Mr. STEWART. How truthful the remark that “ unfinished questions have noity for the repose of mankind.” While 4 million blacks are struggling for the ballot as the only protection known in republican Governments for life, liberty, and property; while the military arm of this Government is outstretched to enforce disfranehisement of rebels and restrain them from warring upon the life of the nation and the rights of the disfrauchised blacks, gentlemen may cry, “Peace! peace I” but there is no peace. “For freedoms battle. Once begun. Bequeathed by bleedings are to son, Though baliled oft is ever won." The contest may be lost for years if left unset tled now, but there can be no repose for this country until the principles of the DeclarIndep are fully acknowledged and practice ly enforced from ocean to ocean, from the Gulf to the Lakes. I have often heard the appeal of earnest men in this great contest, and have too often hesi Stated at what seemed impractical or impossible, but before I could realize the grandeur of the design the work was accomplished. I hear the same warning voice of zealous reformers and earnest republicans proclaiming the simple truths of equal rights and generous amnesty; and as in the past the dark night of slavery and human bondage disappeared before the sunlight of humanity and justice. so in the future the clouds of prejudice and passion which envelope the rights of millions of American citizens will dissipate before the reason and patriotism of the loyal masses of the people. What guarantees shall be demauded on the restoration of the South, and by what right do we demand guarantees? In proceeding to this branch of my subject I find my own views so well expressed in an able aperfrom the pen of Robert Dale Owen that lavail myself of his forcible language: " To the Editor of the chronicle: “I take exception. in thesedays. to no contrarieties of opinion touching the proper modeof restoring harmony between the late belligerent seetions of our country. That is a problem which may tax the best energies of the wisest among us and in refigrd to the solution of which the ablest may differ. at if the task before us is difficult. it is not hopeless; not I firinl believe. doubtful even. I have faith in tie people. I have faith. stronger still. that (led, who orsook us not in the gloom of the rebellion. will uide us now. when the sceneof combat is ehanged mm the field of battle to the election precinct and the legislative hull. “ The essentialis. that we a preach this groatsub met in a titling spirit. It avai snothing to talk about the enormity of secessionand the condigp punishment it merits. The unisliment of nations is in other handsthan ours. Fthe judgments of God have not already stamped slavery as a sin and treason against a heneflcent Government as a crime. in vain are the effortsof man in that direction. Norlct us.in our indigiiation. forgct how that sin of slavery. the causeof the rebellion. originally came upon the South BEllllSl. her own will: against her ilolcinn protest. n cceuiber 1770 the King of GreatBritain commanded the governor of Virginia. under pain of the highest displeasure. to assent to no law prohibiting the importation of slaves. Virginia. in April 1772 addremed the Kingiu remonstrnuce saying to him these remarkable words: "The importation of slaves, a trade of great inhumanity. Wllltn danger the very existence of your M:i iesty Asmerican {loininionsl Maryland and Carolina followed that “llut aside from this. what soun philocophioal and umust astho spirit of the Phariseol It is due to a geographical accident that we were not born slave olders in the city of Charleston. Dare we assert that if we had beenwe should have been juster men than they more scrupulous about living by the labor 01 others? Shall we stand up. in the temple of our own self righteousness and say. God. we thank thee that we are not as other men or even as theseSoutlt Carolinians! We can never indeed. forget God forbid that we shonld the terrible consequencesof treason; the hardships.the sumrings.the lost lives the parents and Widows bereaved the countless 1,000s of homes made desolate among us. But to avert evils in the fi itiire better befits a Christian people than to avenge injuries of the est. Let us learn of the despised and the lowly. s it weonlajwho have injuries to reunite? What were our su crings during the war compared to the 1,000 wrongs perpetrated. throiighont generations against the millions of southern slaves? But though the iron entered into their souls. did they return evil for evil? Did the forget. when the day of iiberatipn dawned.the we s of the gain.l Vengeanee is mine. I will repay. saith the 0""If! there be among our peoplea revengeful element, let usnot pander to it. If weimpo2nditions before we restore political rights to thosewho. defy inirlaw and Constitution by forepof arms.became public enemies. it ought to be in defense.not in requital. “l we impose conditions. To a dispassionato looker on it must seem strange thatq here in the North. that should bea (111(tsllOaltl all. At the close of a 4 years embitteredwar producing a radical change in the legal and social condition of 4 million people creating 2 vast autoonistio public debts and entailing ii 1,000 diversities of interest between