Mr. CLARKE, of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, not withstanding the bitterness of feeling in which the rebellion was projected, and the more than savage ferocity with which it was prosecuted, still the hearts of the loyal people of the nation are full of tenderness, and ready to respond with kindness to the appeals of our erring brethren whenever those appeals are made in the spirit that ought to touch our sympathies and challenge our forgiveness. If we appear to move cautiously in the work of reconstruction, and to consider the measures necessary to that end with more than ordinary deliberation; if we a pear tardy in the eyes of those lately in rebellion jn our advances to ward their restoration to their former condition in the Union, it should be a full answer to them, and an ample justification to us, in the judgment of all impartial minds, that we have not only good cause to be deliberate, but that haste in such an undertaking, with such rent responsibilities depending upon what we O in that behalf, would not only bring reproach upon us as a deliberative body, but expose the country to results more calamitous, if possible, than those from which we have but just emerged after a 4 years war. The times in which we live and the people with whom we have to deal in this work, are worthy of careful consideration, for without a just appreciation of them we have no nssurance that our labors will be either wise or well timed. Old things are passing away, and new ones are taking their places; old ideas, old errors. are fading out in the sunlight of truth, and old customs and practices, based on exploded dogmas, are everywhere crumblin into ruins, and a higher and holier order of t ings succeeds, keepin pace with the moralizing and Christianizing influences which mark with especial significance the ruling spirit of the times. Slavery, that but a short time since was re ceived as a Godiven institution to man, has fallen under the an of a purer morality and gone down with the curses of the Christian world restin upon its memory. 4 brief ears have one the work for that monstrous institution of outrage and wrong and crime against humanity. With the full of slavery must also fall the things pertaining thereto; the thing that was yesterday a chattel is today a man, and the master who esterday had his heel upon the neck of his slave todny. meets that slave upon the level of a common equality in all that pertains to the natural and civil rights of man. These changes are suddenly thrust upon us, and upon those with whom we are dealing in the work of reconstruction, and necessarily require to be kept constantly in view in whatever is proposed as a solution of the great question. The negro is in our hands—his well being his liberty, his life, are all at our mercy, an whether we like or dislike the labor of providing for his future destiny, it falls upon us as a charge of the most solemn and obligin character. Through the providence of GO he has become a free man, and we must see to it that the rent purposes his deliverance is intended to ehect are not lest through our neglect. These things cluster around the question of reconstruction, and require to be carefully considered; we are our brothers keeper, and must see that even handed justice shall be meted out to the black man if possible; at least he must be protected from outrage until time and the refining influences of the new order of things shall bring our erring brethren to a right appreciation of the dignit of man and the duties and obligations that man good imposes upon all and while we should not judge too harshly, we cannot forget that the rebellion was pro jected deliberately, rejected by men of great capacity and of the ighest respectability, occupying the most important and ) commanding positions in the Sout many of them holding seats in these Halls, so emnly sworn to support the Constitution, and who, regardless of their oaths, left their places here with the openly declared purpose of doing to their respective constituencies to kindle in the hearts of their loyal and unsuspecting people the fires of rebellion, to instruct them in t lelessons of trea son, and to make war upon the nation. Other prominent leaders, wearing the uniform of the Army and Navy of our Government, who had long years been the recipients of its beneficence an onors, abandoned their duty and their allegiance and, laying perjury upon their souls, became the willing and active Ileaders in the war of the rebellion, eagerly seeking to destroy the Government which their duty and their oaths bound them alike to defend. These are the schoolmasters of the rebellion; these are the men who have taught treason as a science to the people of the South; these are the men who have e tup this bloody crusade upon our country for our years, and who only yielded when their last man was conscripted, their last dollar expended, and theirlast ration consumed — then, indeed they hauled down their insult in flag and acknowledged their cause lost. arely in the history of civilized man have we aparallel of the savage spirit with which they carried on the war. With a hatred fiendish be yond comparison, they disregarded the laws of war and the common sentiments of humanity by refusing to accept the surrender of prisoners choosing rather to butcher them after they had thrown down their arms and be ged for uarter. They bayoneted the wounded who ell into their hands; the but prisoners in death pens by 1,000s. to destroy their lives by the process of exposure and starvation; they sporte with the suffering of their prisoners, and taxed their ingenuity to invent new methods of torture; they invaded the sanctit of the have by digging up the buried dead who had fallen in batt dishonorin their bones by appropriating them to base an degrading purposes, 1n savage de rision of those brave men who loved their country better than life, and