Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. I desire to enter a motion to recommit this bill to the ComJudiciary. I do not ask action upon it now. The jurisdiction of Congress over the subject matter of this bill is unquestionable. It is the right of Congress To exerciseexclusivelegislation, in all cases what soever over such district (not exceeding ten miles squarc)as may, by cessionof particular States and the acceptance 1Congress. becomethe seat, of the glosgle lle meonflt c U.S. Conaluulion, Art. “Exclusive legislation, in all cases whatso ever, ” is the language of the broad and comprehensive grant of power upon which the right of Congress to pass this bill rests. This is too lain a proposition to admit of debate, and I cave the question of power to give my attention to some other considerations connected with this bill which it may not be unprofitable to discuss. The constitution not only confers the indisputable power to which I have referred, but it seems use to invite the identical legislation which the pending measure provides. No where in the constitution do we find class distinctions applied to citizens of the U.S. Its ample folds envelo all citizens alike. It in no way develops color of skin as a tenure to the rights and privileges of citizenship. The citizen, be high or low, rich or poor, white or black, finds the constitution of iis country as full of justice to him as it isto any other. Looking into its bright face as inton mirror, he sees himself reflected a citizen; and of this there is never a failure. This is the crownin glory of our constitution. The whitest face can draw nothing from that mirror but the image of a citizen, and the same return is given to the appeal o! the black face. If eVer anght else appears, he sure y0u are not looking into the broad, bright surface of the real. constitution, for it never varies, never lies. If all oyer this land this same grand feature of our national constitution had a restingsplace their justification when battlin in every other constitution and in every law, then indeed would we be "A freerepublic, where, beneaththe sway Of mild and equal laws. framed by themselves Ono peopledwell, and own no lord saveGod. But this is not so, nor can we make it so. Our powers reach not so far as this. State constitutions and State laws, covered over with the wreck of human rights, block up the way, and we may not overleap these barriers. The real Republic may be a long ways off yet, but we are approaching it, and shall, in the course of time, realize it in its fullness. But however far it may be in the future, however difficult of approach may these State bar fiers render it, we should see in them but additional incentives urging us to the performance of the duty which rests with us, in order that the example of the nation may induce the States to aid in hastening the development of aperfect Republic. have said that the constitution seems to invite the passage of this bill and is this not true? Why should the statutelaw, made or tol erated by Congress for the government of citizens of the U.S. Within the DistCol, establish class privileges or distinctions on account of color, when no such things are found in the constitution? Should not the statutelaw for the special government of such citizens as reside in the capital of the Republic be as just, as broad, as comprehensive, as humane as the constitution? Should there not be harmony here? If the constitution refuses to know the color of the citizens skin, why should the statutelaw be wiser? If the former refrains from trampling on the great truth which glitters like a ewel of the 1st water in the heart of the ol declaration that “all men are created equal, ” and that “ Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, ” why should the latter put its unhal lowed foot upon this grand central idea of our system and crush it under the very folds of the nations flag as it floats on the dome of the Capitol? Why hinge the sacred right of suffrage inthis Rstrict on the word “white, ” when the constitution discards it entirely? Let these things not be. Let us heed the invitation of the constitution, and breathe the breath of true to republican life into the body of our lawsof pe cu iarap lication to this District at least. Here, at least, ct our faith in the great selfevident truth that formed the pivot upon which the fathers turned their hopes, their energies, and for that independence which proved to be the birth of this nation, be made manifest by works full of justice and mercy. I do not claim that the right of suffrage is a natural right to which every person subject to human government is entitled? It is not a natural right, for where natural rights alone obtain there is no right of suffrage. But this state of things can only exist in the absence of properly adjusted civil government. The right of suffrage is a political right, and is the attendant of civil government. This, however, remders it no less sacred than it would be if it were a natural right. We always class it among the rights. We speak of it as the rightpf suffrage, and never give it the more doubtful designation of the privilege of suffrage. Whenever and by whomsoever it is spoken of it is always given the royal title of right. It is not something which is given as a matter of grace to the citizen by a Government which “derives its just powers from the consent of the governed, ” for it is the medium through which that consent is accorded. It is the check of the citizen upon the Government, and it would be more mockery for the latter to pretend to act within the limits of the consent of the former in the absence of means whereby such consent could be made known. Of course this consent must be made known by the voice of the majority, for that is the bond of government established at the beginning. This has been consented to. But it is not competent for the majority to deprive the minority of anything which justl belongs to the things properly denominute rights; and one of these is, in my judgment, the right of suffrage. The office of this right under civil government is kindred to that which belongs under natural law to the rielit of selfdefense. Not that the right of selfdefense as established by natural law is supplanted by the right of suffrage when civil law assumes its away over a people; for then both exist, the latter being a cumulative right rendered necessary by the new relations, in hts, interests, privileges, and obligations resuftin from the" ordination of civil government. n a state of nature man must rely on his powers of force and persuasion for the defense of his rights. Within certain limitations, he may rely on the some means of defense after the institution of civil government, and the law justifies or excuses imac cording to the circumstances of the particular But 1,000cases arise from the action of the Government and of persons when some different and mere potent engine than words and fists is required. A man attacked in his person or his property may drive off the ug ressor by the use o his natural means of decase is he may do in the absence or presence of civil government. It is his natural right to do so. at a citizen attacked in his personal liberty or his property by unjust laws, or by the maladministration of just laws by corrupt public Officers, or by ignorant and in competent administrators of the law, must defend himself by resort to other means. What means shall he placed at his disposal? absolutists tell us that the love of the monarch for his subjects will supply the needed remedy; but as republicans we turn our backs upon this false theory, and affirm that the means of defense must be placed in the keeping