Mr. HART. Mr. Speaker, the pestilent heresy of Calhoun fouii its culmination in States discordant and belligerent, which with force of arms sought toestablisli a new dominion where slavery inight be entlironed forever. The rapid growth of liberal ideas among the people, together with the imperious demandsof s avery itself for more than was nominated in the bond, gave token that the power of sla very in the Government was rapidly waning. The doctrine of State sovereignty was not as serted by the men of the South so much to maintain and defend the did nity of the reserved rights of the States as to eep open a door by which, whenever they came to believe their sacred institution of slavery was in danger. they might withdraw from the Union into a new fabric wherein they might keep it safe from harm. Their loyalty to the Government solely consisted in obedience to its laws so long only as it was their interest to do so. For 30 years they had the control of the Government and its policy. Statesmen and people obeyed their severeign commands. Whatever tended to advance the interests of freedom or develop and expand the energies of a free people was the special object of their attack. l hile claiming all the honors under the Constitution for themselves, they denied that it contained any guarantees for freedom worth respecting. In the Government, in Congress, in the courts. in political conventions, within their own borders they assumed to be above all constitutional control. The believed themselves a superior race, and all others born thralls to their imperious command., The North suffered long, and was kind. Steadily and loyall adhering to the compacts of the constitution, they reevnoaltcitneg and enforced fugitive slave laws. When bullied and threatened, they. with kindness and submission compromised. The ress and people cried down and hunted Wllh maledictions the feiv who here and there found their man hood etting the better of their politics. The and 0g cry of “abolitionist” was straightway started upon all who dared to question the right of man to hold his fellow man as property and sell him like an ox in the shambles, and all parties joined the hue and cr. But he time at last came when teSouth, alarmed at the rapid increase of free States, saw the power which they had so long controlled was about to pass from their hands. Some counteraction must be made. New Territories were sought, and States were to be organized, in order that their reiresentation in the General Government should alance the new accessions of stren th to the side of freedom. The election of resident came on, and at last they saw the North in full panoply of power, readyto try conclusions with them and question theirtime honored pretensions to absolute control of the Government. The time had come when slavery must go down; not by the power of the government, not by the act of the people; but by theinherontwcakness of slaveryitself. Slavery now “clutched but a barren scepter in its gripe.” Then started up again, though “With 20 mortal murders on its crown, the old spiritofState sovereignty and the rightto secede from the Union, asserted not because they had suffered wrong and were threatened with wrop; on the contrary, our good President plain y told them: “I have no purpose, directly or indirectly. to interferowith theinstitutionof slavery in the Slntes where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do it and I have no ipelination to do so.". Mr. Alexander H. Ste hens, in his speech before the convention of eorgia, plainly confessed that the South had no grievances to redr"ess, and asked them: What right has the North assailed 7 eat of the South has been invaded What intor? What justicc has been denied I and what claim foundedin Justice and right has been withheld? Enn either of you 10:01” name one governmental act of wronk deljberuted and purposely dono b the Governmental" } HELHDIKOoDf which the South as a right to complain and, again, he says: " I must declare here, as I have often done before, and which has been repeated by the greatest and wisest statesmen and patriots in this and other lands, that it is the best and reest Government, the most equal in its rights, the most just in its decisions, the most lenieut in its measures, and the most aspiring in its principles to elevate the race of men that the sun of heaven ever shone upon." The simple truth was, they intended to try the experiment of secession for no other reason than because they saw the doom of slavery was recorded. It could no longer sit in the high places of the Government and mold the policy of the nation. It was not enough that the people and Congress were ready to abuse themselves even lower in the dust and at their feet in tenderest accents implore them not to be angry with us because for once we had beaten them in an election; that to make sure that no harm could result to slavery we would put an amendment into the Constitution that would effectually bind us and our heirs forever never to disturb their darling institution. They attempted to secede only because slavery was dethroned. Hereditary ruler they believed it to be; it must have a new throne provided. " Better to rein in hell than serve in heaven." Alexander H. Stephens, 2 months after he had so bravely uttered his noble defense of