Mr. CHANLER. Mr. Speaker, in my humble opinion, by resolutions of this kind it is sought to reduce this contest between the 2 races down to a legislative enactment. The reference of it to such a committee as this may be philanthropic or it may not. But so far as it is the act of a member of the Military committee I deem it unnecessary; I think I can satisfy the House that it is unnecessary, from a reference to the record of the struggle we have but just gone through in regard to black troops. The organization of the Army, so far as the black soldier is concerned, is entirely in the hands of the Executive of the U.S. He holds that organization of black troops entirely in his control, as firmly as any despot may control the armies of any European mon are iy. The gentlemen of the Military Committee will correct me if I am in error when I say that a simple act of Congress authorizing the Executive to call the black man into the service of the armies of the U.S. for the purposes of labor, empowered the POTUS to raise the hordes of negro troops which now stand enrolled in the service of this Government. I do not propose to make objection to the past; I do not assail the merit of those soldierS but I ask the members of, this House to redect upon the necessity of such a proposition as this; when, under an act of Congress, in time of war, a black army could be set on foot, why do you need a select committee to consider this subject? If it was sufficient, by the simple act of the SecyWar issuing a general order, to enroll these black troops, let them now stand upon their merits, and let their services be rewarded by those who called them into existence as soldiers. Let them take their turn and their chance with the Vet eran Reserve coris; with the privates of that corps which have conmustered out of service and are now discharging their duties as private citizens. That is the right way. They fought for this Government, and 5have suffered as much as the blacks have suffered. I draw no distinction of color. The Gentfrom Illinois [Mr. FARXSWORTH] who introduced this resolution has deemed it proper to load it with opprobrium of those who have done their duty as well as any black soldier who ever served. He made the comparison, and all the merit of the distinction is his. But to pass on, with regard to the necessity of this resolution. Until you have established in your military system a perfect equality from our private soldier up to the highest o the cral lowe bylaw, and until these people shall come before on recognized by genera enactment, I deem t iis reference to the select committee a special obfor the particular purpose of inflaming pubiic passion and public prejudice. It be lonvs to no system pertaining to the organization of the Army, but belongs rather to that institution known as “the nigger in the fence.” It belongs to all those extraordinary enactments for the purpose of keeping up a sectional prejudice ngainst an established existin power in another section, and which have fed sic Republican party into its present fat proportions. It enables them today, while arousing the prejudices of the people in peculiar sections, to hold the power of the Government at their will. From a political point of v iew this resolution is particularly unnecessary at this time. The administration of power is so completely in the hands of the republican party that, I take it, it is needless for them, as a political job, to ai State this question. If I understaud this resolution, it is a most dangerous one, and, 1 think, will prove a fatal petard to the engineer who introduced it. If such a resolution as that is necessary to come from a member of the hlili tary Committee, if it is desirable for the party to whichlie belongs, and the people whom he rep1 resents, that he should marlghiseareerhere, and the career of his party, as antagonistic to the white population of the country, who, though born aliroad, are united to us by every bond of civilization, blood, and historic association, I can only say that the introduction of such a resolution is more fatal to him and his party than to the white foreigner or those who hold the negro as his inferior. This side of the House can lose nothing by the passage of this resolution, but may gain muc. I admire the cool moral courage which promted its introduction, while I deprecate the prejudice that gave it birth. By the introduction of this resolution, the gentleman inaugurates a system which sprung up in time of war, and which, if the policy of the Administration is uttered by the “xecutive, is to be the policy of this Government and of both branches of Congress. If the policy of the Administration as announced by the Executive in his message is to become a fixed policy of the party which raised him to power, or is to become the established policy of this Government in its domestic relations, I look upon the passage of this resolution as throwin down the gauntlet to that portion of this nation in which the black population larcly predominates, where societ is in chaos, and where the black race will be ound, if gentlemen will take the trouble to learn, falling back into a system of semibarbarism. The gentleman will find that, while he seeks to force upon one section of this Union the prejudices of another, he is not adding to that system of reorganization of societ which it is the dut of every member on this floor to advocate an by every means in his power to advance. But, sir, this question of colored troops means more than meets the car. It means an established police, whose ramifications shall reach to the remotest corners of this land, whose different parts shall be under the control of the central Government, not for the