Mr. GOODYEAR. Mr. Speaker, I have sought for several weeks past an opportunityto offer a resolution in the re, lar ordbr of business, but without success. 0t that the regular order is at all times observed. I am aware that the rules are suspended at any time by the majority whenever it is deemed necessary to press forward a measure sanctioned by a caucus or to restrict the debate to the side of the House where by force of numbers the proceedings are an or absolute control. But for any gentleman on this side to hope for the accomplishment of anything out o strict rule is simply preposterous. I occupy the floor at this time, not by court esy, but by strict rule, and I know well, that even should I desire it the inexorable hammer would mot be suspended an instant at my request. The knowledge of this fact will necessarily restrict my remarks to correspond with the given limits, and I choose the debate upon this subject for the reason that in the only opportunity I may have during the session it will allow the expression of opinions, the slatement of facts, and a course of remark generally which might be deemed irrelevant and improper upon any other question. The resolution to which I referred was, with the preamble, as follows: Whereas taxation without the right of representation has from the earliest traditions of our government been considered a tyrannical usuration of powerjusifying rebellion an revolution: erefore, Iieeolued, That the levying and collection of taxes by the Federal Governmentin States not allowed Representationin Congress is oppressiveand unjust, and Oughtto be discontinued. Now, sir, I proposed to offer that resolution, not becausel supposed there existed doubt here or elsewhere in this country as to the abstract right or want of right, but because it furnished an a t illustration of the absurdities into which the government was being involved by a de parture from the fundamental doctrines upon which our system is based. Of course do not propose to discuss the question, for in the history of this Government it has been settled upon an occasion and in a manner too memo rable to be now open for argument. Whatever other grievances were incorporated in the DeclarIndep, it is well known that the infraction O this right was the sole moving cause which stimulate the colonies to resistance and successful rebellion. Still less do I propose to answer by argument the labored efforts of gentlemen to justify upon principles of international law the policy which it ist eir declared purpose to pursue in regard to the southern States. Why attempt a refutation when the whole reasoning is a patent subter fuge, intended to conceal the real purposes of the party? I resume no one here is deceived, whatever may e the fact as to the country at large. We all know here that these volumi nous speeches are merely a fit illustration of Talleyrands witty apo the gm, “that language is given us to concea our thoughts;” for who doubts here that all these proposed amendments to the Constitution, this endless arra of speeches, in all their drear length and dul ness, point to one sole, fixe object, namely, the perpetuation of party ascendency based upon the exclusion of the southern States from all participation orinterest in the Government? I have waited patiently from the commencement of the session in the vain hope that the action of the majority might indicate some returning sense of their responsibility for the interests, to say nothing of right or justice, of the whole country; some attachment for a Union which they profess, profession merely, to revere; and I may say, further, that the country has looked with a like anxiety for this devel opment, and, I need not add. with a like feeling of disappointment and disgust. Further concealment is quite useless. Disguise it as you may, the main fact is becoming every day more apparent to the country, manifested by every vote upon the floor of this House, that the settled purpose of the party is adverse to any plan of reconstruction which, by admitting the southern States to representation in congress and the Electoral Colle e, might tend to impair the ascendency of the party in the administration of the Government. That is to say, for the full performance of the programme we are to have a crippled nationality and dissevered Union maintained without limit as to time at all events, until after the next presidential election, with all its baleful in fluences, commercial, social, national merely for the purpose of continuing in power a political party, a party influenced in its actions by a painful consciousness that its very existence.depends upon a dissolution of the Union, devoting all its tactics and strategy to the accomplishment of that one object, regardless of all other interests, however imminent and press nu. 5Am I aslfed for the proofs? I answey, the open declaration of the bold and the obseqni ous concurrence of the timid in every measure relating to reconstruction from the opening of the session to this hour. Sir, it may be conceded that the tone and manner of gentlemen of the majority are some what less bold and defiant than they were at the commencement of the session a slight concession to the universal expression of popular feeling. Then the design to hold the southern States as conquered provinces, to be disposed of at the will of the conqueror, was bol ly