The Secretary read the message, as follows; To the Senate of the U.S.: I have examined with care the bill which originated in the Senate and has been passed by the 2 Houses of Congress to amend an I act entitled “ An act to establish:1Bureau for the Relief of Freedmen and Refugees, ” and for other purposes. Having, with much regret, come to the conclusion that it would not be consistent with the public welfare to give my a roval to the measure, I return the bill to t lenate with my objections to its becoming a aw. I might call to mind in advance of these objections that there is no immediate necessit for the proposed measure. The act to ostablish a Bureau or the Relief of Freedmen and Refugees, which was approved in the month of arch last, has not yet expired. It was thought stringent and extensive enough for the purposein viewin time of war. Before it ceases to rave eifect further experience may assist to guide us to a wise conclusion as. to the policy to be adopted in time of peace. I share with congress the strongest desire to secure to the free men the full enjoyment of their freedom and property, and their entire independence and cquaity in making contracts for their labor; but the bill before me contains provisions which in my opinion are not war ranted by the constitution, and are not well suited to accomplish the end in view. The bill proposes to establish, by authority of Congress, military jurisdiction over all parts of the U.S. containing refugees and freedmen. It would, by its very nature apply with most force to those parts of the U.S. in which the freedmen most abound; and it expressly extends the existing temporary jurisdiction of the Freedmen s Bureau wrth greatl enlarged powers over those States “ in which the ordipary course of judicial proceedings has been interrupted by the rebellion.” The source from which this military jurisdiction is to ema nate is none other than the POTUS, acting through the War Dept and the Commissioner of the Freedmens Bureau. The agents to carry out this military jurisdiction are to be selected either from the Army or from civil life; the country is to be divided into districts and sub districts; and the number of salaried agents to be employed may beequal to the number of counties or parishes inal the U.S. where freedmen and refugees are to be found. The subjects over which this military Tjurisdiction is to extend in every part of the L U.S. include protection to “all employee s, agents, and officers of this bureau in the exercise of the duties imposed” upon them by the bill. In 11 States it is tiirther to extend over all cases affecting freedmen and refugees discriminated against “by local law, custom or prejudice.” In those 11 States the bill subjects any white person who may be charged with depriving a freedman of “any civil rigits or immunities belonging to white persons” to imprisonment or fine, or both, without, however, defining the “civil rights and immuni ties" which are thus to be secured to the freedmen by military law. This military jurisdiction also extends to all questions that may arise respecting contracts. The agent who is thus to exercise the office of a military udve may be a stranger, entirely ignorant of the laws of the place, and exposed to the errors of judgment to which all men are liable. The exercise of power, over which there is no legal supervision, so vast a number of agents as is contem p ated by the bill, must, by the very nature of man, be attended by acts of caprice, injustice, and passion. The trials, having their origin under this bill, are to take jury, and Without any fixed rules of law or evidence. be “heard and determined” by the numerous agents, are such rules and regulations as the President, through the War Dept, shall prescribe. No previous presentment is required, nor any indictment charging the comment of a grand juryi place Without the intervention of a, The rules on which otfenses are to, think proper; and from these arbitrary tribu I nals there lies no appeal no writ of error to any of the courts in which the constitution of the U.S. vests exclusively the judicial power of the country. While the territor and the classes of actions and offenses that are mhde subject to this measure are so extensive, the bill itself, should it become a law, will have no limitation in point of time. but will form apart of the permanent legislation of the country. I cannot reconcile a system of military jurisdiction of this kind with the words of the constitution which declare that “no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime unless upon a presentment or indict except in cases arising in the land and nava forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or public dangerf and that “in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial ju of the State or district wherein the crime sha l have been committed.” The safeguards which the experience and wisdom of ages taught our fathers to establish as securities for the protection of the innocent, the punishment of the guilty, and the equal administration of justice, are to be set aside, and for the sake of a more vigorous interposition in behalf of justice, we are to take the risk of the many acts of injus ties that would necessarily follow from anal most countless number of agents established in every parish or county in nearly a 3rd of the States of the Union, over whose decisions there is to be no supervision or control by the federal courts. The power that would be thus placed in the hands of the President is such as in time of peace certainly ought never to be intrusted to on one