Mr. HENDERSON. Simple justice never madewar. To show that I am not mistaken in the expectations of the country, North and South, on this subject, I refer 1st to the testimony of Mr. Reagan, of Texas, who was the PostMGenl under the rebel government, and was one of the most active and persistent of rebel chiefs. His testimony is but the expression of a then fixed public sentiment at the South. He says, in a letter addressed to the people of Texas. just after the fall of the confedbracy: "I have no doubt you can adopt a plan which will fullymeet the demands of justice and fairness, and satisf the northern mind and the requirementsof the wovernment, wrth out cudan cring good government and the re ose of society. his can bedone by " 1st. extending the privileges and protection of the laws over negroes as they are over the whites, and allowing them to testify in the courts on the same conditions: leaving their testimony subject to the rules relatingto its credibility: butpot objecting to its admissibility and in this you Will conform with the Wise curren t oflegislation, and the tendencyof all judicial decisionsin all enlightened countries. “And 2nd, by fixing an intellectual, moral, and, if thoughtnecessary, a property test for the admission of all persons to the exorcise of the cloctwe franchise, without reference to race or color which would secure its intelligent exorcise." In enumerating the advantages of these suggestions, he says: f 1st. It would remove all just grounds of antagonism and hostility between the white and blue races. Unless this is done endless strife and bitternessof feeling mustcharacterizetheir relations, and, as all history and human experience teachus. must sooner or later result in a war of races. We now know from and experiencewhat war is between equals and enlightenedpeople. But of all wars 5 social war of rapes is the most relentless and cruel, the extermmationor expulsionfrom the co ntry or enslavement of one or the other being the inevitable leibnedrwtyhteorebtohtchy race elsewhere ththeemy saerlevebsoo, thr t subjects to of the control of a superior power, which would be our situation. I speak, of course, of the legal rights and "(1114o4f the two races. Their social relations are matters of taste and choice, and not subject to legislative regulation. “ 2nd. This coursewould disarm and put an end to interstate sectional political agitation, on this sub;eetat least. Which has been the special curse of our country for so map; years, and which was the cause of the unnumber woes we have recently experienced and still suffer by depriving the agitatorsof a.subjecton which to keepup such an agitation, and of the means of producing jealousy, animosity, and hatred between the differentraces and this would do much toward the renewal of the ancient relations of national harmony and fraternal good will betweenall parts of the country." The POTUS, who is now supposed to be so utterly opposed to negro suffrage, even as late as October last, author lZEdalpublication by one Major Steams, giving his opinion most decidedly in its favor. The President said: "M positionhere is differentfrom what it would bi iii. “Til” negro suffrage equally; 1st, those who had servedin the Army; those who could read and write, and perhaps a procrty qualification for others.say 200 or 250 dollars.” In the early days of last October, I had a conversation myself with the President, in which I expressed some fears of the loyalty of the new organizations, and took occaston to suggest the ho a that he would insist on some sort of modifie negro suffrage in those States, as a means of takin the question forever out of politics, and fu er, of removing, as far as possible, the false sentiments that ori nated and have strength to the rebellion. rlhe result of the conversation was that I was authorized to give publicity to his biews, which I did in as ech of October 21, in my State, from which read an extract: “ Taking his stand point that thoStatesarestill in the niou, he does not think he can consistently in terf re with the franchise in those Statesor in any other; that is. that he canconferit upon persons not. enjoyingit under the rospective State constitutions, as the existed before the rebellion but as an individua hodcsiresthattho negros hall be enfrauchised and would be gratifiedto see the severalState conventions extend the franchise to all personsof color who can read the Constitution of the U.S. in English and write their names and alsoto all persons of color who own real estate valued at not less than $260, and who pay taxes thereon.” I again repeat that these words were uttered to me by the POTUS in the early days of October last, and now it is given out that the President is opposed to negro suffrage, not only in the States, but in the DistCol, where the power of Congress is not disuted. On the 10th of last