millions on one side and millions on the other itwould beathing ineredible that government could be properlypr safely resumed.without stipulation or precaution. as 1 nothing had happened. At such a JutlCllllGin our national affairs Wise (precautionary measuresare as strictlyl adictate of duty asthey are clearly a matter of right." “To us and not to the unjust aggressorwho appealed to the wager of battle and lost. Belongs at this time. the right to decide what guarantees are neededfor the public safety and how that unjust aggressor shall berendered incapableof doing misehicf with the same ease in future. Dearly we paid. For that right! We shall commit a folly unparalleled in"the annals of nations if weneglectto useit. But if all things are lawful for us, all things are not expedient. Thus thouglidne timemust be ken for the maturing and consummationof precaution ary measures yet.oa the other hand. one section of a c public containing a 4th of its inhabitants cannot. exceptfor a season safely be shut out from Federal representation. Therefore the political rights of the States lately in insurrection s restored to them at the earliestday consistenot luylWd ihtha th“e maceand safety of the country. he dangers attendant on unconditional restoration. which threaten that peaceand safety. Seem to me 3 in number; 2 of a political. the other of a financial character." I concur with Mr. Owep that the dangers to be apprehended are 3 in number: 2 political and one fiiiancial. But I classify them thus: the political dangers are, 1st, immediate and absolute control of the several southern State governments by persons still hostile to the Union; and 2nd, the increased representation in Congress of the disloyal elements of the South. the 1st is by far the greater evil, but for it the report of the committee furnishes no remedy whatever. The 2nd and the lesser evil is but partially provided for. It is not proposed to eradicate the evil, but if possible to diminish its extent by a small reaction of representation in the other House. I very much fear that this will rather intensify the rebel elements than induce an extension of suffrage. While the franchise is restricted to the whites the rebels will be sure of a full vows in the Senate and a united (though a reduced) vote in the House and complete control of their several State governments. The danger of a division of this immense power by the extension of suffre O would more than counterbalance the loss in the other House. They would submit to this small loss of power and attempt to obtain satisfaction therefor in a more unliiimited control over the destinies of the race we have attempted to liberate. I doubt very much whether tlus ehange will benefit the black man. It. relieves him from misrepresentation in congress by denying him any representation whatever. The financial danger, so far as it. depends upon an assumption or payment of the rebel debt or compensation for emaiiciplated slaves, is properly guarded against in the ourth section of the report. But the further and greater financial danger which threatens our national credit grows out of the political dangers which I have mentioned. The commotions and agitations, and erchance civilWars, growing out of the unsettiiad political questions will disturb our financial system more than the rebels could possibly do by any efforts they might make to saddle upon a 10 al peeple a debt incurred in the interest of slavery and secession. There. are but 2 possible modes of ese ape from the political dangers which menace the peace and prosperity of our country. The 1st is disfranchisement of rebels by militar power, for it can be done in no other way. of this I am opposed, because it violates the democratic principle and is utterly repugnant to free institutions; because it is against Christianity and humanity; because it is the usual and direct road to despotism; because it has been often tried, and its fruits have been in all ages, in all times, and in all countries, the bitter dregs of slavery, tyranny, human misery, and wretched ness; and because it must inevitably result in the destruction of the Union and the liberty of the people. The 2nd is enfranchisement of the blacks. The trying times which Mr. Lincoln thought might come when the colored man could hel “to keep the jewel of liberty in the family O freedom” are upon us. 2/5ths of the people of the 11 States are colored, and are instinctively loyal and real friends of the Government. This 2/5ths was a great drawback upon secession, and after the emancipation reclamation, in spite of all efforts to deceive the blacks, they felt that the Government was their friend, and although they may have done very little effective fighting, still they aided us and injured the enemy in 1,000ways: by giving information, by kindness to prisoners, by the moral effect of enemies at home upon the cause of secession, and by the subtraction of their labor from the rebels and adding it to the resources of the Government. After this proclamation the South became a house divided against itself, and the work of tearing down was half accomplished. Supose today the South were united against the Government, and we became involved in a war with GreatBritain or France, would we not expect a fearful struggle? But