the Government, said of the new government which treason had founded: “ The foundations of our new governmentare laid upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and normal condition." Here, then, is the cause of the war; not secession, but slavery. The one was but the means by which the other was to be perpetuated. It is this we have been combatting in the memorable struggle of the past live years. It was necessary to break u the Union in order to perpetuate slavery. The nation took up arms to irevent the disrution of the Union, which had been attempte as a means to this end. But even if the proclamation had never been issued, and the constitutional amendment had never been adopted, the existence of slavery was placed u pon the hazard of the issue, and was destroye in the defeat of the rebellion. But the war and the roclaination and constitutional enactment iave settled the question forever. What remains now to consider is what course shall be followed in restoring these States to their proper relations to the Federal Government. I have briefly alluded to the history of the pretensions of slavery and its relations to the loody strugole of the nation, because I believe it should be kept prominently in view in all our plans of reconstruction. We must not permit ourselves to rest content with the delusion that all that is involved in the dread arbitrament of war which. has just been decided is simply the preservation of the integrity of the Union. O not deny that that was indeed “ a consummation devoutly to he wished.” But while the integrity of the Union was one of the points of defense and maintenance, justice, humanity, and right were more fearfully involved. We can not, in honor, restore those States totheir full relations to the Union until the bondsman we have set free shall stand erect in all the rights of citizenship, protected in person, property, and liberty, and burdened by no restriction imposed because of race or color. He has been the “cor nor stone” of the bastard government which they defiantly reared in the view of the world. They sought to throw about them a wall of adamant through which none could pass to strike of? the mauacles from his hands. We have broken down their strong wall and set the captive free, and it is now our work to see that new fetters are not forged again, and that the freedom we claim to have granted is not a de lusion and a snare. If the Union is to be restored, it must not be “a Union as it was, ” where the insolence of class and the pretensions of an oligarchy shall obstruct the energies of the Government and bind heavy burdens upon the people too grievous to be borne. It must be a Union so strong no power can sever it if it would, so homogeneous.in character and so p beneficent in its influence that none should even desire to sever it. In all its broad acres, where ever the humblest human being dwells, there shall liberty, pure and undefiled, have her hab itation; there shall the law give him peace and protection. In the consideration of the subject of reconstruction I care not to disturb myself with ideas of“ State sinlessness” or “ State immortality, ” or to know whether these States are dead, alive, or in a state of suspended animation. It is enough for me to know, the people who are within the boundaries of their respective States overthrew and destroyed the only government they had which was in relation to the Federal Government, and substituted in place thereof a rebellious one which we could not recognize. We know, too, that while in rebellion these people within the boundaries of these States waged wanton and wicked war upon us; that they prosecuted that war with a meanness and atro city unaralleled in the annals of civilized war fare; that they attempted to burn our cities and scatter pestilence among our people; that they starved our soldiers who fell into their hands; that they fashioned the skulls of our dead into drinking cups and their bones into finger rings, and that they practiced, from the beginning to the end, barbarities which would have shamed the savages of the kingdom of Dahomey; and that finally, after commencing with the greatest of all crimes treason, and running through the entire calen ar of infamy, they murdered our President. it is enough for me also to remember that these perjured arricides had many of them taken upon their Iips the solemn oath to support the Constitution of the U.S., and yet were ready to strike at the heart of the nation that they might build up on its ruins a government that should have no better purpose than crushing the poor slave into irredecmable bondage and when at last, by Gods help and the strength of our right arm, these wretches are subdued and lie writhing at our feet, and we call to mind the enormity of their crime, how can any man who loves his country and defends his countrys laws stand forth and proclaim that these men have any rights whatever except such as we in our tenderness and magnanimity choose to grant them? They have by their stupendous crime become subject to the penalty of law, and instead of and aciously demanding recognition as fellow citizens having equal rights with ourselves, should with becoming humility and shameness of face wait for the doors of mercy to open for their admis 51011. With such bitter memories