Mr. WADE. I determine it upon the evidence the gentleman himself presents. I did not say that Congress were insufficient to the duties we were called upon to perform; but when I stated that the executive officer of the U.S and a coordinate branch of the Government had departed from us, the Senator got up and told us i.they were not to blame, but that the trouble was in our own body, not being sufficient to give that protection which. the time and the occasion required. So he furnished me the evidence; it is not my assertion, but his. If he is right in what he has said, we certainly do want reenforcements of a different character from somebody that is here. I do not accuse anybody, but I take the senator at what he himself has put forth. I do not know of any such men here who are deficient in the way he seems to suppose; I do not believe that we have them, for I am disposed to believe that the difficulty rests with others and not with us; although I believe that, by a bold, determined performance of our duty, we have the remedy in our own hands still: and I want to make sure that, if the remedy must be here, we shall have force enough to look down all opposition and see to it that there shall be no doubt that the Republic shall stand unharmed. I will not say that our force to guard these principles is sufficient when, upon the good old doctrines upon which we have always acted, I can immensely reenforce this body. I will leave nothing to doubt that I can make certain in this emergency. I think it is the business of the statesman to overlook these little small technicalities which gentlemen argue about in this body. They make a great fuss about the word “white” in a constitution of a State where there are no blacks where the question is a simple abstraction. I should be glad to see this difference smoothed down as well as anyone; but I will not sacrifice this Republic to the ghost of a technicality, when, by following the track beaten by our forefathers from the origin of the Government to this time, we can do an act which will be so beneficial in its results. I think that, when I stand on that ground in demanding this reen forcement I am on a pretty solid foundation. Now, Mr. President, I think that a little confidence, not lenity, is due to the people of Nebraska. You are not at liberty to suppose that, even if you give them the power, they will act the tyrant. That has not been their habit; that has not been their conduct. They fought the cormon enemy side by side with us, and, according to their numbers, I am told and believe that no State in this Union furnished a larger proportion of efficient soldiery for the great cause of the war than did the Nebraskians, who some seemed to suppose are going to act the tyrant if you give them the power of a State. Sir, if the specimens of men whom they have sent here to represent them be a true cri terion by which to judge of their merits, you are most uncharitable i.e. you suggest that if these men have the right to exclude the blacks from the ballot they will do it. I tell you nay, sir. The road to universal freedom and equality is in elevating these just men and placing them in positions where they can exert influence against this evil of which you complain. I tell you that you will reach universal suffrage quicker through this magistracy being admitted here than you will by the rejection or the alteration of the constitution which Nebraska has presented. For this reason, without remitting one jot or tittle of all the vigilance and power that I could ever exert in favor of human rights, I o beyond technicalities on this occasion, and look to the great events that may be before us. I know, and feel assured, that the way to equality for the few blacks there may be in Nebraska will be hewed out quicker by the admission of the State than by its exclusion. If, after all the expense and trouble these people have been at to comply with your own torms, you turn the cold shoulder upon them and throw them back, I do not know what the consequence may be. I do not doubt, however, that that same patriotism for which they have always stood conspicuous would overcome an feeling of resentment at your intolerance, an that they would still be as patriotic as ever, but I do not like to put human nature to this test. They have done all that you asked of them; they have come nobly up and agreed to relieve you from the burden of.government, asking that they may have it in their own hands, to mold and modify their own institutions in a way that we cannot understand here. You all know how eager every territorial community is to become a State. Why is it? It is because when we at a great distance undertake to rule them we cannot understand their wants as they understand them themselves. There are 1000things necessary in a new State just coming into existence, 1000s of cares and troubles to be relieved, that we of the old States at a great distance off do not take the same view of that they do. In other words, they can better govern themselves than we can govern them. The people of Nebraska wish to take the burden of a State government upon themselves and relieve us from it. i.e., shown themselves perfectly able and capable to do it. They are rich enough they have the power to do it; they have the will to do it; and why should we wish to retain a jurisdiction over them at. great exard trouble to ourselves, when they can yetter conduct their own affairs in their own wo this for these reasons that I favor their admission, and not because I am opposed to colored suffrage. I am as much in favor of colored suffrage as the Senfrom Massachusetts or anybody else; but I do not believe the narrow view which he has taken upon this great subject will result in that meed of liberty and ‘. " to the black man that the course which I pursue will in my judgment secure. Of course I judge only for myself; but such has been the judgment of a large majority of the Senate upon deliberation. I know well that those members of this body who have constantly voted for the admission of Colorado and Nebraska have done so with no desire to repudiate the great principles of universal equality. There are no stronger sticklers for this great right than this majority who have voted over and over again for the admission of these States. Shall they be branded as men who have abandoned the principle of equality, and shall it be said that they are not up to the elevated position to which we seek to bring the nation up? Sir, such a judgment will not stand before the American people, and your cause would be most hopeless if the views of the majority were as illiberal as these arguments would seem to persuade us that they were. Sir, I should have little hope if I judged this majority as some of the minority judge them; but, in my judgment, the rights of the colored people and the rights of all men are as safe in the hands of the majority who have voted for the admission of these States as with any men on God's earth. They are gentlemen of intelligence, gentlemen of great experience in statesman ship, who have had their minds turned to this subject for a great while; and they vote to admit these States into the Union. Is it therefore to be said that they have abandoned their principles? The idea is ridiculous. They judge as I do that the true course is to fortify our selves by the power of these Territories, and to elevate their magistracy so that their influence shall be potential at home to do away with the ghost of an objection raised here, and I know the object will be accomplished in that way more quickly than in any other. A word now as to this amendment. When the question was argued on a former occasion, I did not anticipate that any such amendment would be offered. It took me entirely by surprise when it was 1st presented, and I had to marshal such views of the law as I could on the spur of that occasion, without reverting to any authorities, or even to the precedents formed by the constant legislation of this country. It struck me at the time that it could not be well maintained as a constitutional provision, and I did argue that I thought it would be a restriction on these States which was applied to no other States, and that, therefore, it could not be done. That was just adictum without reflection, on the spur of the occasion. I confess that when the books are produced; when the constant practice of this Government is brought here on the floor of the Senate and all in accordance with the view taken by the Senfrom Vermont, it is impossible for me to believe that the constant practice of the government from the earliest period was unconstitutional and wrong. It does not differ at all that I can see from the amendment offered by the Senfrom Vermont. I am compelled, therefore, to believe that we may safelyingraft a condition upon the admission of these States just such as we all would wish, and, as I believe, without violation of the Constitution. I yield the loose opinion that I gave when the question 1st came up, as the authorities that have been produced, and the practice of the Government from the earliest times, are against it. Believing the thing can be done, no man is more zealous that it should be than am I. I should like to see it done, and, therefore, unless authorities and law can be brought here in support of an opposing doctrine, so as to convince me that the Constitution is involved in it, I shall vote for that amendment, and hope it will be carried, and made a part and parcel of the constitution, or, whether it is made part of the constitution or not, a valid condition on which they shall be admitted. They will not complain of it. I know very well, as a matter of fact, as I suppose everybody does, that the question never will be tested by that people, who are now as much in favor of equal suffrage, I presume, as we are, or anybody else.