suppose we had 2/5ths of the people in the South as our friends, would we not regard that fact as a great acquisition of strengti? Who can say that an emergency of this kind may never happen when we will need friends in the South as we did during the late war? and remember that the blacks are now free and capable of being more useful friends than they were as slaves. Suppose in settlin with our enemies we should make no effectua revisions for the safety of ourfriends, but turn these State governments over to the late rebels, our friends would be at the mercy of our enemies and compelled to make terms. Would it be impossible, in that event, for our late enemies to convince our late friends that our friendship after all was oflittle value? and might not the act of emancipation be regarded by the blacks as a snare and a delusion rather than a blessing? Deserted by all the world, surrouhded by their enemies, without means of self protection, might they not under such circumstances sink in despair and relapse into a hopeless state of wretchedness and misery, awaiting in silence their fate of extermination, prepared for them according to the predictions of the late slave holders? After all this might not the Union soldier in another war for li ert look in vain for the trusted black friend W cm he found ministering to his wants in the darkest hours of the late rebellion? But aside from their usefulness to us in aid in to sustain the Government, dare we offend 11Just God by failing to redeem the solemn pledge of liberty which this nation made to the slave? Has not the late war proved a sulli eient warning that nations are punished for wrong and oppression and for disregarding human rights? But you still insist the negro is ignorant and ought not to vote. Are not many of the whites also ignorant? This argument proves too much, and if practically put in force so as to exclude all ignorant men, both North and South, the reduction would be too great. But if you allow, as you must, igno rant men who are disloyal to vote, why not let ignorant loyal men vote? All that the friends of suffrage ask is, that the black should vote upon a like educational, property, and moral qualification with the white. Let the States place the standard where they will, provided a majority are not disfranchised an a government not republican set up in violation of the Constitution; but let it be impartial. We go even further, and, not wishing to disfranchise any who now vote, we propose to relieve them from restrictive qualifications which may hereafter be imposed on voters, but we insist that the ballot shall be placed within the reach of every American citizen of whatever race or color. Place any safeguards you please on the ballot, but make them impartial, and we will take the chances for the negro. Does anyone suppose that the Sens&Reps from SCarolina would not soon have a loyal constituency if the ballot were within reach of the black man? In that State over 1/2 of the people would be a solid column (a black column, if you 1please) of loyalty. Does anyone doubt that there would be whites enough to oin them to obtain control of the State? uppose those who join them are mere politicians, and they go with the negroes for office and spoils, would it be the 1st political combination formed for that purpose, and would not those who should obtain Office and power by such means be compelled to respect the loyal sentiments of their constituents in order to retain power; and would not the ordinary desire of the politician to serve his friends prompt him to make equal laws and sustain the Union? The more thisquestion is considered the lainer it becomes. like a platform of principles which will bear examination and investigation. The simple fact is, give the people the ballot and the rulers are their servants, withhold it and the people exist at the will and sufferance of their rulers, and this rule applies South as well as North. Suppose you should withhold the ballot from the laboring classes of the North and allow capital to legislate for labor, aristocracy to make laws for democracy, how man civil rights bills and Freedmens Bureaus woufil it require to secure freedom to the masses of the people and make them contented and happy? But let Senators be warned by the rand demonstrations of the pee is in favor of these measures of protection or the blacks. Let this voice be understood. What does it mean? Is it difficult ofinter retation? Not at all. It means that the black a shall be free and that Congress shall demand full and complete securities for their freedom. In less than 6 months every Union man will see that there is no protection, no freedom, for the blacks without the ballot, and the universal sentiment of the loyal masses will demand the enfranchise ment of the oppressed race. This is security for the future, self supporting and self sustaininr1r security. It permits every man to protect himself, and his own self interest will prompt him to do it well. It will not impov erish your Treasury and burden you with taxation. It will not consolidate your Government and destroy the legitimate functions of the States; but it will strengthen the foundations of the republic and enlarge the base and prepare it for the grand superstructure which the builders