Mr. ROUSSEAU. Now, Mr. Speaker, these are very extraordinary powers for the Congress of the U.S.to confer. The are powers which the Constitution of the U.S. for bids in the prowsions in regard to the judicial power, to trial by jury and the security to person and property from unreasonable search, and in various otherprovisions. But granting that congress could confer these powers upon courts, which certainly it cannot o, Iask e members of the House, in view of their oaths to support the Constitution, if they can possibly confert ess powers on the mere agents of the Freedmens ureau; lieutenants, If. you please, and captains in the Army, or citizens, not of the proper locality, but gatherers of crumbs falling from the tables of politicians all over the country? I need not lgo into an argument to show how far this bil is unconstitutional. The whole bill, root and branch, is without warrant and against the organic law. At one blOW it sweeps away the constitution and laws of Kentucky, courts, juries, justices of the peace, sheriffs, and everybody who demos to the negro the civil rights laid down in this bill; all these are liable to be arrested by the agents of this bureau and fined and imprisoned, not exceeding a fine of $1,000 and imprisonment for one year. Qur ministers of the gospel who refuse to solemnize marriages between whites and blocks, that they are sworn not to solemnize, may be arrested and taken before the agents of this bureau. Our justices of the peace, who Wlll not allow negroes to testify in their courts, may be treated in the same way. A judge of any court while trying a cause may be taken from the bench and imprisoned for one year by the agents, the subal terns of the freedmens Bureau, and fined $1,000. Now, sir I ask gentlemen here if they can vote for a bill of t iis sort? Can we not secure all the rights of the negroes Without thus out raging the feelin s of the people of the southern States, and a so of the people of the northern States, in consequence of the condition of things which this bill would create? I think we are bad off if we cannot. Sir, this class legislation will prove injurious to the race it professes to shield and protect. You raise a spirit of antagonism between the black race and the white race in our country, and the law abiding will be powerless to control it and if you get this feeing excited up to a certain point, and the whole of one race shall be thus arrayed against the other, yep may send there all the armies you can raise, you may send soldiers into every county and every precinct in the States, but on will never be able to prevent violence an bloodshed there. When men become benton mischief, as the operation of this bill will be sure to make them you cannot raise force enough to prevent it. I do not state this by way of threat. I speak of it as a fact which we owe it to ourselves to consider. This House does not know what has been the operation of this Freedmens Bureau. I desire to accuse no man. I believe the head of the bureau in my section is a gentleman and a clever man, and wrsbes to do right. I may be allowed to namcthe gentleman to whom Iallude; I mean General Fis. But he is not always present to look after these things, and I do not know what he would do if he were present. Men whose minds are prejudiced on this subject are not to be trusted. We are not to be trusted, nobody is to be fully trusted. All of us require to be watched; and that is what I would have this bureau to do, to look after the interests of these people and to take care of them. But in doing that let us not destroy the liberties of the communities in which this race reside. Now, I wish to state a fact that came within my own knowledge for the information of this House. In my town, the city of Louisville, the commercial metropolis of the State, we had a man placed at the head of the bureau there who had some ucer notions, which men generally get who have a particular duty to perform, a duty involvinrrprejudicc, hate, and bit terness. He considered every man in the country who did not believe as he did to be his enemy, the enemy of the Government, and the enemy of the negro. What was the result of his course? He would arrest any man, no matter whom, the most ine ffensive and the most loval, on the exparte statement of a negro and whon the man was brought into his presence, he would turn to the negro making the statement, and say “Brother, ” or “Sister, ” as it might happen, “what has this man been doing to you?” and then he would take the testimony of negroes against him, and sitting as a court, he would punish him by fine and impris onment, or by a fine alone, ordering him to be imprisoned unless the fine was paid.” Now, these are things I have from the most reliable authori and will mention another case. A man by the name of Blevins in my town came home one evening and found his wife engaged in some controversy and collision with a negro woman who had been her servant not one who had belonged to her as her slave. He took part with his wife, as I think any gentleman ought to have done, whether his wife were right or wrong. The negro woman complained to this agent of the bureau, and a couplIi:of negro soldiers were sent there to arrest him and his wife and because one of his little girls had said something in the matter an order was also sent for her arrest. The man came to me, an posing that I might be able to assist him. I asked the post commander how it happened such things were allowed. He said, “ his Freedmens Bureau, it is said, is over us all; what can I do?” I replied, “If I commanded this post I would know who it was who ordered the military to arrest the people without my knowledge, and I would stop it. hile I was commandant I would do my duty. If the authorities did not like it, they could send me away.” Early the next mornin I went to the commandants headquarters an there I found Mr. Blevins and his wife and children seeking protection against the Freedmens Bureau, acting on the complaint of the negro woman. Now, sir, I told the agent of that bureau then just what I thought and felt in reference to this matter. I said to him, “ Ifyou want to protect the freedmen of this community I am with you heart and soul; I will stand by you in all just measures; but if you intend to arrest white people on the exparte statements of negroes, and hold them to suit your convenience for trial, and fine and imprison them, then I say that I oppose you; and if you should so arrest and punish me, I would kill you when you set me at liberty; and I think that you would do the same to a man who would treat you in that way, if you are the man I think you are, and the man you ought to be to fill your position, ere." I tell you, sir, that no community of he U.S. can endure a system of this sort. such have been the operations of this bureau under the old law. Vhat will be its operations under this bill Heaven only knows. I cannot even imagine what a man may not as sume the right to do under the provisions of this bill. If those who are to be a pointed under this act should adopt the latitu e of construction adopted by my venerable friendfrom Pennsylvania, [Mr. Srnvessd if they carry out his notions in reference to the force of the Constitution and the effect of the rebellion, the can find a warrant for anything they may wish to do.