as sorted. Now, a desire is expressed to restore them to their normal condition in the Union as speedilyas may be consistent with the interests of the country meaning the party. Then the policy of exclusion was justified by the simple assertion of the right. Now, gentlemen conescend to lead an apolo upon some slight show of badiy manufacturedsfacts as to the condition of the southern States. For example, the rebellious utterances of some obscure individuals, colored by pensioned and anony mous letter writers, to represent the state of popular feeling at the South; or, perhaps, news paperparagraphs bearing evidence of having been written in this cit for a like purpose an sent South for publication in radical papers, in opposition, it is true, to the mostincontroverti by e evidence from sources of the hi best and most unquestionable authority. It is not the least remarkable fact of this gigantic rebellion, its entire suppression, both its material resourcesand its spirit. But in the mean time, with language less bold and defiant, the party advances toward its original design with a sternness of purpose that courts the opposition of the Executive and sets argument and remonstrance on this floor at de once. The mysterious power to which is committed, without debate, all matters relating to the restoration of the Union, from its midnight sittings utters its inquisitorial rescripts with undiminished confidence, and demands the action of the House in tones no less despotic. Its latest utterance in regard to the admission of Tennessee is no new development of conscious weakness or of altered purposes, but rather is an exceedingly adroit may neuver to involve every branch of the Government in its revolutionarypoliey. Beside coup ling the admission with conditions which, as to Territories, would under ordinarycircumstances justif the immediate rejection of the resolution, it see s to commit the executive as well as the legislative branch of the Government to the monstrous, radical theory, that Congress, instead of exercising its simple constitutional prerogative to judge of the qualifications of its members Without regard to the constituent State, has the power and right to exclude from representation the constituent State without regard to the qualification of its members. This once settled, with the assent of all the legislative branches of the Government, including the executive, and the work of disloyalt to the Union is nearly or quite finished. ldy a chea concession to one State only, the theory which declares the southern States out of the Union, and by necessary sequence excluded from the Electoral College and their assent to constitutional amendments whollyunneeessary, obtains the sanction of the Government, and the Union is practically dissolved. Sir, without this little episodethe plot for the dissolution of the Union would be quite incomplete. The dangers suggested by a disputed claim to the Presidency, based upon the right of the southern States to vote in the Electoral College and sustained by the Executive, might well appall the boldest conspirator. But with this JtResolution for the admission of Tennessee into the Union as a newly organized State, paiased through both Honses and signed by the resident, every Dept of the Government will be irrevocably committed to the radical theory, the danger to the conspiracy averted, and its power for evil not sensibl iminished. 1 otwithstanding the dissensions in the committee, disclosed by the minority report, I presume it is the intention of the majority to pass the resolution. It remains tobe seen whether the President by persuasion or threats can be induced to afiix his si ature. Should he do so, in my judgment the game is up and the Union dissolved. The hope of the Republic rests in the firmness of the President. Sir, I profess no now born zeal in support of the Chief Magistrate; not having favored his election, I have no claims upon his atronuge, and neither seek or eXpect personally any favors; but, in the rupture of party ties, my aliiliations will follow my convictions of the right. But while I avow my entire confidence in the Presidents plan of re construcion, believe in its wisdom and the necessity of its s eedy adoption for all the best interests of the country, still I propose no argument in its favor; my time Wlll not admit. It has been put forth by the President himself in language most clear, cool, and dispassion ate, and it is now before the people for adoption or rejection. Ar merits in its favor from the other side of the case, most eloqnent and convincing, have not been wanting. Gentlemen who, speaking against their party but voting with it, seem assigned to that part of the programme by which the last fall elections were carried, affecting a cordial affinity mm the President while denouncing him and his policy, in private, with curses not loud but deep. his equivocal position, so snce csstiil mninl tained, is now I think, ended. The ecisive action of the President, forced upon him by the unwise and unconstitutional measures of Congress, has placed a large majority of both Houses square y in an attitude of hostility. To use a form of speech expressive but inclegant. this game of false retenses is now played out. Knowing, as I 0, that it has never been any part of the policy of the majority to adopt the plan of the President, and that a perpetual