Mr. STEWART. Mr. President, suppose at the time that platform was adepted we could have had union upon the terms that are now offered; suppose that we could have had union then upon the plan of Lincoln and Johnson, is there any person living in the U.S. who believes there would have been opposition to it? If we could have foreseen when that platform was adopted that by the month of larch, 1866, every southern State would have laid down its arms, that not only the northern States but nearly every one of the southern States would have adopted the constitutional amendment referred to in that platform, and not only adopted it but abolished slavery by their own Legislatures, and would be anxious to be restore to their relations to the Union upon almost any terms that Congress or the President might suggest if that picture had been presented to us then, would it not have made the hearts of the American people glad? Today we have that picture be ore us. We have union within our power upon the principles laid down in that platform carried out to the fullest extent, and the question is, shall we accept it or shall we destroy the Union party by the introduction of new propositions and new theories? Istand by the platform of 1864. I say that the Union men who rallied around the flag under that platform cannot be excommunicated from the party while they stand by that platform. It is the party pledge, and before new party tests or new party pledges are required the people must again assem le and made new party declarations. Now, I reeat my question, what principle in that plat arm has the President violated? You say he has usurped power. How? In inviting the loyal men of the South to organize State governments, and fixing conditions. I ask, what condition did he impose that had not been alrcad determined by the war, or what principle did he abandon that had been vindicated y the war? Mr. Lincolns plan of reconstruction which he followed was made an issue in that canvass and triumphantly sustained by the people. Was it not to be expected that Mr. Johnson when he came into power would follow the indorsed plan and retain in his Cabinet the welltried constitutional advisers of his predecessor? and for doing this is he to be condemned? Have we a right to force new issues which the people never have and probably never will sustain, and demand their adoption or resolve upon the destruction of the administration upon which the existence of the party, if not the Union, depends? One issue which is constantly urged, and which is a disturbing element, is the question of immediate and universal negro suffrage. Many Senators have. discussed that proposition. Very few of them say whether they are for or against it, but they are constantly agi tatin and discussing it. Why do they discuss it ift ey are not for it? If they are not for it, it has no business in these discussions. But the committee of 15, while not demanding negro suffrage directly, are willing to do it by in irection, or deprive one section of the country of what they admit is just representation; and it has been frequently said that it was the only difficulty in the way of restoration. The NewYork Tribune, the leading organ of these views, the paperwhich comlains most bitterly of the President, and which is followed by a great portion of the press, says: “Let it of be distinctly understood the if the whites the South are not representedin ongress, it is because they deny all night of representationor power of selfrotcction to o blacks. Show us naingle State which admits her black: to voteon a like intellectual, educational.moral, and pecuniary basiswith her whites and we mll urgethe Inmtndmimmn of the chosenRe resontatwesofthat than h the be all exrebel generalsof the hammougtypofl There the NewYork Tribune, the leading ournal advocating these views, says distinctly, let the negroes vote and we will advocate the admission of exrebels of the most obnoxious type into the Halls of Congress. If Senators continue to argue the question of negro suffrage without stating whether they are for or against it, the country is bound to infer there from that after all that is the issue. If it is not the issue, it should not be discussed herein these troublesome times. If the South is to be kept out until negro suffrage can be accomplished, the quicker the country know it the etter. If you discuss that question contin ually they will believe that it IS the issue and the only issue, and you will destroy the Union party. It is sufficient to say in defense of the President for not conferring the right of suffrage upon the negro in the organization of the soutern States, that neither the platform of his party, the Congress of the U.S., nor the policy of his predecessor, would have war ranted him in such action. But if the question of negro suffrage is not the difficulty, what is the difficulty? Is his plan of restoration so plainly and obviously wrong as has been asserted? If so, it ought not to be a difficult matter to suggest a better one. But hasthis been done? Has notthe matter been agitating the country for near 18 months, and has any plan been suggested that would be more acceptable to the majority in Congress than that of the President? The committee of 15 have labored long, and I presume diligently, and have failed to produce a plan which seems likely to meet with the approval even of those who claim to be the greatest friends and champions of the free men. The Senfrom Massachusetts himself, who has spent a lifetime in defense of the negro race, is constrained to repudiate the main proposition of the committee. Let me appeal to the Union majority of this House to act promptly and receive at once the loyal Representatives from the South, for if the Union party fails, which it seems likcl todo, after all its glorious achievements, it will be overthrown, and the loyal masses of the count will rally around the Executive and enablerliim to accomplish the great work; for, be assured, the Union will be preserved, and if we prove incom etent, others will take our places. It is said that we must give the committee time to act, but let me tell them, that great emergencies demand imme diate action. Vhen the national finances are depressed with uncertainty; when the nation is groaning under 3000 millions of debt; while every house in all this broad land is in mourning for the sacrifices made for the Union of these States; when the only hope of 30 million people is centered in restoration and peace, delays for matter of form cannot long be endured. I the committee would free itself from the growin apprehension that its counsels are controled by the well known and destructive permit me to say sentiments of THADDEUS Srnvess, of Pennsylvania, they must present at once some feasible plan by which harmony can be restored; and until such a plan is presented, the Lincoln Johnson plan will remain the only way to peace and Union known to the American people. I appeal to the loyal majority of this case to smk all mine r differences and secure the Union of these States, with slavery, the parent of secession, abolished, with the dignit and honor of the nation preserved and vindicated, with the free Constitution of the fathers intact, before discord and confusion shall have again drenched this land with fraternal blood. We are called upon by all that we hold most sacred and dear to secure at once the fruits of victory, to risk nothing to chance or anarchy; and if we cannot obtain all we would, let us obtain what we can. If we reserve what we now have, an all wise Providence, in his own good time, will grant us still greater blessings and greater advancement in the work of regeneration and reform; but if anarch and discord are allowed by us to obscure the right sunshine of peace which is lighting the way and cheering the hearts of the benevolent and true, a fearful responsibility awaits us, both here and here ter.