so freshly engraven upon the hearts of the nation, while the tears ot 100s of 1,000s of mourners for the gallant dead are hardly dry; while the echo of the universal wail of sorrow still lingers in the portals of the ear; with a people groaning be neath the weight oftaxation which this rebellion has bound upon their shoulders, why is such hot haste manifested to take these parricides to our embrace again? “ Swear them, ” do you say? Did they not many times heretofore swear before God they would maintain and defend the Government? Yet they rebelled. What binding force or security is there in an oath with such men? Is it said they are conquered and are ready to submit? How are you to know that the vipers we take to our bosoins as they warm into active being again, shall not strike us again with their poisonous fangs? On the 9th of June, 1864, AndrewJohnson asked the people of Tennessee: "But in calling a convention to restore the State, who shall restore and reestablishit? Shall the man who gave his influence and his means to destroy the Government? Is he to participate in the greatwork of reorganization? Slit} l he who brought this misery upon theState bepermittedtocontinue its destinies? I this beso, then all the precious blood of our brave soldiers and officersso freely poured out, Will have beenwantonly spilled; all the glorious victories won by our noble armies will go for naught and all the battle fields which have been sown with dead heroes during the rebellion will have beenmadememorable in vain. Sir, between us and these men there lies “ A gulf profound as that Serboniaribog Betwixt Damiata and mount Casiusold." When we reconstruct these States we ewe it to ease and human rights that we proceed with. deliberation and caution, but at the same time without inviting rebels to participate in our deliberations. Whatever plans of reconstruction may be adopted, we must not for a moment forget with whom we have to deal. We do not mean to perpetuate the wrangling discord of the past. 30 years or more, nor that we, or those who shall come after us should witness the blood drama of the past 5 years again enactc. We do not ask for bloody retribution on their crime; we only demand security for the future, protection to all, universal freedom, and no discrimination under the law against any human bein within their borders. We have inaugu rate a great social revolution in the southern States a fundamental change in social order. Shall we leave it incom late and throw it under the control of men whose education, habits, and prejudices are in deadl antagonism to its further progress? While the negro was property he was certain of at least so much care and protection as his owner would ive his horse or his ex, because he possessed a pecunia value. Now that the tie of property is severedy, he is left to the tender mercy of men who look upon him with hate and detestation, and blindly hold him to bitter account as the cause of all their present troubles. They will be slow to elevate the chattel to the dignity of the man. They may talk bravely of giving him his rights, but their ideas of human rights are not ours. They have been bred in a school which has taught them that a black man can have no rights which they are bound to respect. They have no comrchension of that are republican faith with 1 which we of the Ngrth are imbued, which recognizes all men equal before the law, and that in the framework of free society all men should have equal share in its development and progress. It may be said these men are loyal to the Government. Yet what fruits of loyalty have yet been shown? Is it the loyalty of taking the oath? That they took long ago, yet rebelled. Their loyalty is not the golden fruit of conviction. It is the loyalty of submission only. “Who overcomes By force, hath overcomebut half his foe." It is not that earnest love which yearns toward our country with ardent affection. It is not the return of that devotion which thrills at the si lit of the starry banner, the proud emblem o a great and free people, for it is hard to come so soon to love the hand that smote them. That they may hereafter be brought by slow degrees to that true loyalty which belongs to an American free man I have no doubt; but never if you make haste to restore them to power before the virus of slavery is ejected from their veins; never, until every statute is blotted out forever, never again to be recorded anew, which denies to any man, however humble or lowly he may be, a single right which others have. That we have the power as well as the obligation to reconstruct these States cannot be successfully refuted. This point has been already mestabl y argued by many distinguished gentlemen in this House. If there were no other argument in its vindication, that pertaining to our belligerent rihis in the premises would be conclusive. hat we have all the rights of the conqueror over the conquered, all the great public writers on the law of nations, tove the r with our Supreme Court, agree. Says Wattel: A civilWar breaks the bandsof society and government or at leastsuspendstheir force and e cct; it producesin the nation 2 independent parties, who consider each other as enemies, and acknowledge no common judge. These 2 parties, the refore, must neeasarily be considered as constituting. at