separation of the States, so far as the action of this House is concerned, is a foregone conclusion I have no hope that anything said by me would exert the force of a leathers weight in arresting the fatal tendencies of the party. I propose, therefore, to devote the brief time allotted me upon this floor to seine exposition of the spirit and influences which pervadethis Congress and are dominant in the party, But 1st let me say that the present position of the omnipotent radical element is by no means inconistent with its antecedents. The party commenced its existence upon a plat form that implied a conflict of interests and feelings betwixt the 2 sections of the country. Sentiments hostile to the unionwere fostered and made to contribute to its growth and progress. The irrepressible conflict was made its battle cry. Petitions were circulated throughout the country and presented upon this floor and that of the other case, praying for the dissolution of the Union; and when the dragons teeth thus industriously sown sprang up in armed rebellion, we find leaders in the party as well as its most influential journals insidiously trying the temperof the people by advocating the fight of the southern States to withdraw from the national compact. Thus at that time a sectional party, having achieved a victory by exciting eelings hostile to the Union, hoped to maintain an ascendency by its dissolution. It was only after it became certain that the people would rally to no other slogan than that of the Union that the party reluctantly adopted the name and hypocritically professed to be its exclusive friends and supporters and in this respect the party is now where it was before the commencement of the war, looking solely to party ascendeney, and by the same means a perpetual severance.of the States. But in opposition to the settled policy of an overwhelming majority, acting with entire fidelity to party discipline upon all the decrees of caucus, I have already remarked that argument is quite useless. We will assume, then, that the time for argnment in this forum has gone by, that the issue is made u, and that the appeal is to the people, by w om, I doubt not, it will be speedily decided. But let the question be fairly stated; no subterfuge, no equivocation. Throw away a disguise which affords no concealment. Tell the people that the restoration of the Union is inconsistent with the existence ofyourpulU; that you are, therefore, practical secessmmsts. Leave it to me to show your consistency, by proving that you have never been anything. But above all, for shame, if not for honesty, r“enounce ii name which implies a falsehood. Dolf that lions hide and hang a calfs skin” you know the rest and allow me to suggest that in this contest before the people it will be Well to accompany assertion with some show of proof. Rely not alone upon the mere form of speech so common upon the lips of the faith ful, “that the Presidents plan of reconstruction is a failure.” The popular voice is becoming clamorous for the evidence. Is it a failure because military resis nee to the Government has entirely ceased? s it a failure because the people of every southern State, in solemn convention assembled, have declared their ordinances of secession utterly null and void, and that the semblance of civil governments, in dependent of and hostile to the Union, are wholly dissolved and abandoned? Is it a fail ure because the civil government of each State has been reorganized upon principles in subordination to the Constitution and laws of the U.S.? Is it a failure because every suggestion of the President, as a reliminary to reconstruction, the abolition oiP slavery, the amendment of the Constitution, placing thatquestion for the future outside the action of the States, the reudiution of the rebel debt, have all been adopto without reserve or qualification? Is it a fai are because the southern people profess entire submission and fealty to the Constitution and laws of the U.S and their acts correspond with their words? But, says the Gentfrom Connecticut, we must have guarantees for the future. If this were not one of the patent subterfuges resorted to in order to conceal the ulterior designs of the party, I should say that this precaution exhibits ess of the statesman than the lawyer whose training and education utterly disqualify him to comprehend any other arran ement of an apprehended assault than by hon s to keep the peace. What other, I ask, if any, guarantee is needed than the terrible experience of the last. 4 ears? This voluntarilyacted upon, farbetter t on any galling and constantly irritating act of abject submission will prove to use. perfect immunity from the dangers of civilWar or the next century at least. But, say gentlemen, and with the genuine puritanical twang, they must show forth fruits meet for repentance. I do not know what precise meaning gentlemen attach to this form of speech, or what particular act of humiliation is required by it mm the South. Do gentlemen know themselves? But this idea, at all events, may be drawn from it that it is the purpose of the party to clothe the conditions O reconstruction in terms so oracular that compliance may be deemed impossible so long as party interests demand their exclusion. this of the same character with other objections as this. We have no evidence that the spirit of the rebellion