who died to redeem it from the bloody grasp of a wicked, relentless, godless rebellion. These are the men, these plotters and teachers of treason and leaders of the rebellion, who are clamorous for an immediate unconditional return to their original status in the Union. I do not array these charges against them to increase the in ignation they naturally inspire in the breasts of all Christian people but I desire that the world shall know, now an hereafter, the men with whom we have to deal in the work of reconstruction, that the world may comprehend the force of circumstances with which we are surrounded. I do not doubt there are loyal men in all e bravely fighting forlheir country, and those States. I do not doubt they are all tired of the wicked war they have been waging against the Union. I do not doubt they are convinced it was not only a great folly, but a great crime, to begin that war, and that it has proved an ever memorable curse to them, and to the entire South, in the terrible desolation of life and property it has wrought and further, I do not don t that it leaves stings and wounds and scars, as well as heart burnings and hates and curses, unuttered they may be but deep seated and bitter, that in many need but a word to move their souls to mutiny. Now, sir, while I am ready to forgive the offender who manifests sincere re entance, however great the crime, and while Iam anx ious for an early restoration of these people to their lost estate, I cannot forget the care I am sworn to take of the Constitution of my country, and with it the great structure of free government which require that I should 1st look to the household of faith, and to be very sure that in all that is done or proposed no unnecessary danger is to be risked) to the country. Much as I sympathize with these misled people, and much as desire that they be healed, Iain more bound in duty and affection to those who have stood firm in their integrity and pre served the nation from the wrath of its ussail ants. Much has been said as to the relation which the rebel States have sustained and do now sustain to the Union. It is a question about which great dificrences of opinion exist, but in the light I view the whole subject, I do not conceive it important how the conclusion may settle down on that question; our duty is the same, the evil is the same, and the remedy the same. There was a time when these States were all in harmony with the Union, enjoying its protection, and sharing its prosperity; their Sens&Reps were occuping honorable seats in this Capitol, making laws for the nation; their men of mark—and they had many of them—were commanders in our Army and Navy, in diplomatic service abroad, judges of Federal courts Cabinet ministers, were everywhere where istinished ability was required. Suddenly these ails were aban doned by them; judges and marshalsand postmasters and commanders of fleets and armies, of forts and arsenals, custodians of the public property and treasure ever where in the South renounced the national authority and their allegiance to it, and took art with the rebellion. State Lewislatures and State conventions assem bled and adopted, in all possible solemnity, ordinances of secession, and the entire machinery of a new hostile government was installed and assumed life and motion, and all the visible ligaments by which those States were connected With the Union, to appearance, totall severed. These are the facts, call them by what name you will. Unconstitutional, as we contend, and therefore void in loyal contemlation, but, nevertheless, aimed to e effectun in dissolving the Union, and practically for 4 years as completely successful as though warranted by express constitutional provisions. For 4 years these insurgent States were without representation in Congress, without the recognized right to such representation; for 4 years the civil authority of the national Government was suspended in those States; our customhouses were abandoned or in the control of rebels; our ostal system broken up; our Federal courts c osed; all the machinery of civil government under the national authority completely paralyzed, was unknown, and all that time a new government was set up and acknowledged by them, hostile to the Union, making war upon us with all the energy and power it could employz lacking only success to impart to it the dignity and permanency of a nation. At the end of the struggle, when this rebel organization was overpowered by the irresistible weight of the military arm of the Union; when battles ceased because the fee was vanquished, then came peace, and statesmanship is summoned to take the place of arms, an conduct victory to its logical conclusions, the establishment of a permanent peace, with all proper guarantees against repeated violence from the same source, and for the same causes especially, and all other proper measures of future security which the gessons and experience of the past shall suggest. Whether in the Union or out of it does not change, in an manner, our high duty to make a wise and wholesome use of the victory, and see that nothing is left undone that is necessary for the future national peace. The interest of the nation is 1st to be consulted—what it needs must be Secured; when that is done, then whatever of tenderness and lenity may be safely and prudently extended to the insurgent States, no fist and liberal mind will seek to withhold. ke the prodigal son, the have abandoned the parentiel mansion, haye taken their portion and gpent l in riotouslivmg; become poor, naked, amished, feeding upon husks. But unlike the prodigal son, the have none of his penitent spirit. He would arise and go to his father, and say, “Father I have sinned against heaven and before thee, and am no more worthy to be called thy son. Not so with our rebel breth ren. NO penitence, no acknowledgment of er ror, no manifestation of the return of filial or