersed and we are conquer ors and the rebels the conquered party. The Government is the party to dictate terms, and should prescribe conditions commensurate with the enlightened ideas and civilization of the age. The war of arms has been gloriously consummated. The achievements of our soldiers have shed imperishoble honor upon themselves and the country. To them we owe a debt of gratitude which never can be paid. But, sir, peace has her victories not less renowned than those of war. There is another war being waged, and between the same parties and their respective supporters who strug t gled for the ase endency on the battle ficld is a war of ideas. It is a contest between civ 1 ilization and barbarisrn, freedom and slavery, treason and loyalty. In this great moral conflict, involving the countrys safety, prosperity, and honor. the whole world are intereste spectators. The truc patriot everywhere will watch with profound interest the result of this great moral] and intellectual struggle. As when the rebellion was flagrant, so now the haters of republican institutions, free government, and the equality of men, are on friendly to the loyal North and strongly sympathize with the rebels and their preposterous and arrogant pretensions and demands. The loyal people everywhere have a full conception of the great issues involved in this controversy. They cannot be deceived, and if we here in this Hall truly reflect the sentiment, desires, and ideas of the loyal people, civilization, right, liberty, and equality will trium h, and the sacrifices of the war will not. have men in vain.But, Mr. Speaker, suppose the Union people, we here in this Hall, yield up these great principles of justice and right, and the principles of the opposition and the rebel loaders prevail; thereby States would be admitted with all their disloyalty, treason, hatred of the Government, hatred of the freedmen and Union men in the South, and with the unrepentant rebel smarting under the humiliation of defeat. What would be the consequences? The rebel States would have entire and exclusive control of their State governments. Their State laws would comport with their bitter feelings against the Government, Union men, and the freedmen; they would at once he persecuted, hunted down like dogs, their property confiscated, discriminated against in every law, deprived of suffrage and all rights, and would be extermi nated or compelled to leave the States. This is no fancy picture. such is the cffeet of their inhuman laws today, and made, too, by these reconstructed rebels. The Unitin men now are being compelled to leave the rebel States to save their property and lives. The Freedmens Bureau bill was intended in part to remedy these great outrages perpe trated upon the Union men and freedmen. The Democratic party here voted solidly against it, and their President vetoed the bill. But wh such hot haste to admit the rebel States? Vhat is to be gained by it? It would seem that those who urge the immediate admission of the southern States can have but little regard for the memories of the glorious dead who have fallen in this bloody war, or the feelings of mothers, sisters, and widows, whose mourning weeds are still worn as sad memorials of their great loss, and by the hands of these very traitors whom it is proposed to admit into the Union. Then what necessity is there, public or otherwise, for the admission of these disloyal States? For whose good? Certainl the Government can go on without them. O can perform our duties here without them. But it is said that we tax them and they are not represented. In answer, I will say that we have he right to tax them and even to confiscate their property for their treason if we choose. But whose fault is it that they are not represented here? Not certainl the fault of the Government. It is the resull and consequence of their treason by which all their rights, even to life, were justly liable to forfeiture for their crimes. The Government has never released its rights upon the rebels as subjects, though the rebels by the laws of war have forfeited all their rights under the Government. Besides, the objection that the South are not represented comes with a bad see from the reels who have for years, an in the most cruel manner, excluded nearly half of their own poulation from representation and every other civil right, and still insist upon excluding from all equality of right, civil or political, 4 millions of their own citizens. Terebels werepublic enemies. By becomin enemies they annulled and lost all their rights in the Government and can never regain them excepting by the consent of the lawmaking power of the Government. Now, I will say to the people of the southern States that, until you show fruits meet for repentance; that until there is loyalty and patriotism enough in the southern States to secure and protect life, liberty, property, and equality of rights to all, you are in no condition to be admitted among the loyal States, and ought not to be, and will not he; therefore your present political aspirations to be admitted into the Union should cease. Let your attention be directedito the improvement of your shattered fortunes, your morals, your humanity, and loy alty. In this way only, in my opinion, can you ever regain those privileges which are now justly denied to you. Mr. Speaker, this Government will be preserved with all its glories and its inestimable blessings. Those who have defended this Union a inst the machinations of rebels and traitors Will take care that all the privileges, immuni ties, and guarantees of this Government shall be transmitted unimpaired to posterity. Let justice humanity, liberty, and equality ever be the motto of the American Republic.