is broken. They merely accept the situation. What more do gentlemen ask? Ought they not to acce pi. it? es. they do accept the situation, and when all their acts and words testify to the fact, it is an unfriendly. interpretation of their thoughts which is to be used against them. This is the genuine spirit of aproscriptive and persecuting fanaticism. Thats irit, when ever or by whomsocver entertaine, acknowl edges no rights and suggests no other ideas of human liberty than the right and liberty to think as they do. The same spirit prevailing extensively at the North, and cooperating with alike spirit at the South, operating in the same direction with opposite motives, brought upon us the late war, with all its waste of blood and treasure and mountain of debt; a spirit strug gling even now with convulsive efforts to shape the future policy of the country, and against the dangerous tendencies of which I desire, by gomg somewhat into its past history, to raise a warning yoice. Sir, the institution of slavery was made the pretext, but was not the cause of the war. ndeed, when the annals of the late contest come to be written up the future historian will be not a little puzzled, in seeking for its causes in existing circumstances, to find liter ally none, nothing underlying the social struct ure, nothing in its practiciil working. The irre ressible conflict adno existence even in the rain of him who 1st gave the thought utterance; no rival interests springing from the competing productions of the 2 systems of labor. There could never be an competition in the productive industry of e 2 sections, for the reason that the avails of the labor of each could by no possibility be profitably produced by the other. The alarm sought to be created at the North as to the successful competition of slave labor had never any foundation in fact. The avails of slave labor, with the single exception of cotton, always cost more than anequal amount produced by free white labor. Al that was profitable in the slavelabor of the South could not be produced at all at the North, so that cometition was out ofthe question . But more, fines the 2 systems worke together in admirable harmony for the greatest good of both. The cotton raised at the South was manufactured at the North and returned in the manufactured state for consumption, thus each fiirnishin the other the best possible market for the pronets of its labor. As, then, there was not and could never be any conflict in the material interests of the sections, the historian will seek the causes of the war in influences operating outside of mere business relations, in a restless impatience of servitude on the one hand prompting insurrectionary movements, and an active sympathy on behalf of an oppressed and suffering people on the pthler; but here, too, his researches will be at au t. For the events of this war have proved this one fact, if no other: that all ourhopes of success based upon the active coneration of the enslaved race, in an earnest e ort for liberty, were entirely delusive. I am aware that it is much the fashion in this House to eulogize their loyalty and patriotic services in the late war. (gentlemen say they furnished some 200,000 recruits for our Army. Furnishedl Who furnished? Notthe negro. I am yet to be told of the 1st instance of a black man joining the Army voluntarily and without other inducement than the hope of aiding the emancipation of his people or loyalty to the Union. 0, sir; it was the enormous bounties offered at the North, the cacpital of NewEngland, that bought them up an placed them in the Army to save their own sons from the conscription. The negro, as a race has no aspirations for freedom, except it be the freedom from labor uecessary for his daily subsistence. He vastly refers the luxury of a warm climate, a comfortable cabin, an indolent life, freedom from care, and dependence upon a master to any problematica benefits proffered by the questionable philanthropy of the North. Sir, I wish it not understood from this view of the subject that I have, looking to the future of the country, any objections to the abolition of slavery. I discuss merely its probable influences upon the race. In the darkest period of the warialwa s entertained and professed an abiding faith in the maintenance of the Union, yet never doubted that the 1st cannon shot boomed out the death knell of slavery and while I now profess a belief that emancipation will in time result in great good to the white race and to the States as political communities, yetI have anequall strong conviction that the act dooms the plac race to a lingering atro by, to end in their ultimate extinguishment. O much for the officious beneficence of the fanatical reformer. He forces his universal panacea upon a reluctant subject; it proves a deadly poison, and the victim of a morbid philanthro y lingers and dies. The mere abrasion of O races, with interests, fun cied or real, conflicting from changed relations, will from necessity wear out the inferior race, and human wisdom will he found wholly inade quate to apply the remedy. Conferring political privileges, as the right of suffrage, will not do it; itwill have no ten ency to make the black man industrious and provident, but by making him an object of occasional interest at local elections. will ruther tend to unsettle any habits of industry