purpose of maintaining that equal justice and that harmony of administration which are essential in all representative forms of Government, but for the purpose of putting the heel of central power upon that portion of the white race recently in rebellion, but now begging humbly for readmission to the protection of this Government. I look upon such measures as these as dangerous to the peace and welfare of the country as distracting the councils of the nation, and dividing the dominant race, who have held in their hands the sovereignty of this Government, which was won by their fathers, inherited by them, and, I hope, is to be handed down by as in its purity, for the government of our own race as well as those whom destiny may have put beneath us. I am willing, sirz to raise the lack man to every honorable pesition for which his capacities fit him; but I am opposed to any effort which shall, by taking him from the posrtion in society to which he has been accus tomed, expose him to dangers which he is not fitted to meet. These are my opinions. I know that they militate against the prendices of those who believe that there is no difference between races or colors of men. I believe that, on this subject, the declaration of the constitution of this Government is plain. “The people of the U.S.” means that race to which we who now constitute the Congress of the U.S. belong. I hope that the purity of the white race, the representation of the white race, and the sovereignty of this people as a white people will be maintained boldly, in the face of prejudice and in the face of obloquy. Sir, this resolution is premature, not onlyaa a matter of policy, as I have already remarked, but from the condition of that race. Those who have studied the history of the American Government for the last 4 years must have observed, as a wonderful proof vof the innate prejudice of a certain portion of this people, that while eve exertion has been made to protect the blue man, every opportunity has contaken to sacrifice the life of the red man. If this love of socalled “ equality, ” this inten sified philanthropy which has so agitated the political nerves of a certain portion of the people of this country is sincere why have their efforts been so restricted? Why have they not raised up the black man to a position at least e nail to that of the Indian, who fights for him self and defies your arms? While using the armies of the U.S. to keep the Indian in subjection, you are endeavorin to raise the negro to an equality with the white race, for which he is not fit; an effort illogical, unphilosophical, and which must fin y fail. Until the negro is elevated by education and culture to a grade of intelligence which he has never yet shown the ability to attain, you are unwise in seckin to place him in a position, the duties of which ecannot comprehend, and to expose him to dangers with which he is not competent to cope. Sir, the character of this resolution is at this time prophetic. I am he py that, incidentally, we are afforded this in motion whereby the members on this side of the House, and the sound thinking people of the whole country may understand that the riehts of one portion of our citizens, who have been invited by our legislation to make their homes here are to be stricken downthat, in one word, immigration is to be checked until the black man, by the aid of the central Government, is able to compete with the white labor of the country. If this resolution means anything in behalf of the black man, it means that while you are blindly seeking to do a good thin toward the negro, you are doing a very grea injury to all classes of society in this country. That resolution, sir, does not bear the stamp of the wisdom and the policy of this Government which raised this county into 1st rank among nations, and has exten edits area from ocean to ocean, for, sir, if it belonged to the wise legislation of the past, it would provide that the foreigner seeking our shores should have every advantage. It would have promised him a happy future, a home, and all those charms which the western world can afford to those who are fortunate enough to have homes in its midst. It would have avoided the odious comparison between foreigners and negroes, and at least have been silent on the ignorance of foreigners. There was a time, not very remote, when Illinois was a Territory, and when these very ignorant foreigners, alluded to by the resolution, wandered in that direction under the promise of homes and encouragement held out to them byn wise and patriotic policy. The people of the West then sent out their cmissaries to the farthest land to induce men to come here and settle; yes, sir, men ignorant of our lanvuage, ignorant of our laws, and deficient, perhaps, in many of those sterling qualities which characterize the favorite class of the Gentfrom Illinois. They were invited ore and dealt kindly with notwithstandin their ig norance of our language; and I believe that one of the noblest monuments that olichas developed is Illinois, rich in the a unance of the products of her soil. She owes much to these very ignorant forei ers. They were the Germans to whom the gentleman mustal lude as ignorant of our language; they were many of them ignorant Irishmen, these hosts of industrious men who have brought his native State, or rather his section to its present glorious fertility and beauty. Yet the gentleman now in the American Congress rises up and denounces the ignorance of our language and our ltiws of these same foreigners as a matter with which the are to be branded! Yet these immi grants on their sons have laid the foundation Jf the glory of this mighty nation. We know IOW many of our monuments