man. If it be aske whether the creation of such a tribunal within a State is warranted as a mens ore of war, the question immediately presents itself whether we are still engaged in war. Let us not unnecessarily disturb the commerce and credit and industry of the country by declar [ing to the American people and to the world 1 that the U.S. are still in a condition. of civilWar. "At present there is no art of our country in which the authority of the U.S. is disputed. Offenses that may be committed by individuals should not work a forfeiture of the rights of whole communities. The country has returned or is returning"to a state of peace and industry, and the rebellion is in fact at an end. The measure, therefore, seems to be as inconsistent with the actual condition of the country as it is at variance with the constitution of the U.S. If, assing from general considerations, we examine the bill in detail, it is open to weighty objections. n time of war it was eminently properthat we should provide for those who were passing suddenly from a condition of bondage to a state of freedom. Butthis bill proposes to make the Freedmens Bureau, established by the act of 1865 as one of many great and extraordinary military measures to suppress a formidable rebellion, a permanent branch of the public administration, with its powers greatly enlarged. I have no reason to suppose, and I do not understand it to be allege, that the act of March, 1865, has proved deficient for the purpose for which it was passed, altbou by at that time, and for a considerable period thereafter, the government Of the U.S. remained unac I knowledgedin most of the States whose inbab 1I itants ha been involved in the rebellion. The institution of slavery, for the military destruction ofwhich the Freedmens Bureau was called into existence as an auxiliary, has been already effectually and finally abrogated throughout the whole country by an amendment of the constitution of the U.S., and practically its eradication has received the assent and concur nllirlOH of a crime against the laws; but the li renceof most of those States in which it at any trial must proceed on charges and specifica 5tions. time had an existence. Iam not, thereforc, l The punishment will be, not what the able to discern, in the condition of the country, i law declares, but such as a courtmartial may lanything to justify an apprehension that the l powers and agencies of the Freedmens bureau, which were effective for the protection of freedmen and refugees during the actual continuance of hostilities and of African servitude, will now, in a time of peace and after the abolition of slavery, prove inadequate to the some properends. f I am correct in these views, there can be no necessity for the enlargement of the powers of the bureau, for which provision is made in the bill. The 3rd section of the bill authorizes a General and unlimited grant of so port to the des titute and suffering refugees an freedme u, their wives and children. Succeedin sections make provision for the rent or pure rose of landed estates for freedmen, and fer the erection for their benefit of suitable buildings for as lame and schools, the expenses to be defrayetf from the Treasury of the whole people. The congress of the U.S. has never heretofore thought itself empowered to establish asylum! beyond the limits of the DistCol, except for the benefit of our disabled soldiers and sailors. Ithas never founded schools for any class of our own people, not even for the orphans of those who have fallen in the defense of the Union, but has left the care of education to the much more competent and etheient control of the States, of communities, of private associations, and of individuals. It has never deemed itself authorized to expend the public money for the rent or purchase of homes for the thou sands, not to say millions, of the white race, who are honestly toiling from day today for their subsistence. A system for the support of indigent persons in the U.S. was never contemplated by the authors of the Constitution, nor can any good reason be advanced why, as a permanent establishment, it should be founded for one class or color of our people more than another. Pending the war, many refugees and freedmen received support from the Government, but it was never intended that they should thenceforth be fed, clothed, edu cated, and sheltered by the U.S. The idea on which the slaves were assisted to freedom was that, on becoming free, they would be a selfsustaining population. Any legislation that shall imply that they are not expected to attain a selfsustainiu condition must have a tendency injurious ali e to their character and their prospects. The apiointment of an agent for every county and paris will create an immense patronage and the expense of the numerous officers an their clerks, to be appointed by the President, will be great in the beginning, with a tendency steadily to increase. The appropriations asked by the Freedmens Bureau, as now established, for the year 1866, amount to $11, 745,000. It may be safely estimated that the cost to be in curred under the pending bill will require double that amountmore than the entire sum expended in anyone year under the administration of the 2nd Adams. If the presence of agents in every parish and county is to be considered as a war measure, opposition, or even resistance. might be provok, so that, to give effect to their jurisdiction, troops would have to be stationed within reach of every one of them, and thus a large standing force be remdered necessary. Large appropriations would therefore be