already formed. A grand system of panperism contemplated by the Freedmens Bureau, with its 1,000s of Government agents, will be found in sufficient, No paupersystem ever tended to the elevation of a race of people; besides, it is inconsistent with our institutions, which presuppose that all interests, corporations, and classes are self sustaining. Soon, if not already, the black man will cease to be an available instrument in the atrife of parties; and then, though humanit may stand appalled at the frightful waste of humanlife from disease, neglect, starvation, and crime the enlightened reformer, who is seldom troubled with an exalted notions or feelings of practical benevo ciice, though he could move the powers of heaven and earth, not tomention the other place, to confer an unsolicited immunity, will stand by quite indifferent to his fate. Alas, the oor negro! Death is the common lot; and if this were all, humanity might draw to itself some consolation in contempation of the extinction of a race of people. But oh i the heart grows weary and very sad in the effort to measurethe amount of human wretchediiess which must herald in this final consummation. The next census will no doubt furnish some fearful evidenceas to the rapid progress of an nihilation, and perhaps open the eyes of a mistaken, not to say insincere, philanthropy, to the terrible boon we have bestowed upon him. But to pursue the argument in the view I have taken, the war may be said to be entirely without cause at the North, as it certainl was without justification at the South. But tein fluences which, acting without apparent cause, led to the war, lie upon the surface. The existence of slavery gave rise to the only nestion which could by possibility divide the nion 0n geographical lines, and shrewd politicians could not fail to discover that the i orth, having a numerical preponderance in the Electoral College, a party formed upon this issue alone if successful in arousing a sectional feeling O hostility to the South, could not fail to achieve a political victory. The nucleus of such a party had long exasted in a radical element at the orth, which, from its intolerant nature, is inconsistent with and even dangerous to republican institutions, yet never fails to furnish the unprincipled partisan with a powerful and unscrupulous auxdiary. The true type of NewEngland fanaticism is to be found in all the States, but mostabounds in NewEngland, especially in Massachusetts and Vermont. “ He is well described as necessarily a narrow man.” I make this definition of a fanatic here because I believe it represents a spirit that is now dominant in the councils of the nation. “ He is possessed of his one idea, and he sees nothing else. This he pushes to the last resort. His mind feeds upon an abstraction, to which he endeavors to mold the na ture and constitution of things about him. The are divergent from his purpose, and formed an regulate with reference to other considerations than his sole idea. They are unyielding, therefore, and his labor upon them is useless or mischievous, according to his power. The fanatic is also a bad man in effect, if not in intention. Fanaticism often, though not always assumes the guise of benevolence. A goo man is really benevolent and charitable to the errors, the vices, the sins of the human race. He does not confine his sympathy to a class or a section. A fanatic is always uncharitable. He is bitter against such as do not coincide in his views or favor his cause. He takes into no consideration the differences in the structure and capacity of the human mind; its different education, habits, and aptitudes, the grand sum which makes up the varying characters and disositions of men. He is not content with holding his own Opinions to himself, but compasses earth and sea to make one proselyte. He is an intemperate total abstinence man; an over bearing advocate ofuniversal emancipation a violent non-resistant; a furious friend O peace; a malignant philanthropist. Formerly e burned heretics, and now, if he had the power, he would find some Procrustean means to reduce all opinions to the level of his own standard. As liccannot do this, he rails at other men and devotes his energies to the overthrow of the institutions of his country and to undermine the religious faith of the people. He is alirutal soldier, a bigoted priest, an unjust judge, a dishonest politician, a seditious citizen; never to be trusted in any capacity, for he, of allo the rs, deems that the end justifies the means. such is the fanatic; and he is only mischievous, and that continually. He stands in antagonism, therefore, to the humane warrior, the gospel minister, the upright judve, the patriotic states man, the private man Who generally loves his country and seeks its honor and its welfare. It is upon moral grounds, in opposition to him that some men are conservative instead O radical, and work for the commonweal, not ignorantly and willfully for the public mischief. lhc difference lies as deep as the fundamental prippiples which eternally separate good from on. For want of some more vulnerable object upon which to expend its force, this element in northern society made the existence of slavery at the South the subject of its special ab horrence, and o enl sought and advocated the dissolution of t ie bnion by way of sundering all connection with slaveliolders. This