least for a time, 2 distinct societies." The Supreme Court. in the well known prize cases, have clearly defined our relations to these States: " Now, it is a proposition never doubted thutthe belligerent art who claims to be sovereign may exercise bet he lerent and sovereizn nshts. Under the very peculiar constitution of this government, although the citizens owe supreme alle gianceto the Federal Government, they also owe a qualiflctl allegiance to the State in which they are domiciled; their personsand property are subjectto its laws. "Hence in organizing this rebellion, they have actedasStatese laiming to be sovereignover allpersonsand property within their respective limits and assertinga right to absolve their citizens from their allegianceto the Federal Government. Several of these States have combined to form a new confederacy, claiming to be acknowledged by the world as a sovereign State. Their right to do so is now being decidedby wagerof battle. The ports and territory ofcach of these States are held in hostility tolthe General Government. It is no loose, unorganized insurrection, having no defined boundary or osse ssion. It has a boundary marked by lines o bayo nets, and which can only be crossedby force. South of this line is enemysterritory, becauseit is claimed abnedlli gheerlednint ppoowsseers.sionby an organized, hostile, and "All personsresiding within this territory, whose property may beusedto increasethe romance of the hostile power, are in this contest liable to be treated nsencmies though not foreigners. They have cast on“their allegiance and madewar on their Government, and are none the less enemies becausethey are traitors." Chief Justice Chase also, in Mrs. Alexan ders case, 2 Wallace, delivered the opinion of“ the court as follows: We must be governed by the principle of public law so often announced fromthis bench as applicableto civiland international wars, that all the people of each State or district in insurrection against the U.S. must be regardedas enemies until by the action of the LegislatureandExecutive, or other wrse, that relation is thoroughly and permanently changed." Who shall say that if while war was flagrant Congress had the right to raise armies, destroy and confiscate property, maintain a blockade, and take such other measures for the defense of the Union as seemed necessary, that its powers are exhausted for the further preservation and safety of the Union? Hear again Vattel on the obligation of a nation to defend and preserve itselffrom “threateningdanger:” "Since, then, a nation is obliged to preserveitself, it has a right to everything necessaryfor its preservation. Itor the law of nature gives us a n ht to everything Without whlchwe could not fulfl 1 our obligations; otherWiseit would oblige us to impos sibllitics or rather would contradict itself in prescribing a.duty and prohibiting at the sametime the only means of fulfilling it." By an ovident consequencefrom what has been said, anation ought carefully to avoid, as much as pesmble, whatever may causeits destruction, or that. of the State. which is the samething." " A nation or State has a right to everthing that can secure it from such a threatenin anger and to keep at a distancewhatever is capa lo of causing its ruin: and that from thp very same reasons that establishits rights to the things necessaryto its preservation." The power to dispose of these States carries Wll ll it the power to restore in such manner as Congress may determine. But independent of our belligerent right to adjust the social order of these States the constitution makes it the express duty of Congress to “ guarantee to every State a RFG.” It was in this view, together with the war power in his hands as Commander in Chief, the President felt himself authorized to inaugurate new governments in the rebellious States, which were “ de rived of all civil government.” and we fin that Secretary eward fully recognized that the whole power of restoration rested with Congress to determine; and in this he doubtless had the full approvaland advice of the President. Here was a case of conflict of authority between governor Sharkcy, provisional governor of mississippi, where a writ of habeascorpus had been issued at his instance, directed to General Slocum, as commander of the forces at Vicksburg. This writ. General Slocum refused to obey, and Governor Sharkey appealed to Secretary Seward to order the writ obeyed. To this Mr. Seward replied as follows: [Telegram] Wasaisores, July 24, 1865. W. L. Sumner, Provisional Governorof Mininippl, Jackson: Your telegram of the 21sthas been received. The President seesno reason to interfere with General BWloillcubme proceeding only Thuengtiol vtehrenmcievniltoafuththeo States shall be restored, with the approval of Congress. Meanwhile military authority cannzi be withdrawn. WILLIAM H. SEWAID. Again: Governor Marvin, the provisional governor of Florida, on entering upon the? utics of his office, issued a proclamation to the people of Florida, setting forth the course of proceeding he proposed to pursue in reor ganizing a government, and c osing With the following statement, all of which reclamation he submitted to the Presiident for is approval: "10. Upon the establishment of a republican form of State government, under a constitution