fraternal re ard, but a sullen, reluctant sub mission to tcforce of circumstances they cannot control. They rebelled and made war upon us; we met them with the force of the nation and subdued them; and just where the war left them, legislation takes charge of them. The war Wu waged against them to prevent them from overthrowing the Government. Our armies accomplished their great duty; they did it well; they grevented the destruction of the Union by sub uing and disarming its enemies; and now it is our duty, as statesmen, by wise and well considered measures, to secure to the country the fruits of victory achieved by our arms, to certainly prevent any further efforts, by war or otherwrse, on the part of the insurgents, to break down our Government; and we are not required to involve ourselves in a needless wrangle as to their status, whether they are in or out of the Union, whether they remain States or mere masses of disorganized people. They were once States in the nion, and are destined to be so again, I trust, and to enjoy as such all the rights and privileges of the most favored. But when thathlessing shall descend upon them it must be accompanied by such just and needful regulations, applicable to all, as shall ive unmis takable guarantee against all possible contingency whereby the peace, the prosperity, the ife of the nation may again be put in peril. The efforts of the resident in restoring the civil omrnment in those States have been emi nent? successful, and no doubt contributed largely to the reestablishment of law and order among the people thereof. The more complete thatwork the better for those people and for the Union, and the sooner will they be prepared to resume their relations with the loyal States in the Union. But in all that is said and done in view of complete restoration, it must not be overlooked, that in no event can any of the delinquent States he permitted to participate in the national councils until they will present such men as their Representatives who will take the oath all 10 al Representatives are required to take, an who represent a loyal constituency. It has been repeatedly asserted upon this floor that these rebel States have a right to immediate unconditional representation in Congress, and that nothing but the physical force of supe prior numbers keeps them out. If that be so, when did they not have the right to be here I Had SCarolina and Georgia a right to have their Representatives here during the war 3 Had they the right to le warn on us, and also help complete our s cc y ruin. By taking part in our legisation? I they had no right to legislate here during the war, when, an by what not of theirs, did they acquire that right? By repealing the ordinances of secession? No; these acts were without constitutional sanction, mere nullities, and needed no repeal to render them void. Was it by ceasing to make war? That brought peace, not reconciliation. Reconstruction isnot so trifling or so cheap a thing that it was to be had by a vanquished enemy upon his own terms. The leading rebels say they fought for principle. If they had a right to make war, we were Wrong in opposing them; and the right to make war on principle is as good in their behalf to da as it was when they 1st fired upon Sumter. It is exactly for the reason that they claim to have been right in rebelling that we are in duty bound so to arrange matters in the new order of things that neither the rebel States nor others shall ever hereafter have the pre tense of authority toinstitute a rebellion, make war upon the Union, and institute a hostile government within it and we, the Representatives of the loyal people of the Union, propose to become the sole judges ourselves 0tP the terms and time of that restoration. We can no more submit that question to the judgment and decision of those ately in rebellion than could our Utiion generals have dared to submit their councils of war to be controlled by rebel leaders when great battles with treason were pending. If we had submitted to a war, such as they would have directed on our part, we should have had a brief and bloodless conflict, the confederacy would have triumphed, and our Union dissevered forever. As in war, so now in eace, we shall take care to uard the citadel O freedom; and while we proper the right hand of fellowship to those who have so long and so persistently stru,led to destroy us, let them know that solemn duty requires that we exercise the same watchful vigilance in legislation that our soldiers did in war to preventthe success of the enemies of the Union, that it may not be said of us hereafter. to our shame, that the achievement of our armies came u. to the summit of public exeetation and did its work well in reaking own the rebellion, but that congress was wanting in wisdom or fidelity to make secure the fruits of victory. Who does not know that an unconditional restoration of those States would result in fresh revolts, and that all our bloody battles will have to be fought over again before our rand children shall have attained to manhood 2 Why did we fight at all, if the cause of the conflict is to remain as seed of future carnage? Nay, sir, peace is too sweet, and blood too pre cious, to be exposed to the perils of such re construction. the hour has come, and the men are here, to do the work that loyal people are praying for. Let us do it as men instgucted by our years of terrible conflict, and inspired by the prayers of millions of loyal hearts, who feel deeply the magnitude of the work upon our hands, and who daily and hourlyask God to. help us to wise and safe conclusions. e ask no concessions of these people that would be degrading or unmanly in them to concede; we ask nothing that should offend the pride of brave men; we must demand of them that they renounce the right to take the life of the nation. May we not O this? Nay, fvill owe be held guiltlese if we accept