of greatness we reindebted to them for, and yet the gentleman talks in this highflown way of these foreigners who are ignorant of our language and Our laws. Why, sir, we and our laws and our institutions are the result of immigration. This land is the refuge of white men from all parts of the earth and they have been allowed to take for their assistance the various elements of civilization, whether the negro or Indian, for the purpose of carrying out some great and niddlein design of the Ruler of the universe. By what right does the Gentfrom Illinois brand his fellowmen, who, 2 generations later than himself and his ancestors, have come to find liberty and homes in the U.S. of North America? Is it philanthropy? Is it (patriotism? On the contrary, is it not p in ice? Mr. Speaker, I have no doubt the gentleman agrees I with me perfectly in what I have said. clieve that in his bosom he knows this is a nation for the white race. I believe that brave officer, who has fought, and I have no doubtis willing to fight again for our institutions, knows that when his blood is shed it is to hand down to his children the proud title of being American titizens. He does not mean to declare that there is no pride in his breast of race or color. He does not look upon himself as the inferior of the black man. Why, sir, if he went to the shores ofAfrica, and met, an African chief ar rayed in barbaric splendor, and could not speak Jthe language of the country, he would, accord. 1. I i such as this to protect the black man.ing to the theory of his resolution, if not able to s cak the African language, be the black man s inferior and there are countries where the gentleman would be arraigned for ignorance if he were incapable of speaking no other language than his owncountries high in civilization. If I understand the gent eman correctly, every man who does not and rstand the English language is inferior to him. if. That seems to be the logic of that resolution. Now, when it is found necessary for these lovers of African liberty, and African civilization to seek refuge from the miserable prejudices which the entertain of the white race, I hope will take a sail to cono river, and there ptihtcey1 their tents, recline in he shade, and surround themselves with the peculiar fascinations and WIVHCgesof Africa, where Venus allows no limit to her power, and love rules every minute of the hour. There the will find full scope for their prejudices in beha fof the black race. Sir, we have had enough of this love and zeal for the black race. It is an epidemic akin to the black vomit. It has generated in our streets into a sort ofyellow ever. We have a color a shade lighter, but no better because oi the mixture of white blood. If there is morality, dignity, and common pride of manhood in the people of this country, there will be. need of some stronger enactment than resolutiyoonns are trifling. ntlemen. with a mighty power. You are insn ting the noblest pride of man, and that, too, for party purposes. If you think the humble immigrant comes to this country with less ride than you, if you think he will sacrifice the ignity ofhis race, you are mistaken. I regret and shall always regret those mani festations of outrage by which the white man rules this continent. regret the outrages which the British empire committed against those who recently rose in Jamaica. 2 or 3000 human beings have been sacrificed in a brutal and summary manner. For what? Was it philanthropy, or was it simply British cruelty, or was it prejudice of color? Whatever view you may take of it, one thing is certain, the black race is doomed if you array the white man against him. as this resolution does. Aronse the passions of the immigrants to this country against the humble laborer of the South, and what will be the result? The 1st field to be cultivated will be the field of battle, and the extermination of this race, which you pretend to protect, will be the certain and inev itable rosu t and yet in the face of all this, the resolution of the Gentfrom Illinois leads at? in an attack upon the policy of this Administration after a most happy change in its treatment of the freedmen. You propose by again altering that policy to array one race against the other, and to form 2 hostile parties on every field of industry and labor in this country, and to drive the negro where no white man will follow to comete with him; or else to stop immigration and limit the number of hands which shall advance the civilization of one section while you cramp that of the other. It tends to no good. If men ignorant of our language are to be turned from our shores, and the negro, ignorant of nearly everything, is to be protected y the administration I would ask the wise acres of philanthropy who propose such measures as tiis, where they are to ad the crops for export. the cotton for our manufacturies, and the white men to meet the necessities of war as well as to ful till the duties of peace? I leave it to those who advance such a measureto explain the matter. I have met it as I would meet such a resolution at any time, promptly with opposition. I regret that I felt myself called upon to delay the action of the House, but I deemed it an important question and I regret I was called upon to take up so important a subject with so little opportunity to arrange the arguments which in ab or hands will perfectly and fully meet the case. Wliile I admire the coolness with which the party in the majority on this floor advance every dogma of their principles, I must thank l the Gentfrom Illinois [Mr. F. n. swonrn] for lids most admirable forgetfulness which allowed me to state my views, and apologize to the House for the dela which I have caused.