which guaranties and secures libertihte all the inhabitants alike, without distinction of color, there will no longer exist any impediment inthe way of restoring the State to its proper censtitutional relations to the Government of the U.S., wherehy its people will be entitled to protectiop by the U.S. against invasion, insurrection, and domestic violence." To which Mr. Seward replied as follows: Dnrsnrussr or STATE. wASHINGTONS, eptember 12, 1865. Sir: Your Exocllencys letter of the mth ultimo, with the accompanying reclamation, has been received and submitted to t 1opresident. The steps to which it refers toward reorganizing the government ofFlorida, seemto bein the main judicious, and good resultsfrom them may be hopedfor. The presumption to which the proclamation refers, however, in favor of insurgents who may wish to vote, and who may have applied for, but not received, their pardons, is not entirely approved, All applications for pardons will beduly consulcred, and will be disposed ofas soon as maybe practicable. It must, however, be distinctly understoodthat the restoration to which your reclamation refersWill be subject to the decision of Congress. I have the honor to be.your Excelleneys obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. His Excellency WILLIAM MARVIN, Provisional Gooernor of thestate ofFlorida, Tallahassee. Those only oppose this doctrine who desire to see red ban ed rebels restored to the full fruition of all the rights of citizenship and to be placed on entire equality with loyal men who hav“e saved the nation from destruction. The U.S shall guarantee to every State a RFG, “ says the Constitution. What, then, is a RFG? The distinguished Senfrom Massachusetts has brilliantly illustrated the true definition of the term in his great speech inthe Senate, which displayed the profnnity of his learning not less than the resplendency of his intellect. But he derives his definition from the testimony of the framers of the Constitution, from the principles as sorted by the fathers preceding the Revolution, and from the utterances of legislative assemblies. While I do not question the exhaustive completeness of his authority and the accuracy of his definition, I think we may find it nearer by where he that runs may read in the constitution itself. The Constitution clearly deseribes that to be a RFG for which it was expressly framed. A government which shall “ establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty f a government whose “citizens shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of other citizens;” where “ no law shall be made prohibiting the free exercise of religion;” where “the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be in fringed;” where “the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seiz ures, shall not be violated, ” and where “no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.” have these rebellious States such a form of government? If they have not, it is the duty of the U.S. to guaranty that they have it speedily. In an intelligent discharge of this duty this Congress has proceeded to investigate their condition before it can assume the grave resonsibility of declaring them provided with sue a form of government as the Constitution exacts, and, moreover, imbued with such a spirit to maintain it as shall entitle them to admission into full and complete relation with the Federal Union. But all information received from those States concurs in showin that the old chronic evil fosters foully as before. When 1st they found themselves overcome in the battle field they were ready to submit with resignation to the will of the conqueror. Theyknew the penalty they will ever again attempt an outbreak they had incurred for their crimes, and waited to see it meted out to them in full measure. To avert JLlfll. punishment they would gladly have conceded suffrage to the negro, irreversible guarantees for his protection, and the inaintenanceof his rights, and accepted any other conditions With most cordial acquies cenec which the Government had chosen to impose. The country was led to believe, from the earnest and oft repeated declaration of the President, that “treason was a crime, and must be made odious;" that at least if the blood of the offenders was not to he demanded as an exiation, such penalties, restrictions, and conditions should be imposed as should make memorable their guilt, and afford some sort of guarantee tor the future safety of the nation. But soon more lenient counsels prevailed, and we behold the result. The rebels, who, a few months ago, believed themselves forever beaten in their attempts to destroy the Government, now stand erect with uneonquerable hate to renew the struggle. All the vile assions which urged them on to the foul atrOCities which have made their rebellion forever infamous in the annals of warfare are again let loose. They persecute loyal men they butcher the negroes; they enact laws which practically reenslave the freedmen, and demand to be recognized asentitled to share in the Government they were lately sworn to destroy. They have taken the oath to stand by the Government, yet no man can be elected to an office who has not been conspicuous in the rebellion. There is no regret for their crimeno assurance of amendment; but With the