required to sustain and enforce militar jurisdiction in every county or parish, from Potomac to the Rio Grande. The condition of our fiscal affairs is encouraging; but in order to sustain the present measure of. public confidence, it is necessary that we pradtice not merely customary economy, but, as far as possible, severe retrenchment. n addition to the objections already stated, the 5th section of the bill proposes to take awn land from its former owners without any. lega proceedings being 1st had, contrary to that provision of the constitution which declares that no person shall “be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.” It does not appear that a part of the lands to which this section refers may not be owned by mine rs, or persons of unsound mind, place; 917 Or by those who have been faithful to all their obligations as citizens of the U.S. If any portion of the land is held by such persons, it is not competent for any authority to deprive them of it. If, on the other hand, it be found that the property is liable to confiscation, even then it cannot be appropriated to public purposes until by due process of law it shall have been declared forfeited to the Government. There is sfiii further objection to the bill on grounds seriously affecting the class of persons to whom it is designed to bring relief. It will tend to keep the mind of the freedman in a State of uncertain expectation and restlessness, while to those among whom he lives it will be a source of constant and vague apprehension. Undoubtedly the freedman should be protected, but he should be protected by the civil authorities, especially by the exercise of allthe constitutional powers of the courts of the U.S and of the States. His condition is not so exposed as may at 1st he imagined. He is in a portion of the country where his labor cannot well be spared. Competition for his services from planters, from those who are constructing or repairing railroads, and from capitalists in his vicinage or from other States, will enable him to command almost his own terms. He also possesses a perfect right to change his place of abode; and, therefore, he does not adin one community or State a mode of life suited to his desires, or proper remuneration for his labor, he can move to another, where that labor is more esteemed and better rewarded. In truth. however, each State, induced by its Own wants and interests, will do what is necessary und preperto retain within its borders all the labor that is needed for the development of its resources. The laws that relate on supply and demand will maintain their orcc, antf the wages of the laborer will be regulated thereby. There is no danger that the exceedingly great demand for labor will not operate in favor of the laborer. Neither is sufficient consideration given to the ability of the freedmen to protect and take care of themselves. It is no more than justice to them to believe that as they have received their freedom with moderation and forbear ance, so they will distinguish themselves by their industry and thrift, and soon show the world that in a condition of freedom they are selfsustaining, capable of selecting their own employment and their own places of abode, of insisting, for themselves, on a properremuneration, and of establishing and maintaining their own asylums and schools. it is earnestly hoped that instead of wasting away, they will, by their own efforts, establish for themselves a condition of respect, ability, and prosperity. It is certain that they can attain to that condition only through their own merits and exertions. In this connection the query presents itself, whether the system proposedby the bill will not, when put into complete operation, practically transfer the entire care, support, and control of 4 million emancipate slaves to agents, oversccrs, or taskmasters who, appointed at Washington, are to be located in every county and parish throughout the U.S. containing freedmen and refugees? such a system would inevitably tend to a concentration of power in the Executive, which would enable him, if so disposed, to control the action of this numerous class and use them for the attainment of his own political ends. I cannot but add another very grave objection to this bill. The constitution imperatively declares, in connection with taxation. that each State shall have at least one Representative, and fixes the rule for the number to which in future times each State shall be entitled. It also provides that the Senate of the U.S shall be composed of 2 Senators from each State, and adds with peculiar force, “that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.” The original act was necessarily passed in the absence of the States chiefly to be alfected because their maple were then contumaoiously engaged in the rebellion. Now the case is changed, and some at least of those States are attending Con, gross by loyal Representatives, soliciting the allowance of the constitutional right of representation: At the time, however, of the consideration and the passing of this bill, there was Yno Senator or Representative in congress from the 11 States which are to be main y affected by its provisions. The veryl fact that reports were and are made againstt e good disposition of the people of that portion of the country is. an additional reason wh they need, and should have Representatives of their own in Congress to explain their conditon, reply to accusations, and assist, by their local knowledge, in the perfectingof measuresimmediately a ecting themselves. While the liberty of deliberation would then be