Mr. THAYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the House foritsindulgence, and will not make an improperuse of it. The framers of the constitution put that very power into the Constitution in order to make the laws of the U.S. supreme and irresistible. It is a power which as all know, has heretofore been exercised by the Government. What kind of a government would that be which did not possess this power, and the execution of whose laws might be set at defiance and baffled by any combination of men who might choose to set themselves a in opposition to them? Why have laws if government hasnot physical force and strength to enforce them? nforce them if you can through the forms of judicial procedure and by the ordinary means at the command of judicial tribunals as this bill provides; but if there are combinations against the peace ful enforcement of those laws, why should not the military power of the U.S., in ur suance of the express power given in the onstitution, come to the rescue of the civil power in order to enforcealaw solemnly promu gated by the people of the U.S.? It is over this last section, which gives the POTUS this power to enforce the laws of the U.S. when the civil power is unable to do it. that all this senseless clamor has been raised by the Gentfrom NewJersey. I see nothing, sir, in this last section of the bill to arouse the fears of the most vigilant guardian of republican institutions and republican liberty, nothingwhich can give the least color of justice or truth to the denunciations which have been hurled against it. No, sir; all the provisions of this bill are of a civil nature except the one to which I have referred, which only confers the power in reserve upon the President to enforce the laws. The bil is. from the beginning to the end of it, in all other respects a civil bill, a bill for the enforcement of civil rights by civil remedies, by civil tribunals, by civil officers, and so far from its being obnoxious to any charge of tyr anny, it is entirely free from it, and contains no power which is not necessary to protect and defend the great rights of American citizenship. Mr. Speaker, allow me to say, in conclusion, that such being the general nature of the bill, and such being the character of its particular details, there does exist, in m judgnient, a most imperative necessity which demands of Congress the passage of this law. It is the only protection which we can give to these unfortunate people whom you have ransomed by a great rice from the bondage in which they groaiie. I approve of the reposition of the Gentfrom Ohio, [Mr. INGHAM] in which he offers to put this protection substantially into the constitution of the U.S., though, according to my best judment, it is not necessary to do so, and I have ittle hope that the proposition he submits will ever be carried into e ect. Still I will, in order to make things doubly secure, vote for the proposition of the Gentfrom Ohio. I will also vote for this bill. I will Vote for every contitutioual measure which is necessary to discharge my honor ofthe question which rests upon oblitglp it (as it rests upon a honor of every member of this House, in m judgment) to carry into practical operation an effect the amendment abolishing slavery in the U.S., and which will secure beyond the possibility of loss those fundamental civil rights and immunities to which ever free man who dwells under the flag of the U.S. entitled. I will vote for every measure which is constitutional and which has for the accomplishment of this great purpose and the discharge of this great obligation. I agree in sentiment with thee gentlemen upon this lloor who have expresse their sense of the great importance to the country at large of the early restoration of the citizens of the States lately in rebellion to all the privileges which they renounced and forfeited by their rebellion. l would throw no unnecessary obsta cle, so far as I am concerned, in the path which leads to that desirable end. But for one I will not do that so inconsideratel or with such haste as to place in jeopardy what has been so dearly pure ased by the people of the U.S. I will not do that at the expense of the free institutions of this country, I will not do that in a manner which will place in the hands of traitors and disloyal men the control of the Government of this country. I will not return to the hands of the public enemy the sword which is yet red with the blood of the soldiers and martyrs of the American Union. The Gentfrom NewYork [Mr. RAY MOND] told us in his eloquent peroration upon this subject that we should follow the example of Caesar, who. nfterhe had overcome his great rival, Pompey, forgave his enemies immediately, restored them to all their privileges, and took them again to the bosom of the State. It occurred to me, sir. as I listened to the eloquent remarks of that gentleman, that the illus tration drawn from Roman history was a most unfortunate one for the line of argument he had in hand. The gentleman was rightin his statement of historical facts. Caesar, immediately after the decisive battles in which he overcame his enemies, did take to his bosom those who had been the best friends of Pompey and the worst enemies of Caesar. The result of that fatal error is well known. Brutus and Cassius and many of the other conspirators against the life of Caesar fought against him at Pharsalia. The enemies of Caesar, stealin into his confidence under the mask of frien ship and abusintr his generous clemency. conspired against hislife is ur doned enemies, converted suddenly into also friends and restored to their seats in the senate. stabbed him in the Capitol. Sir, I pray God that the republic may not be betrayed in like manner, and )that she may not, acting under the influence ofinconsiderate counsels, be in like manner put to death in the Capitol by the false friends who were so recently her most deadly enemies. Let us be just and generous, but let us also guard with vigilance the real. trust which is reposed in our hand, an see to it that the cause which has been triumphant in battle he not betraed and ruined by false counsels in peace. et the enemies of the Republic be restored totheir lost privileges as soon as it can be done with safety, but be ware that it be done in such a manner and under such conditions that the Republic itself shall receive no detriment. W"hile engaged in this great work of restoration, it concerns our honor that we forget not those who are unable to help themselves; who, whatever may have been the misery and wretch educss of their former condition, were on our side in the rent struggle which has closed, and whose rights we cannot disregard or neglect without violating the most sacred obligations of duty and of honor. To us they look or protection against the wrongs with which they are threatened. To us alone can they appeal in their helplessness for succor and defense. to unthey hold out today their supplicating hands, asking for protection for themselves and their posterity. e cannot disregard thisa peel, and stand acquitted before the country an the world of bascly abandoning to a miserable fate those who have a right to demand the protection of yOur flag an the immunities arantied to eveiy free man by dyour Constitution.