Mr. WADE. Only generally. What I have to say will be as germane to the general bill as to this particular amendment, but I may as well say it now. Before, however, I proceed to consider the subject before us, I am very anxious to be understood on the question that arose between the Senfrom Massachusetts and myself. When the ComReconstruction, at the lastsession, brought in their last proposition to amend the Constitution and to provide for the readmission of the seceded States, the labors of that committee I supposed had been directed to the inquiry upon what conditions we should permit those States to come back into the Union. I supposed it was for that purpose the committee was raised. I supposed they had directed all their inquiries to that subject, and that they had settled down upon amendments to the Constitution, which were to be submitted to the seceded States, and upon being adopted and complied with by then in good faith, and being ratified by 3/4ths of all the States, would entitle them to representation in the 2 Houses. I supposed it was on that very condition that we sought to permit them to come back. It would seem to be an inconsisteney to say that it classes of people were excluded from the ballot box they should not be entitled to be counted in the basis of representation, that is that political power should be based upon voters, if we did not mean to leave it in the power of the States to exclude some class of people from the ballot box. The provision was that where the States excluded any class from the right to vote, that class should be excluded from the basis of representation. Everybody knew that that was meant for the colored men in the southern country, and the object was to provide that if the southern States shut them out and would not permit them to vote we would not allow those States to count those men in making up the basis upon which their representation should be apportioned. And yet the honorable Senator tells us that he had no idea that anybody was to be excluded. If so the provision would have been senseless, without operation or effect. If we were not going to permit the States when in the Union to exclude anybody from the ballot box, why make such a stipulation as that? I cannot understand it in any other way than that when 3/4ths of the States ratified that amendment, and made it a part and parcel of the Constitution of the U.S., the southern States would then be in such a condition that they might apply here, and all other things being equal they would be admitted. Of course they must send loyal men; they must send men who can take the oath; but all these conditions being complied with they should be received. If we did not mean that, I do not know what we did mean. Why provide for what should happen on the exclusion of a certain class from the ballot box, if we did not intend to allow them to be excluded under any circumstances. I will say in this connection, as we have begun to define our positions here, that I think that proposition was perfectly fair, temperate, judicious, moderate beyond what the world had everseen before under such circumstances; and if the southern people throw it back defi antly in ourteeth and will not comply with it, I am willing to say here that I am for putting them under the strong arm of military power, and ruling them in that way, if it be necessary, so that they shall make no disturbance in this Government. If they will take the terms we offer in a reasonable time I am bound to stand up to my agreement.