anything ess. Slavery is gone; it expired before they laid down their arms; that much we have Without asking; it fell by the sword, the arbiter to which its friends appealed. One of the great elements of discord it certainly was, and possibly without it our late troubles would never have overtaken us. But there is now a time to remove the remaining roots of bitterness that if left untouched may give us future grief. Let us pull them out and as we start afresh wrth a reconstructed niou, let it be under the most favorable circumstances, that the hearts and hopes of our people may be fully inspired with the promises of a glorious future. The greatpurpose, the only purpose of the war on our part, was the suppressron of armed rebellion. By war we broke down the military power of the insurgent States; in no other way wasit possible to makehead against treason, and save the nation. We did break it down, and a quasi peace, the peace we nowhave, succeeded the noble achievements of our armies. But who will dare to assert, in the face of facts known to exist, that treason has been exter minated, or that the peace we have is such a peace as gives that ample confiding security to persons and property we have a right to de mand upon any foot of land over which the rebel flag ever floated as the emblem of confederate rule? Why, sir, the most hopeful portion of all the South, whence the word of promise is broughtto our ears with a persuasive soothing that at ters us with the hope of settled eace and loyalty, and that treason and rebdllion are only spoken of as things of the past—even there, we have almost daily reports of utterances and acts of treason of the most starth ng character. such is the unsettled condition of things even there that buskwhackers highwaymen, and bandits carry on their tra e O crime and out rage withiu the very limits of the State capital, and all the civil, military, and moral power of the State is utterlyinadequate to the preservation of order or the protection of the loyal people; and nothing but the national forces in tevicinity prevents the outlaws from driving the loyal citizens out of the State, and trea son—bold, unblushing treason—again spread out its bloodv banner over that devoted land. The war did not squelch out rebellion; it simply disarmed it. I; did not burn out trea son; it lowered its front and taught it to be silent, and that silence is the peace we have— nothing more. It is not merely an empty, nominal peace that we are seeking, that we are struggling to establish for the people of the Soutiir, but a healthful, vigorous peace, that carries upon its front the aegis of security to the people every where; a repose founded upon universal loyalty, the honest resolves o peniteut men to cease to do evil and to learn to do well; men who, whatever may have been their former guilt in the great crime against their country, are willing to abandon altheir wicked purposes and in good faith to return to their allegiance, and by word and deed help to restore to our common country all that it has lost in the rebellion, as far as it may be attainable by human etfort. The experience of every day, in this Hall, satisfies me that the great work before us, if done right, must be done by the friends of the Union; done in the face of a watchful and per sistent Opposition that permits no occasion to pass unimproved to embarrass every effort we make in the direction of reconstruction. The same spirit that was manifested during the entire war—that hunglike asperpetual night mare upon the nation, sugar coated creaking, wearing aupon the surface a gloss of patriotism, but at the core full of sympathy for the cause of the enemy—is visible at every step we take in this work, and, while itnecessarily embarrasses our movements, inspires the rebels with.hopes of terms they know they do not deserve and would not ask but for the encouragement of such ill timed service; it emboldens them to demand terms of return in the defiant tone of victors and not in the submissive spirit of a vanfiiished people. When 1st these men were subdued, and their armies surrendered, they were read to accept peace upon any terms; death to t to leaders, confiscation to the rich, and disfranchisement to the rank and file would have been accepted as reasonable by men who knew and felt they had forfeited everything, even life itself, by the crimes they had committed. But a sympathizing party—the same that have them aid and comfort 1n war—still faith ul to its instincts, followed them in their misfortunes, and inspired their hopes by assuring them they had done no wron; they had merely asserted a political principle; that was their undisputed right; they faiiiad to maintain it, not because they were wrong, but because they were overborne by brute force. The whisperings of such friend: gave them encouragement; they revived in spirit, and in stead of being supphants at our feet, a crushed people, fallen in a bad cause, they became emboldened, and assume to dictate to us the terms upon which they will accept the peace we tender them. The same fell spirit follows their cause into this Capitol, an every succeeding day introduces us to new apologists, who seem best pleased with themse ves when they have done the most to justify the insur gents and criminate their country. Instead of be]ing us to carve out some safe system that shallprestore the quiet of the country and the harmony of the nion, and soften down the asperities that naturally exist on both sides, we are met at every step with a stub born, I may say a malignant, antagonism, and denounced as tyrants, oppressors, and violators of the Constitution, while the ilty, bloodstained rebels, are held up as the himbs of innocence, and the only persons deserving especial regard in all that may be done in the work of reconstruction. If we propose to s on e out the rebel debt, we are told it wouldvio the the Constitution. If we pro