doctrine was fo; many ears industriously promulgated from the platibrm and taught in the schools. The clcrg, who, as a class, from their habits, education, and reading, are least of all qualified to advise in matters of civil government, were deeply imbued with this heresy, and lost no opportunity of infusing into the public mind its pernicious principles. As the party gathered strength, it drew to its support radicalism in every form. Reformers O every shade and description, every one who weed war with society as at present constitute, free lows and free thinkers, vagabond lecturers of both sexes, strong minded women and weak minded men, communism, Fourierism, and infidelity, in short, every man with an ism, and woman with a mission, all that class of uneasy spirits whose concert in action would alone be likely to ins ire distrust in the mind of every cool, rig it thinking man, constituted, nevertheless, the framework of a very formidable part. The more politician saw his opportunity and made the most ofit. At an early day be commenced ministering to its tastes and fostering its growth, passing unconstitutional personal liberty bills, and poisoning the public mind with utterly unfounded ideas of conflicting interests, at the same time firinr the heart of a radical party at the South, O uarilyproinpt and ready to assume the linafeon ilions of this rapidly growing hostility, a dissolution of the Union, and, if need be, the arbitrament of arms. The rest has already become history. We have had the war, and secession has trium hed, not in the interest of slavery, but in teinterest of fanati cism. The war for the Union, which suppressed the rebellion, has now to be fought over by the people, bloodless, I hope, but with none the ess earnestness and devotion. The leaders did probably not foresee the results in all its consequences, but in aiming at a party triumph by wt ese unhallowed means they conjured up a devil thatwould not down at their bidding. Sir, it is by the dexterous manipulation of ike agencies that the party in power seek, even now, to establish as the policy of the Government their original design, the dissolution of the Union. It is quite useless, this attemptat disguise; the facts stand out in bold relief, notwithstanding the labored efforts of gentlemen to mystify and cover it up. Why this effort to prove, by reference to Grotius, Vat tel, Puffendorfiand I know not what array of antiquated authorities, that the South by the war have forfeited all iolitical rights? TVhy,if the battle cry of the nion, which gave to the party its victories; which sustained the hopes of the people throughall the vicissitudes oft is terrible war, which cheered on the arm of the Lilitrtornac in its bloody track from the apidan to the James, and stimulated and sustained the all, outrage that feeling which of all others has army of Sherman in its wondronsmarch, was not a fiction; why, if the very name assumed is not a delusion and a sham, why these end less speeches to prove that the southern States are out of the Union? Why this array of resolutions to amend the Constitution except, by their failure to pass both Houses by the requisite majority, or their known rejection by the States, to furnish the xcuse for the continued exclusion of the South from representation on this floor? By the way, this species of legislation seems thus far to have engrossed almost the entire time and attention of the Honse. Gentlemen, in their eagerness to centralize and grasp the powers of the Government, seem disposed to treat the Constitution with as little reverence as the resolves of a town meeting. We have, I am told, some 20 propositions to amend the Constitution, and an equal number of bills to secure the rights of the negro race and to make them provident, wise, and intelligent, fit to exercise the right of suffrage by not of congress. Why is it that these exclusive friends of humanity, black humanity, see no occasion for placin additional safeguards round the liberties of the white man? I have waited in vain, among all the numerous resolutions of amendment, for some.roposition more clearly definin the right of Congress to suspend the writ dfiabeascorpus, when in case of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it, beyond the lines of actual military operations, or in places or States where the civifjurisdiction are discharging all their functions without lot or hinderance. Just recovering, as we are, from a reign of terror, in which we had seen the civil power completely subordinated to the military, the rights of the citizen wholly disregarded, arrested by telegraphic dispatch, imprisoned without cause assigned, and discharged, without trial after months ofiniprisonment, are no measures needed to silence that little bell for all future time? This time, of all others, seems to me most proper for providing the necessary securities for the liberties of the white man. In myjudgment, that member, whose lease of office will be longer than mine, for I have no hope of speedy action on the proposition the black man must 1st be attende to who would in the language of Benton, in regard to the expunging resolutions, “ solitary and alone" introduce an amendment for that purpose and press it from session to session until a returning sense of dnty to the white race should end in its adoption by Congress and the States, would