ballot and seditious speech they are preparing to combat again the ideas vital to the safety of the Republic. Major General Thomas, now in command of the military division of Tennessee, testified before the committee of 15: "I have reccived communications fromvarious personsin the South that there was an iinderstanr in among the rebels, and perhapsorganisationsform or forming, for the purpose of gaining as many advantagesl orthemselvesasnew le; and I hayeheard it alsointimated that these men are very anxious and would do all in their power to involve the U.S. in a foreign war, so thatif a favorable opportunity should over they might turn againstthe government of the U.S. again. do not on thhinh their own account, becausethey all admit that they had a fair trial in the late rebellion and got thoroughly worsted. There is no doubt but what there is a Universal disposition among the rebels in the South to embarrass the Government in its administration, if theycan.so as to gain as many advantages for themselves as possible. in“Question In what could those advantagese onsist: ) the Government 7 "Answer. Tiey WlSll to be recognized as citizens of the U.S. With the some rights that they had beforethe war. “ Question. How can the do that by involving us in awar With England orIirnnce, in which they would take part against us? “ Anmocr. In that event their rienreu to"Establish thesoul/remconfederacy. The]! Have not et nonup their desire[or a separategovernmenta. 5;]! have an opportunity to “question. Doeas ttrhikeeifnotrelilti gaegnacienvtihneryewgial rddotos these organizations reach you fromsuch authentic source as to commandyour belief of their existence? “Answer. Yes, sir; it comes from very reliable An officer of the Army, writing from Louisi ana to Senator Winsos, of Massachusetts, who is vouched for by him as a gentleman of intelligence and character, says: "There is not one spark of love for the Union in all that I have seen or can judge but bitter. unrelenting hate, full of the spirit of hell and death to the black man and his white benefactor. A leading man in this place told me a fe wdays ago that.they should not rest till aid for their freed slaves; if could not get this they would exterminatothemth. ey can assure you, in the country away from notice the negro hasnot half the protection that he had 5 or even one your age. The most ignorant, corrupt, and uuprincipled set of men exist and rule society here on the earth. They have been forced back into the Union greatersinnersnow than when they went out of it. Could northern senators travel through the South, stop and seeit asit is, theywould be appalled at the atrocities practiced and the undying hate to ward northern men. With troops away, a northern life would be a thing of the net. I care not what freedmens agents may say of the good conlllllt)“ of the blacks. say their condition is wretched and heart reading, and all by the abuse and studied persecution of their former masters. All the men. rem Gcperal Grant, GenlHoward. kc., down, who pay ilplDB VlSllS to the South, know nothing of tbe state of soeiety and suffering, nothing of the persiltont determination to kill out the black race. If such things be, how long shall we continue to maintain that “steady temper” which “Can look on guilt, rebellion, fraud, and Caesar, In the calm lights of mild philosophy 1" Little did our brave heroes who lay in the bloody trenches before Petersburg or stood upon “the perilous edge of battle” amidst the terrible carnage dealt out from rebel hosts dream that in a few short months rebel leaders were to stand at the doors of Congress clainiin their seats to take part in the government ot the nation. We owe it to the memory of the dead and the honor of the living heroes who have saved the nation, to the enormous sacrifices which a loyal and devoted people have offered up so freely in our peril, hot at least, if the Government shall “like apainted Jove keep idle thunder in its lifted hand” and let traitors go “ unwhipped of justice, ” we should hold them back from coming again so near as to endanger our future peace. What muniinents, then, shall be erected to drive back the threatening dangerto the disturbance of our future eace? tis urged that loyal Representatives should be admitted where ever found. This would be amere recognition of loyalty by itself and not reconstruction or reorganization. We are dealing with States, not scattered individuals. As States they went into rebellion; as States we seek to reorganize their government; to States the Constitution requires the guarantee enforced of RFGs; by States the apportionment of Representatives is made and it is only as States they are to be restored to their nor mal relations to the Federal Union. The admission of a Representative here and there who happens to be personally loyal does not touch the great point of controversy at all. Besides, even if a the presentative elected may prove to be loyal, the constituency behind him may be utter y rebellious and disloyal. It is with the people of these States we must deal when we come to final adjustment of the question. Suppose we should adopt the plan of admit ting Representatives soley on the ground of 1 their personal loyalty, and should in the case of a given State, say Tennessee, admit all the Representatives