ose to disfranchise leading rebels who have been conspicuous in treason, we are told it would be unconstitutional. If we propose equnlizin the representation in Congress so that u SCarolina rebel shall, at most not possess more political power than a loyal Ohioan, we are told it would be unconstitutional. If we propose to amend the Constitution, without 1st inviting the whole rebel delegation to seats in this body, it is denounced as unconstitutional. The oath we take, as members of this House, though good enough for those whose loyalty has not been questioned is too stron for the reconstructed rebel, and his friendsghere de nounce itas unconstitutional, and demand its modification or re eal. If we propose the establishment of a hreedmens Bureau by which peace shall be secured in localities wherepub ic virtue has gone down so low that it cannot maintain social order, we are told it is unconstitutional. If we give a morsel of food to the starving poor of the rebel States, to spare to the Lazaruses of the South, black or white, the crumbs from the rich mans table, we are re buked for our ill timed charity, and admenished in a Christian spirit that it were better those crumbs be cast to rebels dogs than thus to violate the Constitution. In short, we can make no move in the direction of reconstruction without arousing the fury of the constitutional lions of this House, whose peculiar provipee seems to be to take care that that sacred instrument receives no damage at the hands of loyal men. Rebels may tear it down and trample it under foot, make war upon the Union, destroy the property and lives O our people, set up a hostile government, and move heaven and earth for our destruction, and yet it is all entirely satisfactory to these vigilant, Arguseyed guardians of the Constitution, and clearly within the letter and spirit of that instrument as construed by them and their rebel friends. In their opinion, the Constitution gives wea one to its adversaries, and in vites its own destruction, but has no rights of self protection or motives to use them. Shame upon such statesmanship! It smacks of the patriotism of Arnold. In the hands of such men, the nation could not stand a 12 month. A majorit in Congress thus disposed, our Union would he quietly dissolved and a multitude of separate nations would arise from its ashes, full of the elements of eternal warfare. But wh such haste to get back into the Union? s it our good, or the good of those lately in rebellion, that is to be consulted by a precipitate restoration? and when did they discover that the Union they so causelessly abandoned without our consent 5 years a o, is now so very precious in their esteem? of they return to revive in congress the quarrel they lost by war, as asserted y a conspicuous leader of the South claiming a seat in this Hall? Do they expect to have the VEEP of the confederacy. Alexander B. Stephens, and his colleague, crschel V. Johnson, a man of equal rank and lame in the annals of the rebellion, to enter the Senate and mouth out treason after the model of Toombs and Iverson, whose seats they would fill for loyal Georgia? Do they expect the country to be especially blessed in the delegates from districts where loyal men dare not offer themselves as candidates, and where only those rendered famous by their services or their wounds in the work of rebellion are chosen to Congress? Is this the feast to which we are invited in the name of the Union? Are these the associates with whom we are to minglc,nnd with whose hel just and patriotic laws are to be made for the loyal people of the land? God forbid that ever that day shall come to this fair land of ours, when its recious interest shall be committed to such legislationl Liberty is too valuable to be haz arded by such an unnatural commingling of treason and loyalty. If the South can send here none other than her rebel leaders as representatives in the national councils, then we shall act wisely to do without their presence, as we have done fovfive years past. Has she no loyal nien worthy of her confidence? Then let her wait until time and a new generation shall furnish her with afresh growth of available men. The children of Israel were forty years passing through their probation pre paratory to entering upon the promised land. et us not hasten to destruction; a little patiencein this matter can do the countrynoharm. The South have ample national rotcctiou, and no good thing will be withheld from them; but they must not. minister in sacred things until they are freed from the savor of treason, and the blood of the rebellion has been washed from their hands and now, sir, having undisguisedly expressed my detestation of treason, and denounced it and its authors as I feel they deserve, I am, notwithstanding all! I have said and believe on the subject, and notwithstanding the recent demonstrations at the other end of the avenue, as unexpected as they are unfortunate, and deeply to be re etted by every friend of the Government— cmonstrations but too well cal culated, if not so intended, to open an impassablegulf between the legislative and executive Depts that cannot fail, under the exercise of the utmost forbearance and wisdom of Congress, in embarrassments of a most injuri ous, if not of a lasting character to the country —I say, I am read at any hour the committee shall report upont e claims of the delegates from Tennessee and Arkansas, to vote for the admission of uch of thein as are prepared to take the oath required, unless some unexpected developments be made in such report as to remder it nn iossible for me to do so, consistent with my duty and my oath. I should not do so because I am at all satisfied there is that abounding loyalty of the masses of those States that I would desire to sec—for certainly they come far short of it—bnt because I believe there is a germ of honest patriotism there, which, by kindly cultivation, will