Mr. FESSENDEN. I understand that to be the effect of it. I cannot understand it otherwise. I wish I was mistaken. I do not say that he asserts we have no legal right to do it, but that we have no moral right. It the Senate will excuse me, I Will read that portion of the message: "I cannot but add anothervery grave objection to this bill. The Constitution imperatively declares.in connection with taxation. that each State she have at least one Representative and fixes the rule or the number to which. iniuture times. eachState shall be entitled. It nlso provides that the Senate of the U.S shall be composedof 2 Senatorsfrom each State; and adds.with peculiar force. “that no State. without its consent,shall hedeprived of its equal suffragein the Senate. Theoriginnl actwasnecessaril ussedin the absenceof the States chiefly to be a Iebnegtcadged because their people wercthen contuinaeiously in the rebellion. Now the ease is chanired and some.at least.of those statesare attendiuirtlon gross by loyal representatives. soliciting the allow anceof the constitutional rightot representation. At the time. however.of the consideration and the passing of this bill. there was no Senator or Representative in Congressfrom the 11 States which are to bemainly affectedby its provisions. The very fact that reports were and are madeagainstthe gooddis— position of the people of thatportion of the country is un additional reason why ticy need and should have. representativesof their own in Congress to explain their condition. reply to accusations, and assist.by their local knowledge, in the perfecting of measures immediately nffeetingthemse ves. W liile the liberty of deliberation would then be free and Congress would have full power to decide according to its judgment. there could be no objection urged that the States most interestedhad not been permitted to be heard. The principle is firmly fixc in the minds of the American people,that there should be no taxation without representation. Great burdens have new to be borne by all the country. undwemay bestdemand that they shall beborne Without mur murwhen they are voted by a majority of the repre lentatives of all the people." I do not contend that he says in so many words that we have no legal right to pass a bill; but the objection that he makes goes to the foundation, t at. no bill aliccting the rights or the interests of the socalled confederate States shall be passed by Congress until Representatives and Senators from those States are permitted to take part in our deliberations. It ollows necessarily, if that be a correct position, that in relation to those States which have been recently in rebellion, which have fought for 4 years against the Government and endeavored to overturn it, we can pass no law aEecting them, or restraining them, or providing any thing, no matter what, with reference to a change of the Constitution or anything else, until we dmit their Representatives an their Senators upon the floor of Congress. I understand that to be the necessary inference. The President argues it; he states it. argumentatively, to be sure, but; then that is the inevitable result, that our moral right to legislate upon anything which affects their interests is gone; and particularly, that we have no power to pass. any law or any rule or make any condition with regard to them, but that we. are bound to take them justas they are upon their say so; and when they are here, actin With us, we may proceed to legislate. I dec ine to give in assent to any such proposition.