of our institutions designed when they proclaimed in the DeclarIndep the equality of every man in the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi ness, and the perfect equality of every man to strive to equa and to strive to excel his neigh bor in everything great, good, and useful. But I am asked, would you allow the leaders of the rebellion to return to Congress to insult the loyal North with their odious presence in the councils of the nation, there to lot treason and revile loyalty? Ianswer, no. would take the proper measures to prevent it. I would chain them to the ballot of the loyal blacks, and hold them in the strong grasp of a loyal people. They will not send them ere. You may frame all the exclusion bills on please, but if you exclude loyalty from the allotbox, and allow none but rebels with a small portion of loyal whites to vote, disloyalty will find expression in your national Legislature in the persons of lower and meaner men than the intellectual chieftains of the rebellion. The desire to exclude a few from office as an exception or an expression of a sentiment can accomplish no great good. It is not worth serious consideration. It is like disputing about an old whip in a negotiation for a 1st class six horse team. Exclusion from the franchise and office is idle. It is too difficult to accomplish, and no good results can possibly follow. We do not wish to punish the South. It has already been sufficiently scourged and humiliated by the inevitable results of a bloody war. The nvenging hand of Providence has desolated and devastated their land and smitten down the 1st born in every household, and if they will now let the bondmen depart from oppression in peace, with the ballot as their, shield and buckler, wh should we demand further vengeance? “ engeance is mine, saith the Lord." I will not attempt a description of the hor rors of, the civilWar brought upon the South by the crime of slavery and the conspiracy for its perpetuation. In the language Of Burke, “A storm of universal fire blasted every field, consumed every house, destroyed ever tem ple.” The furnaces of retribution for tosins of the people were heated, 7 times hotter than they were wont to be heated, and the vials of wrath were poured out in torrents on the heads of the conspirators, consuming slavery and destroying treason. Are we not satisfied? Cruel slavery and foul treason shall be no more in America unless we revive and resuse itate the former by disfranchisement and oppressions until it breed new treason to be expiated uion our children with more terrible vengeance 1. an the sins of the fathers have brought upon us. It is no time for crimination and recrimination. This war was not the work of man but of God. Let the North mourn her dead he roes sacrificed in the cause of liberty and humanity, the noblest cause in which man can die. Let the South mourn her dead sacrificed for the crime of slavery, and let her respect the sacrifice and go and sin no more. Let the ven cance of man be stayed. The visitations of estruction and punishment are beyond our comprehension or control. Let not our small individual wrongs andersonal prejudices, too insignificant for consi station when we contemplate the grand disensationsof Providence, delay us, or stand as arriers to the consummation of the great work of enfranchisement and liberty. I proclaim as the true platform of principles, which shall survive this congress and the present age and serve as a land mark for the future, “Peace and good will toward all men;” liberty and union; impar tial suffrage and universal amnesty. I appeal to ever Union man to declare his faith and stand by is principles; deal honestly with himself and frankly with the South. It is time they understood the full extent of our de mands. The opponents of equal rights never argue the wright orwrong of impartial suffrage. They assume that it is a cat political crime and tthen argue that the nion party is committed to it. If we join issue with them on this point we must fail, for we are committed to it, and they can prove it. Upon that issue we must lose before the people. But suppose we admit what is true and cannot be denied, and justify our conduct by declaring that we are in avor of impartial suffrage because it is right, and ask our opponents, O you object? I so, why? Dare you deny protection to the friends of the Union while you demand political rights for its enemies? Dare you say thata Union soldier shall not vote, but a rebel soldier shall? Dare you say that he who fed our starving prisoners shall not vote, but that he who starved them shall? Dare you say that this Government shall punish its friends and reward its enemies? Dare you contend that 4 million loyal citizens shall be outlawed and trampled under foot and allowed to perish because our enemies are exasperated against them on no count of their friendship for us, and at the same time ask enfranchisement for our enemies so that they may destroy our friends, menace our libert, and embarrass our finances? Dare you deny iberty to the loyal and claim power and freedom for the disloyal? In polities as in law, if you join issue on a false plea you will lose our cause. It is false to say we are not in vor of impartial suffrage, and if we make that issue we