grow into reliable loyalty; and because I feel so Well assured of the healthy tone of public sen timent that abounds elsewhere among the stead fast friends of the Union, that it would involve no serious risk by a reunion with a small portion of our estraned brethren, who, if not so fully endowed with all the visible graces of re turning loyalty, are aspiring to a state of recon ciliation that ought not to be despised. They reach out to us the right hand of fraternal friendship, if I may not say love; they hold up the olive branch and say peace; they send as messengers their gifted and honored sons, all of whom have been faithful in their allegiance to the Government throughout our struggle—some of them are scarred with honor able wounds received while fighting ourbattles against treason. Shall we spurn them from us under such circumstances? Shall we discredit their sincerity, and turn them back to their States to tell their people how coldly, how mer gilegsly a Union Congress had repulsed them. I trust I do not yield too much to sympathy in considering this case, and in the ardor of my desire to reclaim those who, in an evil hour wandered from the flock, advance too far to gather them back into the fold. We are not in the mood to give in too easily to such impulses. The past is too full of bitter recollections to render it probable that we should be overcome with such weakness, but while I hope to preserve that safe medium between softness and severity, if I must err, in Grids name, let my weakness turn on mercys S] e. We must begin somewhere and some time with these people; they cannot always remain out in the cold; and it cannot be just to such as deserve our consideration to turn them away until the more obdurate are qualified for admittance. Each State, each district, must stand upon its Own merits; we must act upon individual cases; it is best so to do; we shall thereby have the benefit of a partial trial of the operations of the process of reconstruction, and can avail ourselves of its teachings without involving any great national interests in peril. And I would be lnd if the partial reard thus manifested toward those States will exert a favorable influence upon the other States to follow the example thus set them, and in future elections have some regard to qualification of members of Congress that will make them acceptable in this Capitol. But if they heed not this counsel, and still press upon us such men as spurn to take the oath of office administered to all others here, then we say, “ Get thee be hind me, Satan.” This citadel of Constitutional freedommust not be desccrnted by a return of d treason. Around the altarwhere liberty offers its incense let none but patriots kneel. We are told with great emphasis by gentlemen who assume to be especially gifted with the spirit of prophecy that if all those States are not immediately recognized and their dele gates admitted t seats on this floor that the Union may as welFbe declared dissolved. Vain declaration this to veteran Union men,who have grown familiar with these thundering threats for 5 years past, for they have been uttered from every stump in the country where a.copperhead oratorcould command a dozen hearers. We were solemnl warned that if we made war upon the robe lion it would destroy the Union, and that we must compromise a peace if we would save the nation. We listened to the siren song of compromise, and thought there might be something in the caution it suggested; we tried compromise, but the impe rious spirit of the South scorned to listen to our offers, and closed the door in our faces with the arrogant assumption by JeffersonDavis that “the time for compromises was gone.” The rebels appealed to arms; We accepted the challenge as the only remaining alternative except submission, which we dare not for a moment entertain; the nation triumphed, the rebels went down, treason struck its flag, and the Union still survives. I have said, Mr. Speaker, that the hostile spirit of the Opposition in this House indicates very clear y that if anything is done in the way of reconstruction, With a view to the safety of the country, it must be done by the Union party here, unaided by the opposition; nay, sir, not content with a mere si cut. negative upon every move we make but an open, fierce assault at every point, with all the power they can command. It is not strange or new that they thus array themselves against their country; they have done so from the beginning of our troubles, increasing in the intensity of their opposition on each trcsh occasion. In the midst of the war, when we were passing a crisis, when the Government needed the help of every citizen —his money, his vote, his good will at least, if he had nothing better to yield—where were these vain boasters of Democracy? Denouncing the war, denouncing Lincoln, denouncing Congress, denouncing our generals, denouncing our soldiers, casting epithets and odium upon everything connected with the war against treason. They opposed all the measures devised for raising means to carry on the war, to feed and clothe and pay the soldiers, to procure them the arms an munitions of war. hey opposed taxes, opposed tariffs, opposed loans, opposed. greenbaclts, opposed volunteering, opposed conscriptions, opposed filling the ranks with white men or black men, opposed everything in every shape and form presented that tende to advance the great work of breaking down the rebellion. They did this in Congress, they did it in their primary meetings, in State conventions, in their national convention at Chicago, held but a few months before the downfall of the rebellion, and when they knew it was reduced to the last extremity, and only lived upon the food that the hopes of that convention af forded it; then on there, they solemnly but wickedl, falsely, and treasonably resolved the war of the Union to suppress the rebellion had proved a failure