October, the Presient addressed a regiment of negro soldiers, returning from service, in which he said: “This is our country as well as anybody clses country. this is the country in which yop expect to live and in which onoxpocttodosomething by our examplein civil ifc. as you have done in the cld; This country is foundedon the principlsotequality." Again: "It is for you to establish the great fact that you are lit and qualified to befree." and again: “He is the mostexaltedthat is the most meritorious, without regard to color." But it seems now the question of the negros capacity to govern himself is not to be judged from his conduct. It is to be settled against him without trial. Merit is to be put out of the question. His inferiority is to be assumed, and the results of injustice to him, ignorance, poverty, degradation, are to be forever the quoted evidences of that inferiority. The question of human slavery entered into party politics, and justice was slow. The question of human right, involved in enfranchisemeut, is now given to party politics. Justice maybe slow, but come, it must. Against this measure but 3 arguments are urged: I. lhnt it produces social equnlity. This objectiog is totally unfounded. 5 each voter the equal of another? Does my friendfrom “iscullsin [Mr. Doomr rrs] regard every man, native and foreign, naturalized and unnaturalized, who is entitled to the ballot in that State. as his social equal? 2. It is urged that the negro is of another and an inferior race. Admit his race to be diiforent from ours does he not belon to the family of man? Is as not actuated byt O same motives, possessed of the same feelings, and animated by the same hopes? He may not belong to the same race, but he belongs to the family of man, and the roudest boast of our free country toda is, that it is the home and asylum of man. Ifhis race be inferiorin intellectual power, that constitutes the strongest reason tor guarding his rights against the as saults of the more vi orous and crafty. Are all men now entitle to the franchise equal in intellectual power? Are the all equa in sugaeity and knowledge? Is the unlettered Irishman, shut out year after year from the light of the sun, in the coal mines of Pennsylvania, equally qualified to cast an intelligent vote with the distinguished members of the Federal judicial now dispensing justice in this C. itol? But ly ask Senators, will you deny suffrage to the coal digger? Or will you give another ballot to the eminent judge? Natural inferiority amounts to nothing. The question is, are the negroes capable of such moral trainin as to give them love of social order, and sun intellectual trainin as to have them know and appreciate their rights and duties in the community? If they are incapable of such training, the States may yet deny them the franchise, after my amendment has been adopted. If the alleged inferiority prove unfounded, the wor ship of prejudice must cease, and the image of this unjust god be broken into dust. Can the experiment do any harm? Let us try it. 3. It is said that qualified, educated, intelli gpnt negro suffrage will bring a war of re. es. by so? Are white men so unjust that rather than suffer simple justice to be done to their fellow men, ruther than see the true repuhlican principle vindicated in government, t cy will imbruei their hands in the negros blood? I believe no such thing, and if I did believe it, I could scarcely hope for the success of my follow white men in this war against humanity. If it be desirable to prevent a war of races, it can be done by simpft):justice to both races. If one race be taxed without representation, followed by the usual abuses of such power, and followe, too, by the prejudice and, contempt of the ruling class, will not war of races come sooner? It must, it will come It can be prevented now. Let it be done. The reasons in favor of in proposition are inse arably connected with a lg have said. nectriiot repent them. Every consideration of peace demands it. It must be done to remove the relics of the rebellion. It must be done to pluck out political disease from the body. politic, and restore the elementary principles of our Government. It must be done to preserve peace in the States and harmony in our Federal system. It must be done to assure the happiness and prosperity of the southern people themselves. it must be done to establish in our institutions the principles of universal justice. It inust be done to secure the strongest possible uarantees ainst future wars. It must be one in obe once to that golden rule, which insists upon doing to others what we would that others should do unto us. It must be done if we would obey the moral law that teachesus to love our neighbors as ourselves. In fine, it must be done to purify, strengthen, and perpetuates Government, in which are now fondly centered, the best hopes of mankind.