Mr. CONNESS. It is rather a late hour to inflict even a short speech on the Senate, and I shall confine myself to a very few remarks. Mr. President, I was more interested in list ening to the brief speech of the honorable Senfrom Massachusetts [Mr. Wilson] than to any other that has been made today. It was a very singular speech, to my mind, for a Senfrom Massachusetts to make i have not the language before me, but the substance of it was this, as I understood it: “This is not a Massachusetts tariff. It does not stop with the protection of the products of the laborers of Massachusetts, but it goes further and protects coal and wool and iron and steel and a few other articles. There is on; ox ceedingly scandalous in a high tariff. Who ever votes for or supports a high tariff must expect to be abused, because it is something that should not be done. Since you do not confine this tariff to the support of Massachusetts interests, but go outside of them and make a tariff to protect interests outside of Massachusetts, we of Massachusetts wash our hands of the whole matter; we take no further responsibility. You have stopped giving us all e profits of a tariff; you now begin to divide them with others, and those others must take State in the Union. It is the odium: we will not bear it all.” So I understand the honorable Senator in effect to have spoken. The honorable Senator will excuse me for saying that that was not a speech for a Senfrom Massachusetts to make at this time. Massachusetts has arrived at her distinction as a manufacturing State because of tariff; because they gave the necessary protection against the cheaper labor of Europe and other portions of the earth, and enabled the me. chanics of Massachusetts, paid better and higher wages for their labor than those of England or France or Germany, to produce articles and find a market for them at home against the product of foreign labor. It was laws for this purpose that made Massachusetts what she is, precminent now in the product of nearly all the articles for which skilled labor in this country is so remarkable in the production of. But when she attains that position, if you extend to. others the same of protection that she has had, and that she yet wants, and that she can still profit by, we are told “wa wash our hands of it; we have nothing to do with it; your iron and your steel and your coal and your wool producers must take the scandal of the attacks that are made, for it is a kind of scandalous business at any rate “' Mr. President, I do not know that it ought to be considered that protecting American industry is a scandalous business. The people of the State that I in part rePresent pay more to the manufacturers of Massachusetts and the East, in proportion to their numbers, than the people of any other State in the Union, by reason of extravagant habits contracted during a period of gold production for 15 or 18 years last past. Our people probably buy more to each inhabitant than any other They produce less in the shape of manufactured articles. They buy more in proportion to what they consume; and they Touy it where? Abroad? Not at all. They would like undoubtedly to buy in the cheapest market; but the wise legislators from Massachusetts and the other States of the Union I say wise, I believe they were wise who so legislated as to encourage the production of articles necessary to man for many years past made such a home market and have protected it so well that our people buy in it, and they pay their money and they pay their profits to eastern labor and eastern capital for what they Consu ine. Sir, if California and I, as one of her Senators here, were to consider what might be called the immediate interests of the people of that State I should vote against all tariffs and vote to import our goods from England, from Ger many, from France, from Italy, or wherever they produce anything, getting those articles that we require from the cheapest market. But, sir, we believe that that is not good national policy. We believe that we as a nation attain a better and more leading position in the world by building up in our own country such industries as have made Massachusetts, Vermont, and NewHampshire the great workshops that they are: and we want to get into our own midst those very manufactures by which they have grown rich and populent and powerful; and there is no way for us to get them but by favoring the passage of such laws as will encourage capital in engaging in those various industries. But the Senfrom Massachusetts concedes the whole argument by admitting that strokes are to be given and received because we support the doctrine of protection. I do not concede it, and I am less interested in maintaining it than the Senfrom Massachusetts. I am prepared, in my humble way, to defend the votes that I give here as given for the benefit of the entire country, Massachusetts included, Maryland with her coal included, NewEng land and Ohio and California with their wool included, and Pennsylvania with her iron and steel included. A is it that will attack us because that protection is given Those whoprefer foreign markets to domestic markets; those who prefer to buy of the English manor the Frenchman or the German when theycan buy in their own country articles better adapted to them merely because they are at a little higher price here. Mr. President, I vote thus because I believe themore we make at home and buy from each other at home the more solid and substantial andpowerful we become as a people. At the same time, sir, I would reach our statesman ship a little further, and I would encourage the carrying trade too. I would have commerce one of the great branches of the industry of the nation; and in place of seeing our steam marinedriven from the Atlantic ocean by foreignsubsidized lines, I would reach out a little of the money that pours so freely from the ockets of the people into the Treasury of the U.S.; and I would have the star spangledbanner still keeping the van of commerce in these waters. It is a shame and a scandalthat while we have voted the freest measures of legislation for the protection of manufactures, we who believe in the system, and I agree with those who believe in it, have at the same time almost turned our backs upon ourgreatmarine. But, sir, I said that I should only make a fewremarks, and I shall keep my word good. I am very anxious for a vote; I only make theseremarks to warn Senators who rePresent Statesthat have grown rich and great by a protective policy against any such want of generosity and aiog to their neighbors as to propose an abandonment of the measures by which theyhave grown rich and great because their neighbors now propose to come in and participate in the benefits of the same policy.