surround is memory with immortal honor. But, in this fratricidal policy to which the party is so blindly committed, I warn Gentlemen they will fail. The purpose is as crim inal as the southern rebellion, and will be equally unsuccessful. No matter how formi dable the array ofauthorities by which you seek to sustain your position I care not if every writer upon international law that can be raked up from the musty records of the past, may be cited to make the right of exclusion impreg nable. The people, in every dollar contributed to the prosecution of this war, in every sou sacrificed upon the altar of the Union, every tear shed, every drop of blood spilled every groau of anguish uttered, have declared thatit shall not be the fact. A people who have shown themselves capable of enduring all the calamities of a war up iaralleled in history in support of one fixed i ea, the Union, will scatter is the winds, alike the dicta of schoolmen and the so histries of politicians. I tell you that outside the a encies to which I have referred and the imme iate dependents upon the patronage of power, you cannot muster a cororals guard that is not committed heart an soul to the reconstruction policy of the President. Go on, then, you have the power; exclude the southern States, agitate for the negro, make country subordinate to party, set asi e the mighty interests dependent upon and resulting from a united country, and above for the last 4 years of gloom and despond ency warmed every patriot heart, and see what will come ofit. Sir, I have spoken upon these subjects as if the forum was already changed and [lie contest transferred to the people. I believe it to be so. I have no hope that any progress will be made in healing up the wounds of the country by this Congress, and in my judgment the sooner it dissolves and returns to the constituencies the better for the country. I have no ambition to connect my name with a session which may draw upon this House the odious e i the t his toricalin connection with the famous arebones Parliament of England. But, sir, I wish to say in conclusion that the issue before the people must be met without evasion. It is sinipl union or disuiiion. Mere vituperation or epithets applied to individuals or a party so successful upon many an oceasion just will not, in this contest, satisfy the people. The term copperhead, so courteonsly use by gentlemen on the other side, is some what stale, but upon the whole has improved. The people seeing those to whom the epithet is applied most earnest in every patriotic effort to restore the Union, and they who apply the term most freely plotting for its dissolution. begin to suspect that there is some mistake in the application of the term or some misapprehension as to its meaning. Besides, it is much in the condition of the powder that has been once used; and further, though bandying e ithets is not a democratic folly, it may provo e retorts. I commend gentlemen to a prudent husbandry of their ammunition. But, sir, I intended mori particularly to speak of the recent manifestations as to the c aracter of the warfare which it is designed to wage, indicated by the personal abuse and vile epi the tslieape upon the President and spread abroad by miscreaut letter writers throughout the land. We can easily understand that the defection of the President may have exasperated the chief conspirators beyond measure. It surrounds the plot for the dissolution of the Union with new and quite unexpected difficulties not only, but may render its execution exceedingly hazardous. 1 his feel irig finds vent in personal abuse and defamation, grateful to the malignant passions thus excited, and at the same timqsubservient to party purposes. p The people who have noticed the tone and language of his frequent replies to the numer ous delegations. representing various localities and interests, that have addressed him since his inauguration; who havercad with unalloyed delight his 1st message to Congress. a state paperreceived with more demonstrations of unqualified approval, not only in this country but. in Europe, than any paperof like character from any former Executive; also the cool, dispassionate, and ably reasoned veto message, know that he is not the drunken debaucliee which his qnondam friends now represent him to be and even the speech of the 22d Feb ruary, so fiercely criticised, though somewhat broken by the vociferations of the crowd, still bears the highest evidence to his perfect mental soundness. The people, less sensitive upon the subject of personal dignity, would not wish a sentence changed. They cannot afford to lose the slightest thought embodied in that speech, not a word but that goes straight to the American heart. I am not cognizant of any alliance between the Democratic party and the President. Weuphold the Executive so long as he represents our principles and faith. He may tomorrow, for aught I know, disap int all our hopes and expectations. But it is, nevertheless, a duty we owe to truth and fair and upright dealing; we, who see him from g day today, look upon his calm, thoughtful brow, and listen to his utterances fraught with the profoundest political wisdom. It is our duty, from which we are not absolved by any chances of political alienation, to testify to the country that the base and malignant slander has not the slightest foundation in fact.