Mr. STEWART. I admit, and have not denied, that our interest and our safety consisted in using or wrenching from the South this war power that they were usin, whether it consisted of negroes or horses. I admit that it helped us, but I still contend that it helped him also and made him a free man. I still contend that a great deal of expense has already been incurred for his benefit; that a large standing army is now kept up to protect him. He is, and ever has been, unable to protect himself, and it is a slander upon our white soldiers to say that the negro saved the Union. I repeat, I am willing to do all that we have pledged ourselves to do, but I am not willing to reduce the southern States to a territorial condition and hold them for all time, or for any definite time. in that condition for the purpose of conferring suffrage upon the negro, which was not one of the avowed issues of this war. I believe that if we were to reduce the southern States to a territorial condition, and hold them in that condition for the space of 5 years, it would not only destro our form of goVernment, but deprive us o our own liberties. I believe we can have the Union. I believe we can have it soon. We have got to trust some minate them during the war. body. I say we have got to trust the white people of the South. "e cannot organize a government solely upon the negro poulation. [here are 7 million white people in the South. The time for exterminating them has passed. They are in the country. We did not exter They are there, and are to remain there. If they are to be our enemies, and we attempt to hold them as vas sals, it will necessitate the maintaining of a large military force that will endanger our own liberties. Not only that, but it will place in the hands of the Executive powers that Will crush Congress and the liberties of the people; and not only that, but it will continue to engender among the people of the South additional hatred, and they will only wait the time when a foreign Power shall be p them to rebel again and here let me remark that I was astonished to hear Senators upon this floor. intimate that we were in a condition to enter upon a foreign war. With 7 million people whom we declare are our enemies, whom we declarewe cannot trust in our borders, are we prepared to invite a foreign war? I tell you, sir, we had better secure this Union before we talk of a war either with GreatBritain or France. The enimity of 7 million people constantly among us, and whom we must control, is a dangerous thing. Do you think, if you will not grant them the protection of the constitution, but hold them as vassals until they carry out any political idea that you can conceive of, that when another trouble shall arise you can get the unnumbered hosts of the loyal men in the North to come for ward and again march over that vast country and endure again the terrible horrors of another war, for what? F orthe sake of governing 11 States as conquered provinces? Do you think if you had avowed that negro suffrage was your ultimatum, that you knew the States were not in the Union, that your purpose was not to keep them in the Union, but to govern them as territories, that you could have drawn the loyal masses of the North to this terrible conflict? Show me the platforms upon which this fight was made, show me the resolutions of Congress, show me the declarations that at in issue the question of negro suffrage wine is now delaying peace and disturbing the country. But Gentlemen say we must use military force or negro suffrage. I deny that negro stiffrage will remder military unnecessary, for the exercise of that right by the negro can only be secured by the national arms, and we must in that event either exterminate the whites or allow them to exterminate the blacks. But the country is sick of war; humanity shudders at the near prospect of more slaughter. Let no mere the ory of the equality of races deprive us of peace and union.