l The warafailurcl wasitso? Where wasit afailure? At Fort Donelson, at Shiloh, atVicks burg, at Gettysburg, at 100 other battles that I need not name? All were before that convention assembled; and the whole country, South as well as North, felt and knew that the rebels were in utter, despair, and that it only required a ripening of the plans of our great generals to wmd u the conict beyond all possible contingency favorable to the Union and yet they resolved the war a failure! Yes, sir and that resolve gave the traitors a spasmodic pulsation of vigor, and in the hope tint success would atten its nominations at the pending presidential election, whereby they expected to secure a new and formidable support at the right time and in the right place and the right men; they did revive and seemed to manifest a conscious inspiration of success. But the hope thus kindled in rebel hearts was short lived; the fire soon went out, and with it the spirit of the deluded traitors, who had a brief luxury in feeding upon anticipations of the promised realit. The election came, and those who resolvedy the war a failure lived to see that they themselves were the failure; the friends of the country and the war gloriously trium hed; Lincoln and Grant and Sherman and the Army and the Navytriumphed at the ballotbox as well as in the collision of arms. The Democracy were sad and desponding, and so were their rebel friends; the Democrac were whipped, horse, foot, and drngoons, nu soon were their rebel allies to share alike fate. Time moved npace and so did our armies, the rebels saw the shadow of coming events With a sbar ness of vision that proved their tenacity of li "o, and such as could O so fled from the wrath to come; those that were besieged resigned them sclves to the fate of choosing the alternatives of death by the bayonet or starvation, but finally resolving that after so long a conthet they were not so ready to die as when they 1st began the war upon the Union, and so they wisely de cided to save their lives by a timely surrender. They did surrender; the war was not a failure, but asuccess, a glorious success, atrinmph, not only over treason in the land of traitors, but an equal triumph over the sympathizers of treason ever where; and those sympathizers, with as muc bitterness of feeling and perhaps more deadly and malignant hate of us than the rebels themselves, seem never to forget or forgive the Union party for saving the nation and s offing their meditated plans and prospects of future advancement to place and power. I have said the rebel cause was revived by the encouragement derived from the Chicago convention. It was so; and the vigor thus in fused into the souls of the desponding rebels led them to renewed contests upon the field that cost them and us 1,000s of valuable lives—lives of noble and brave men mercilessly sacrificed by the treasonable resolves and assur ances of an unfaithful party, led by men who, to attain power, were willing to ruin their country. Almost daily, during the lnost critical periods of the war, the rebels were stimulated by speeches and votes of the Democracy of this House. They saw in the proceedings here that Congress was as much divided in its counsels concerning the suppression of the rebellion as the great contending parties were in the field: and the rebels had good reason to believe, as did many Union men fear, that so many members so ardently struggling in their behalf in Congress would not be without a corresponding influence in the Army, with like sympathies, holding positions potent for mischief, and that an unluck day would come when at a given signal the Ilnion Army might be delivere into the hands of the enemy. Day after day leading members thus inclined declared, with insolent bravado, that they had not voted 0. man or a dollar to carry on the war; and the treasonable sentiments were re ceived by their party with marked approbation. A member solemnly declared, in a deliberate speech in his place, thatQhere were but 2 ways to obtain peace: one was by a war of extermination, the other by conceding to the confederates their demand of. separation and inde pIc ndence; and that he preferred to concede is party stood up to him almost to a man, adopting his offensive, traitorous declaration, and thereby became as guilty as himself. Another member rises in his place and shocks the moral senseof all loyal persons present by “praying God Almighty that we may never subjugate the South." He is called to account for his treasonable utterance; the Union members vote his condemnation, but his pagty rally to his support, justify his horrid imprecation, adopt it as proper, and save him from expulsion, voting to retain him as a worthy and loyal member of this House. With such scenes transpiring in Congress, with such repeated and continued manifestations ottlivided counsels, and in which divisions so large a numker of members constantly, cam estly, and persistently adhered by speech and vote and sympathy to the cause of the rebellion, is it not a marvel that we did escape miscarriage either in the council or the field? Sir, any other cople, except such as formed and controlled the sentiments and actions of the great Union party of the country, would have been excite to acts of violence. That it was not so is attributable to the clemency and forbearance of the loyal people. But it might not be safe for such men to presume too much upon the precedent; the men who stand by their country in such conflicts may not always be thus indulgent toward such flagrant offenders. With these scenes transpiring daily in congress, and telegraphed to the rebel leaders by the unbounded facilities this city afforded, and by these disseminated through the rebel camps, it is easy to conceive how powerfully it would stimulate them to action. how long it enabled them to hold out, the vigor it infuse into their souls, the 1,000s of brave men