from that State. Suppose that at the next congressional election every one of these gentlemen were defeated at the polls, and in their places rank, notorious traitors were elected, not one of whom could take the oath, nor even intended to. We necessarily could not admit them, and the State of Tennessee again would stand where she does now, out of normal relation to the Union. What progress has been made toward restoration in such a case? On the contrary, is not the last condition of that State worse than the 1st? By this course of proceeding we should by that time have crushed out the germs of loyalty which by nurture and protection from the General Government and y a more radical policy might have gathered sufficient strength to make successful resistance to the enemies of the government, while the latter would become defiant and strong and be in a condition to successfully thwart all the beneficent designs of the Government to establish social order on the basis of freedom, protection, and equality of rights. Already, even in this very State of Tennessee, which has drawn so largely upon the s mpathy of the American people and of this House, on account of the devoted loyalty of some of their people thronvh perils and sacrifices and perse cution which have canonized them in the popu lar heart as mart rs to the sacred cause of libeity, we are to] by Governor Brownlow, only 2 weeks since, that a few days before the date of his letter “ The election of county officers took placethrough out the Stiite, suehaselerks sheriif.justices, trustees, and tax collectors, and in Middle and West Tonnes nUenoiotnhurebels have made a clean sweep, turning the men out and electing their own candidates, who electiouceredfor office on the ground that they Were rebels, and had either servedin the rebel army or in some other capacity had itiven their influence to the causeof treasonand traitors." Another plan is, in general statement, to exact or impose “irreversible guarantees” for the rights of the freedmen; to repudiate the rebel debt and maintain true allegiance to the Federal Government. How shall these guar ahtees be obtained? Is it to be by acts of State Legislatures, and by amendments to State constitutions? How can we make such sort of guarantees irreversible? Any subsequent legislature or convention may at their pleasure abrovate them. If we propose to put them in the Gonstitutionof the U.S. how will we t them there? If these States are part of tlgi: Union their voice is needed to make up the requisite 3/4ths of the States before your guarantees can beingrafted in the fundamental law. Will they readily put mauacles upon their own hands? If they are to be considered out of the Union and not to be counted, they will then claim they are not bound by enactments which they had no artin creating. But, apart from this view oft ie subject, consider the effects of delay involved in waiting for the uncertain action of the Legislatures of States upon amendments to the Constitution. These States are rapidly, nay, fearfully, lapsing into a condition of anarchy. The life, property, and liberty of loyal men within their borders are becoming every day more endan gered. Humanity, justice, the honor of the Government, sternly demand that governments be established upon sure foundations at once in those States. We have seen the utter fail ure of the attempt to trust to the people themselves to organize such governments as shall be willing to afford those “irreversible guarantees” we are determined to have. We have seen that the clemency of the President has not reenforced the loyal men of these States, but on the contrary has only reauimated the lately stiffened corpse of rebellion. Although with the aid of the military power of the Government these socalled loya State governments may have made some sort of hollow pretense of authority and control in their respective States, it is yet notorious that if the military forces were withdrawn, the whole 11 “way ward States” would be in rebellion in 30 days thereafter. Not perhaps in organized, armed rebellion, but with governments which would proscribe the loyal friends of the Union, and be wholly under the control of its unre lenting foes. What course, then, shall be pursued to brin these people back on a platform of justice an peace? know of but one way by which these States may be restored, and that is to recognize them as entitled to representation, only when the majority of the people of each State respect ively is willing and able to maintain a loyal government, and afford those guarantees which eternal justice will ever demand for the protection ofhunian rights. That is no State where a minority can onlygoverii when backed by a Militarypower from without. Itisaconqueredprov ince only, and the Governor thereof, whether appointed by the President orputintoplace by the form of an election, wherein only one 10th of the population over whom he is to administer, participate, is little better than its proconsul. It is against the vital principles of our polit to call that a republican government which has not the consent of the great mass of the governed. Mr. Speaker, reenforce the loyal white men of these States, not by soldiers from with out, but by the loyal black men within these States. At one bound loyalty may then