shall be defeated. But it is true that all men are equally entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and if our enc mies dare join issue with us on these great principles we are sure of an overwhelming ver dict from a loyal and liberty loving people. Suppose we declare that when the rights of man are freely acknowledged and made secure, that we are in favor of amnesty and mercy for our enemies; dare our opponents say they are for vengeance and blood? Suppose we say that we are contending for justice, and when that is secure our enemies shall enjoy all the civil and political rights of American citizens; dare our opponents say that theyshall not enjoy those rights? Suppose we rise to the true grandeur of this great contest and declare that we mean justice, humanity, liberty, and Union; dare our opponents say they mean wrong, oppression, secession, and slavery I Let me appeal to the people of the South to cease contending for wrong and injustice, and learn to do right and love mercy. “Blessed are the merciful for they shall obtain mercy.” Men of the South, put not your trust in modern Democracy. “ Beware of false prophets which come to you in Meps clothing but inwardly are raveniu wolves." Have you not. heard enough of their vainglorious boasts of power to ai you? Did they not encourage you to rebel and promise you aid and comfort in our struggle to overthrow the Government, an did they not desert you in the hour of your greatest trial? Were they not invisible in war as they had been invincible in peace? Do you desire to be betrayed into another conflict with the overwhelming forces of liberty and union? Have not your efforts to destroy the Union and trample upon equal rights been sufficiently disastrous? O you desire your homes to be a sin visited by war, pestilence, and famine? as not the work of destruction satisfied you that there is a just God who takes vengeance on the Oppressor and him who denies mercy to the oor and friendless? Think not that modern democracy can shield you from the terrible retribution that awaits you if you longer deny the inalienable rights of man. A just God has declared oppression and wrong shall depart from the land, and the loyal millions who stand by the Union will execute His commands. For a time the arts of demagogues and the cohesive power of public plunder may seem triumphant, yet they O but seem. The same grand sentiment that rallied the loyal North to strike for liberty and union will still inspire the heart and nerve the arm to finish the work so gloriously begun. The little spring from which 1st gushed the waters of liberty has become a mighty torrent, sweeplini slavery and oppression to destruction. 0ern Democracy is but the flood wood that maddens the rushing waters but cannot stay the flood. Regard not this floating trash but heed the loyal fountains from whence the torrent flows. Attempt no further obstruction of its course, but let it do its work and wash the crime of slavery from a land sacred to freedom. bilities. The chains of bondage are broken, the shackles have fallen from the limbs of the slave, and no earthly power can rob him of enfranchise ment and liberty, the birthright of an American citizen. Engage not in this wicked Attempt not impossiwork, for the avening hand cannot be stayed from those who still oppress. In such a conflictyour own liberty is in jeopardy, and destruction and devastation threaten your country. Men of the South, let bygones be bygones and oin in the glorious work of enfranchise ment. et your afllicted country have repoec from this fearful strife. Give the allot to the black man and retain it for yourselves and your posterity. The ballot is a gracious been and none the less precious because enjoyed by the poor as well as the rich, the blacllt as well as the white. It is the only guarantee of liberty. Is liberty less sweet when secured by all mankind? I appeal to the South in the name of the Father of the Revolution, in the name of justice and humanity, in the name of eace and union, and in the sacred name of hristianity itself to grant the ballot and receive the cordial friendship and fellowship of the brave and generous people of the loyal States. Let it be distinctly understood thatif the evils of confiscation, disfranchisement and military despotism come upon the South it will be because she refused to hear the truth from her friends, and refused to aid them to give her peace, but trusted to her enemies and those who would barter away her liberties in the vain hope of obtaining power for themselves. Sir, my mountain home and the bold pio neers with whom I have passed all the days of my manhood, and whom I know well, call for no more blood, no more desolation, no more widows and orphans, no more accumulation of debt, but they hope for peace, union, and liberty for all. My constituents love the country and the while country. There is no State in the Union that is not the native land of many citizens of Nevada. Their home is in the far off mountains, but their affections cling to every village and haiiilctiii.Ameiica. We have lived together upon the shores of the Pacific for near 20 years. The good and bad fortunes of a miners life have been common to us all. We have learned to appreciate and respect men from all sections, and