it brought to the sacrifice, no human mind can tell; but all men must see, and the calm, deliberate judgment of the world must say, that the just re sponsiblities of this terrible conflict with the rebellion must be divided, and that while the active fightin rebels are very guilty, their sympathizers of the North have charged to them a debt of blood and suffering and death of the best and bravest of our 10 al sons that is not canceled or forgotten, an faithfui, impartial history will so record it in enduring letters, to stand in the annals of time as a perpetual mes morial of unmitigated treason and now that the war is ended, and the duty of restoring order to the country is transferred from the camp to the council, from the soldier to the civilian, no people assume to know so much and so well how to reconstruct our Government as these same sympathizers who have hung around the necks of the loyal men like nether millstones from the beginning of the rebellion to the firing of the last rebel gun. ll] Mr. Speaker, we expect to do this work, and we expect to doit we 1; but we do not expect to be wrought upintO indecent haste, either by the importunities of the insurgents, or the clamor and abuse of the Opposition in this Hall. We will strive to pursue the even tenor of our way, with hatred toward none and an honest purpose to observe and regard the interests of all, but at the same time fully resolved, above all other considerations, to stand by the country and preserve the Union. I know our Democratic friends manifest great affection for the Union and are exceedingly anxious to take it into their especial keeping, but we have seen too much of their animus to trust them. Judas murmured that he did not have the care of the precious pointment that Mary bestowed upon our Saviour, not that he expected to use it to better purpose, but that he might sell it in the mar 0t and steal the money. Our Constitution,the great work of our fathers, we revere; it came from the hands of wise and good men; and with none but good men to control, it would need no improvement; but, unfortunately, there were t use among us who sought out many inventions and have assumed to use that sacred instrument as authority for its own destruction, and thereby break down the Government for which it was made. As a guard against this in the future, now that we are advised of the needed improvements, we propose to amend that Constitution, not to destroy it, not to mar its symmetry or beauty, but to make strong its weak places, so that others who may cherish so tender:1 regard for its sacredness or the memory of its revered authors shall not have the semblance of authority when they shall hereafter meditate its destruction. There are many things that might be suggested as improvements, but he is a sanguine man who QXpects to accomplish all the good he desires; and we should subject ourselves to censure if we unnecessarily delayed the prog ress of the work before us by contending for too much even of a good thing. Legislation, to be safe or profitable, should follow, not lead public sentiment. We want— 1. An outspoken denial of the right of nulli fieation and secession, putting an end to the dogma of supreme State sovereignty which, as claimed by its advocates, overrides the national Constitution, and the practical developments of which gave us the rebellion with all its appalling consequences. It is contended by some that the war has settled that question, and that further guarantees are unnecessary; but I do not so understand it. Man of the leaders of the rebellion adhere to this vorite assumption with as much tenacity as ever, and proclaim without reserve that they only await the favor able occasion to try their cherished principles in another forum where success will more li ely attend the effort. 2. An equalization of congressional re re sentation, whereby every voter in the land shall have an equal voice in Congress. 3. A pledge of fidelity and unsullied national faith in the payment of the public debt, thus to give quiet and confidence to the creditors of the Government and reserve the credit of the nation. Nothing so important as this, for the currency of the country do ends entirelyupon the confidence of the people in the abilit and will of the Government to pay its just obligatinns. All our money now in circulation, and which must continue for years, depends for its stability and uniform value upon the public bonds; these reserved at par and our country can never be iscredited. Discredit the bonds and down goes our currency, greenbacks and national banks alike, for all stand upon the sole credit of the Government debt. 4. A repudiation of the rebel debt, so that a mere majority at an unfortunate hour for the country shall not have power to saddle the nation with the rebel debts, and thus break down the country under a load no nation can carry. 5. The power to be given to Congress to levy export duties, whereby the great staple of the South, cotton, maybe subjected to the burden of paying a liberal share of our cat public debt, incurred in a struggle in which cotton was indirectly and remotely, but surely, the inciting cause. These things secured, by constitutional guarantees whereby their permanency could not be easily disturbed by the mischievous legislation of accidental majorities that are not always faithful to public interests or national honor, we should 1havebut little difficulty in molding all other needful laws, by ordinary legislation, so as to secure the rights of all and advance without material embarrassment, the general interests of the Government, maintain unbroken the integrity of the Union, cultivate umicnblo relations amen the people of all the States, and thus establish bonds of friendship and fra ternity that will grow with our growth and strengthen with our strength, giving quiet and security to the people and prosperity and greatness to the nation.