spring into the arena and claim and hold its own against all comers. We have found them true when even the white Unionists have faltered. Lately our faithful allies and friends in our g“reatest peril, they stand ready again in this imminent deadly breach” to extricate us from the impending danger of anarchy and civil disorder. Preudiee made us hesitate to use them in war, butt at prejudice was brought to shame by the devotion, fidelity, and courage they exhibited everywhere. Is it manly. in view of the patriotic aid we have been willing to accept from these people to save the Government, ow to deny them any right to maintain and detend it and share in all its privileges, especially when l l by their enfranchisement we see the solution of this momentous problem of the restoration of social order over 1/3rd the area. of these U.S.? It is said there is no power to enfrunchise the ne proexcept by the several States. While I atfinit that such has been the commonly received opinion, I not only believe the power exists in the Constitution itself, but the power finds its best argument in the very nature of the case. Is it not monstrous that 4 million people, whom we, by military power and constitutional enactment, have made free and independent citizens of the Republic, shall be deprived of the right to vote for no better reason than because of the color of their skin? They may be many of them Caspar Hansers, and suddenly emerging from the night of slavery into the meridian blaze of freedom may be unfitted to comprehend the philosophy of citizenship. such an objection is entitled to respect. But build your school houses, give them your Bible, and open their eyes to a realization of the true glory of their new baptism of regen oration. Besides, we derive the power from the law of nations. I quote again from Vattel: “A nation has a right toeverythingthat can secure it from threatening anger and to keep at adistanoo whatever is capableof causingits ruin; and that from the very samereasonsthat establish its rights to the things necessaryto its preservation." The “threatening danger" is that the ene mies of the Government will overpower the loyal men in these rebel States and crush out the liberties of the people, unless this large body of loyal citizens who have no share in the Government are invested with the privilege of the ballot. The “threatening danger" is in leaving a great mass of people as a mere excrescence upon the body politic, compelled to be subject to laws they are not permitted to share in making or administering, and believing themselves separate and apart from the social system political outcasts, denied the political rights which their traitor masters who enslaved them may freely enjoy. Nor is such a condition of things consistent with the idea of that RFG which the U.S shall guarantee to every State. While the State of SCarolina proseribes 1/2 of her population on account of race or color, can it be said that she has a RFG? If the U.S. must guarantee a republican government, it is competent for Congress to create such guarantee in such form and in such a manner as may seem wisest to secure the de sired end. Whatmore rational, proper, humane, and consistent course can be adopted than to enfranchise the freedmen to create an irreversibleguarantee for the future peace and safety of the nation I I am aware that we have not yet outgrown our prejudice against this unfortunate race, but it isxhigh time we recognize, that they have, in the past 4 years, effectually vindicated their manhood and established a lasting claim upon our gratitude. The ballot is a recious boon to grant to them, and we should ourselves be none the poorer for the gift. In the eloquent language of the distinguished Senfrom Massac usetts “To him who has the ballot allother things shall be given protection, opportunity education, a homestead. The ballot is like the Horn of danceout of which Abun overflo wrights of everykind. with corn, rice, and all the fruits of the earth." "Give me the ballot and I can move the dweosrpldo.ilcmday be the exclamation of the race still of this right. There is nothing which it cannot open with nlniost fabulous power, like that goldenmistletoe, offshoot of thestar y oak. which. in the hands of the classical ndyenturcr. unclosed the regionsof anotherworld and like that goldenbough. it is renewedas it is “ used One plucked away. a2nd branch you see I, Shoot forth in gold and glitter from the tree. Mr. Speaker, in this great “march to the sea” of safety and peace for this mighty republic, let us tramp in solid column and with sounding tread firm in our adherence to the eternal principles of Right, with undaunted courage to maintain and defend.them; prepared to make no concessions which may put Truth again upon the scaffold and tong upon the throne, ” and we may at last join our voices in glad hosannas over a regenerated nation. But the yielding of the 1st iota of the great principles of liberty at take would be a disgraceful compromise of the dignity and honor of the nation. " What bootsit at one mateto make defense, and at another let in the foo?" Our safety alone lies in guarding the citadel at every point. Make strong the weak places, and take care no treacherous foe in friendly guise shall pass within our walls to betray us to our ruin.