Mr. wOODBRIDGE. Mr. Speaker, I do not intend to discuss this question at any length. The time of the House has been very profitably occupied in its discussion for several days, and I have no idea that. any arguments that I may advance, or any views that I may submit, will alter the mind or the vote of any gentleman upon the door. But, sir, great responsibilities rest upon the members of the present congress. We are not writing history, which is did cult; We are making history, which is more difficult still. The footprints of this conrcsswill be upon the rocks of the mountains.ational and political convulsions may ensue: republics may rise and fall; systems of government may be erected and destroyed; but never, so long as the earth rolls, will the footprints which this congress makes be eradicated from history., Sir. there has never been a do since the foundation of this Government when all the candor, the calmness, the deliberation, the foresight, the wisdom of Congress has been so impeiative ly demanded as now. Our fathers launched forth upon an unknown sea in a ship of state made without a model, and doubtless anticipated that during the v0age tempests might arisewhich would test tie strength of the ship and develop its weakness, if any existed, and that repairs mightbecome necessary. For many years propitious winds filled her sails. Breakers and the lee shore never seriousl threatened her; the waves never rose big enough to beat upon and wrench from its place the only false and rotten plank which covered her side. But in the providence of God the tempest has come, and the rotten plank has been wrenched from its place; the old ship trembled from her rudderto her bows fit, but, thank God, she rode out the storm and hmw she needs, in my judgment, some slight reairs. The lank of slavery is to be reLp aced y the planf; of freedom. We are to] that now is not the time to make r airs; that we are not calm enough to do;it int we are surrounded by influences which have excited our passions; that the disappointmentwhich has come upon the majorit of this House has unsettled the calmness of their reason and rendered it impossible for them to give that deliberation which the greatness of this subject demands. Sir. a general, in time of war and danger is calmest and bravest; the sailor may rest in the calm, but. when the storm comes and breakers are ahead, every man must be at his post. The ship must be saved, though here and there a sai or loses his life. To meet the present condition of things a great number of amendments have been proposed to the Constitution. Many of them, in my judgment, are improper, and most of them are entirely useless and here permit me to say, that when an amendment to the Constitution is proposed, it should receive the candid, careful, cautious, and thoughtful investination of the House. Free, full, fair, open debate should be allowed. The lash of t. e previous question should rarely be aplied. it is some what dangerous ever to me dle with the great chart of our liberties. The more we tamperwith it the less sacred it seems to be, and no amendment should be entertained unless under the present condition of the count a condition which our fathers never could have anticipated or provided against it is impera tively (ICHIHDJZZG. Now, I have as much reverence for the old Constitution as the Gentfrom NewYork, [Mr. HAUL] I have as much confidence in it as he can have; I am as thankful as be is that it has heretofore withstood all the attacks that have been made upon it, that it has carried us through 2 foreiwn wars with safety, and that in all respects it as protected the liberty of the citizen. Like the gentleman, l have been taught to admire that clicate and properadjustment of the rights and powers otpthe States t, and of the General Government, whereby centralization. always dangerous to the Republic, cannot exist on teone hand, and unrestrained license, because always dangerous to the liberties of the people, cannot exist upon the other; and ha all the people done right. there would not at this time have been the need for anficonstitutional amendments. ut, sir, through the lust of power the bar mony of our Government has been destroyed. New social and political relations have been established. 4 million people have been borniu a day. The shackles have been stricken from 4 million separpte chattels, and they hiive becomein an hourliving, thinkin, moving responsiblebeings, and citizens of the U.S and if Congress does not. do something to provide for these people, if they do not prove cilial to their dut, and come up to their work li e men, the condition of those people will be worse than it was before. The accumulated prejudices of centuries, to ether with the unmitigated wrath of those who have held them in bondage, but by reason of the rebellion can no longerhold property in man, will culminate upon their hea s and now, sir, what is the duty of the American people toward these men? Is it sufficient that we have merely knocked the shackles from their limbs? Is it sufficient that we have made them free men and left them cold, hungry, and naked, without the power of attaining one of those civil natural rights which make freedom not only a name but a power? Is that all that the American Coneress and the American people are to do with those people who by the result of war and the constitutional amendment have come forth from a state of bondage into a state of freedom? But it may be said that all this may be done by legislation. I am rather inclined to think that talie most of it am he so accomplished. But. the experience of this Congress in that regard has been most unfortunate. Sir, I cast no imputation upon the POTUS I believe him to be honest, able, and patriotic and I pray God that the seaof discord may become quiet, and that the President and Congress acting together, firmly, manfully, and for teright, may reserve the real: party of freedom, upon which, in my judgment, depends not only the liberty of the Republic, but the advancement of free principles and of Christian civilization throu bout the world. But inasmuch as the President, honestly, I have no doubt, has told us that there were constitutional difficulties in the way, 1 simply snowestthat we submit the propositiom to the peobde, that they may remove these objections y amending the instrument itself. Vhat is the object of the proposed amendment? It merely gives the power to Cengress to enact those laws which Will give to a citizen of the U.S. the natural rights which necessarily pertain to citizenship. It is intended to enable Congress by its enactments when necessary to give to a citizen of the U.S., in whatever State he may be, those privileges and immunities which are guarantied to him under the Constitution of the U.S. It is intended to enable Congress to give to all citizens the inalienable rights of life and liberty, and to every citizen in whatever State he may be that protection to his property which is extended to the other citizens of the State. Sir, is there anything antirepublican in this? Is there an thing wrong in this? Is there anything which interferes with the sovereign power of a State that adheres to a RFG? Is there notra er in this a tendency to keep the States within their orbits, and by what the Gentfrom NewJersey [Mr. corms] would call “the organic law, " insure and secure forever to every citizen of the U.S. the privileges and blessings of a RFG? There is nothing more, there is nothing less, in this propOsition. It does notdestroy the sovereignty of a State, if such a thing exists. It does not even affect its sovereign rights, but merely keeps whatever sovereignty it may have in harmony with a RFG and the Constitution of the country.