Mr. SCHENCK. Precisely. I take it upon that ground. I propose, as I said before, where appointments have been made carrying out in good faith what was declared as the rule of appointment by the President we will save their rights, whether they be able bodied or wounded; but the difficulty in the gentleman's provision now is that he admits all without discrimination, not merely soldiers wounded or not wounded, but all civilians. He holds out, as I insist, a premium or bonus for subserv iency, which does not apply in the case of a soldier, at least, to the same extent as it does: in regard to civil appointmentS.R.Speaker, there is no use of blinking this matter. I say the SecyTreasury and the PostMGenl have appointed men in my district in whom the people in the different localities have no confidence whatever, whom they did not desire to have appointed; and the rule of appointment which took place in those localities, we have good reason for knowing, has taken place in all of these depts in Washington where ever this kind of patronage could be exercised and made to serve as a reward for subserviency to the powers that be. And I have nothing to retract which I have said in general denunciation of the whole of them. I repeat, never in the whole history of this country has there been any party so purely a mere bread and butter brigade as these crea tures who have crawled into office within the last year or 2 hereabouts and throughout the country. They are a party who do not pretend to have any principles. The Democrats repudiate them; the Republicans repudiate them. They do not profess to belong to the Republican party. They say they have not gone over to the Democrats, and yet they have commended themselves to the powers in authority so as to obtain their offices. And mark you how? They did it without any clear political creed of any kind but by thus abasing themselves before the footstool of that power. Now, I agree with the committee entirely that some bill like this is necessary, some bill like this is just and more than just, it is generous; but I wish to pass a bill with such a restriction as shall not operate as an encouragement to this class of men. I say there are now, if I am rightly informed, and I have no doubt on the subject, more than one, at least one person in the employ of the Government who has.been in the employ of the socalled confederacy. Yet that man, yet these men yet men of this kind under the provisions this bill will be treated precisely in the same way as those who bore the heat and burden of the day when we were endeavoring to put down that infernal rebellion which they were assist.ing and attempting to uphold. Though something of this kind is necessary, it is necessary, as I consider, it should be restricted in some such way as proposed by the Gentfrom Vermont, Mr. MoRRH.i.] I am willing to admit something of this sort must have the sanction of Congress and be fixed as the mode of compeusation by law, because we cannot. trust the SecyTreasury or perhaps any head of Dept to carry out the pur. pose of Congress. What did he do? We placed in his hands one time and another within the last 4 years $400,000 to be distributed among the clerks, for the reason that the means of subsistence had become so enormously high they were not able scarcely to keep soul and body together, much less those who had fami lies to provide for those families. What did he do? Although this House and this Congress desired those whom the rise of the waters of high prices had reached, and who by that rise of the waters had been submerged, instead of giving it to the clerks who received the lowest salaries, he selected the heads of divisions and chief clerks, already receiving the highest sala ries, and paid nothing to those who received the lowest salaries.