our destinies are so in terwoven in our common pursuits and common interests that the continuance of this unnatural conflict disturbs and mars the happiness of all our people. Nevada advocates everything for security, nothing for revenge; everything for pplitical safety, nothing for partisan power or prosperity depends to a great extent upon friendly and cordial relations among her citizens. The restoration of the South will hrin peace and happiness to Nevada, and I should not represent her if I were not zealous in that work. I deny that blood, confiscations, disfranchise ment, and military despotism is any part of the platform of the Union party to which I belong. If to be a radical means to thirst for human blood, love human misery, and hate mercy, then I am no radical. If to be a radical means to love the Union, the Constitution, and the free Government of the fathers, to do justice to all men and respect the rights of all, the! Iarn a radical. I know not what others may do, but as for me I shall labor honestly and zealously to secure the adoption of any plan which offers any hope of peace and union on the principles of justice and humanity. I shall not despair until a plan looking to revenge and artisan rule she I have been adopted, aplan based on the worst passions of our nature shall have been sanctioned by this Congress, and then I shall lose all hope of any good results from our deliberations. I appeal to Senators to consider this momentous issue in the light of reason and Christianity, to be charitable for the sins of our common humanit, to deal justly, and low mercy. I shal 1st offer my resolutions for amnesty and suffrage as a substitute. If I fail in that, I shall ask that they may be submitted as an alternative proposition, and if I am still unsuccessful, I will vote for the plan of the majority so long as it is a better plan than that of the President. But when Congress shall have committed itself to a platform which means either disunion or despotism, I shall await in despair the evils that threaten our country, hoping that an all wise Providence may avert the pending storm. 7 1 have no disposition to find fault with the ComReconstruction. I realize the difficulties which they have been called upon to encounter. That the have acted a noble part in their efforts to harmonize conflicting opinions no one has any just reason to doubt. I rejoice in the manner in which the report is presented and the liberal spirit manifested by the committee toward those who are anxious to aid in the erfection of their plan. I hope for good results when debate shall have termi nated and final conclusions shall be presented to a generous public. I cannot believe that if Congress should finally reach the conclusion that the late rebels must be supreme in their local State governments, that they will then adopt measures to exasperate those whom they trust with the life, liberty, and happiness of the black man. If the generosity of the South is to be the only guarantee of a precarious existence that is to be secured for the negro, it is cruelty to him to enrage his master for master he will be with aggravating legislation. If you leave him in the ions mout do not exasperate the lion, but appease him if possible. If you have no means of securit admit the South at once and extinguish the ope of liberty in the breast of the negro, and let him make the best terms he can for his hopeless 1 c. The Presidents plan is by far the best, if Congress only aggravates and enrages the South but fails to eradicate the acknowledged evils. The President, according to Mr. Seward, is willing to take votes as a basis of representation, which differs but little from, and I think is an improvement upon, the report of the committee in that regard. He also wishes the confederate debt and claims for emancipated slaves repudiated. If nothing better can be done, let Congress take any p an that will end the conflict; but if we have principles, as we profess to have, it is our nty to affirm and vindicate them. It will be time enough to say the States will not adopt a just plan when that experiment has been tried and failed. If we are to be defeated, let us fall with our face to the foe. I have no ambition to die in an irregular or guerrilla war. My motto is civilized warfare or asuare surrender. The country will notjustify a distinction without a difference. If there is no difference onquestions of principle there ought to be no fur t or cross pnr oses between Congress and the President. The world will brand us as factionists and our efforts as a struggle for partisan power, if we rely too much on expediency. I hope the Senate will pardon the frankness with which I have attempted to express m views. Let amnesty and suffrage be submitte, and allow each State to act separately, and if the South adopt it, the Nerth must; and if the North does how can the South refuse? it is safe to say she will not jeopardize her peace and security in any such way. Let the plan embody civil rights, impartial suffrage, and repudiation of both rebel debt and claims for emancipated slaves on the one hand, and Universal amnesty and restoration of rebels to civil and political rights on the other hand, and the country will finish the work and when it is done it will be well done.