free, and Congress would have full power to decide according to itsjudgment, there could be no objection urged that the States most interested had not been permitted to be heard. The principle is firmly fixed in the minds of the American people, that there should be no taxation without representation. Great burdens have now to be borne by all the country, and we may best demand that they shall be borne without murmur when they are voted by a majority of the representatives of all the people. I would not interfere with the unquestionable right of Congress to judge, each House for itself, ” of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, ” but that authority cannot be construed as including the right to shut out, in time of peace, any State from the representation to which it is entitled by the constitution. At present, all the people of 11 States are excludedthose who were most faithful during the war not less than others. The State of Tennessee, for in stance, whose authorities engaged in rebellion, was restored to all her constitutional relations to the Union by the patriotism and energy of her injured and betrayed people. Before the war was brought to a termination they had placed themselves in relations with the General Government, had established a State government of the ir own; as they were not included in the emancipation proclamation, they by their own not had amended their constitution so as to abolish slavery within the limits of their State. I know no reason why the State of Tennessee, for example, should not fully enjoy “all her constitutional relations to the U.S. ” The POTUS stands toward the country in a somewhat different attitude from that of any member of Congress. Each member ofCongress is chosen from a single district or State; the President is chosen by the people of all the States. As 11 are not at this time represented in either branch of Congress, it would seem to be his duty, on all proper occasions, to present their just claims to ougress. There always will be differences of opinion in the community, and individuals may be guilty of transgressions of the law; but these do not constitute valid objections against the right of a State to representation. 1 would in unwise interfere with the discretion of congress with regard to the qualifications of members; but I hold it my duty to recommend to you, in the interests of peace and in the interests of union, the admission of every State to its share in public legislation, when, however insubordinate, insurgent, or rebellious its people may have been, it. presents itself not only in an attitude of loya ty and harmony, but in the persons of Representatives whose loyalty cannot be questioned under any existing constitutional or legal test. It is plain that an indefinite or permanent exclusion ofany art of the country from Representation must be attended by a spirit of disquiet and complaint. It is unwise and danger ous to pursue a course of measures which will unite a very large section of the country against another section of the country, however much the latter may preponderatc. Tlfe course of emigration, the development of industry and business, and natural causes will raise U at the South men ns. dev0ted to the Union as those of any other part of the land. But if they are all excluded from Geness, if, in a permanent statute, they are declared not to be in full constitutional relations to the country, they may think they have cause to become a unit. in feeling and sentiment against the Government. Under the political education of the American people the idea is inherent and ineradicnble that the consent of the majority of the whole people is necessary to secure a willing acquiescence in legislation. The bill under consideration refers to certain of the States as though they had not “been full restored in all their constitutional relations to t9U. S. ” If they have not, let us at once act together to secure that desirableend at the earliest possible moment. It is hardly necessar for me to inform Congress that, in my own judgment, most of these States, so far at least as depends upon their own action, have already been fully restored, and are to be deemed as entitled to enjoy their constitutional rights as members of the Union. Reasoning from the constitution itself, and from the actual situation of the country, I feel not only entitled, but bound, to assume that, with the federal courts restored, and those of the several States in the full exercise of their functions, the rights and interests of all classes of the people wrll, with the aid of the military in cases of resistance to the laws, be essentially protected against unconstitutional infringement or violation. Should this expectation unhu ily fail, which I do not anticipate, then the xecutive is already fully armed with the powers conferred by the act. of March. 1865, establishing the Freedmens Bureau, and hereafter, as here tofore, he can employ the land and naval forces of the country to suppress insurrection or to overcome obstructions to the laws. In accordance with the constitution I return the bill to the Senate, in the earnest hope that a measure involving questions and interests so important to the country will not become a law unless, upon deliberate consideration by the people, it shall receive the sanction of an enlighteued public judgment. AndrewJohnson. The conclusion of the reading of the message was followed by loud applause and hisses in the galleries. The PRESIDENT protempore. The Ser geantatArms will procced to clear those portions of the galleries where disturbances were made.