of the citizen. When the monarch forgets the theoret ical love upon which his system is based, and eneroaches upon the rights of his subjects, force is their resort, and the trial is by battle. We, in accepting the republican system, are provided With a more elective an peaceful mode of redress. We meet eneroachments on our rights with the swift and telling power which lies in the ballot. We rid ourselves of unjust laws by disposing of unjust lawmakers. We remedy the evils springling from an improper administration of our laws by changingI our public Officers. We protect our rights y edging them about with protective laws made, practically, by ourselves. These are all de, ensive acts, and the weapon by which we achieve them is the ballot. Civil Governments were not instituted for the nrpose of depriving men of their natural rights, but rather for the better protection of these rights. What were natural rights before now become civil rights, and each possessor of them is entitled to an equal participation in the employment of the means established for their defense, except so far as the good of the whole may require some limitations on this general rule. but whatever limitations be adopted mustal ways be just and impartial. Some very properlimitations do now exist, while others are gross and flagrant violations of every rule of justice and impartiality, and subversive of the ends and purposes of government. Why should the color of a mans skin deprive him of the political right of defense? He may exercise the natural right of defense the same as other men whose skins are of color less objectionable. Natural law makes no distinctions between its subjects in this regard. Why should the civil law interpose a different rule? Are not mens rights as ear and as sacred. under civil government as they are in the absence of it? Can we excuse ourselves in continuin a limitation on the right of suffrage in the capital of the Republic that has no instification in reason, justice, or in the principles on which we profess to have based our entire political system? Upon this nestion there seems to have been but little difference of Opinion among the men who laid the foundation and built the superstructure of this Government. In those days no limitation was placed upon the enjoyment of the defensive rights of the citizen, including the right of suffrage, on account of the color of the skin, except in theState of SCarolina. All of the other States participating in the formation of I the Government of the U.S. had some limitation, based on sex, or age, or property, placed upon the rivht of suffrage; but none of them so ar forgot t 10 spirit of our constitution, the great words of the DeclarIndep, or the genius of our institutions, as to inquire into the color of a citizen before allowing him the great defensive right of the ballot. It is true, that as the republic moved off in its grand course among the nations a change occurred in the minds and practices of the people of a majority of the States. The love of liberty, because of its own great self, and not because of its applicatiori to men of a particular color, lost its sensitive character and active vi tality. The moral sense of the people liccame dormant through the malign influence of that tolerated enemy to all social and govermental virtue, human slavery. The public conscience slumbered, its eyes closed With dollars and its ears stuffed wi cotton. When these things succeeded the active justice, abounding mercy, and love of human rights of the earlier days, State after State fell into the dark line of SCarolinian oppression, and adopted her antirepublican limitation of the right of suffrage. A few States stood firm and ke their faith, and toda, when compared with the bruised and pecle and oppression cursed State of SCarolina, stand orth as shining examples of the great rewards that are poured upon the heads of the just. Massachusetts and SCarolina, the one true, the other false to the faith and ideas of the early life of the nation, should teach us how safe it is to do right, and how dangerous it is to do wrong; how much safer it is to do justice than it is to practice oppression. But, sir, not the States alone fell into this grievous error. The General Government took its stand upon the side of injustice, and apostatized from the true faith of the nation, by depriving a portion of its citizens of the political right of selfdefense, the use of the ballot. What good has come to us from this apostasy? Take the history of the municipal government of this cit, and what is there in its pages to make an merican feel proud of the results of this departure from the principles of true democracy? Is there a worse governed city in all the Republic? Where inal the country was there to be found such evidences of thriftless dependence as in this city before the cold breath of the North swept down here during the rebellion and imparted a little of “Yan ee” vi or to its business and population? Where within the bounds of professed fidelity to the Government was true loyalt at a lower ebb and sympathy with the rebelion at higher flood; freedom more hated and cmanciation more round ly denounced; white troops order to raise and black ones more heartily despised; Union vic tories more coldly received and reverses productive of less despondency than right among that portion of the voting population and its adjuncts which control the local elections in this District? With what complaisance the social elements of this capital fostered the brood of traitors who rushed hence to the service of the rebellion in 1861. Are these fruits of our error pleasing? A few days ago a special election was held in this cit for the purpose of ascertaining the views of the electors relative to the proposition we are now considering, to restore to the colored citizens of this District the right of suffrage in order that they may defend themselves against the oppressions of the plresent rulin class. The friends of equal rights abstaine from voting. The enemies of impartial suffrage cast some 7,000 votes. How many were fraudulent no man can tell. The present holders of power decline to divide it. I doubt not that these 7,000 votes could have been polled ngainstthe abolition of slavery in this District. Ala e majorit of those who cast these votes love slavery an hate freedom. They love to vote themselves, but they are opposed to extending the same privilege to other men. vWe know they were opposed to emancipation. We know they are opposed to impartial suffrage. We overrode their desires in the former case, and the whole loyalportion of the nation shouted for joy because tecapital of the Republic was made free. Itrust we shall make the country glad in the present case by again overruling theselfishness of this people, by lacing in each mans hands the powerto defgnd his own freedom and rights, and at the same time so reenforce the true men who refused to rticipate in the recent election that they, with the new voting population, can for all time control the municipal governments of Washington and Georgetown in the interests of freedom, humanity, justice, and the true principles of opular government. he 7,000 voters who do not want other men to vote are not sure that the voice of the ballotboxes, which, doubtless, received man ballots from fingers that have pulled rebe triggers, will be heeded by us and therefore, as is currently reported, many of them are willing to compromise the difficulty by as senting to a repea of the municipal c arters, and to the government of the 2 cities by I. commission to be appointed by the President; This is advancing from bad to worse. When men will surrender their own rights rather than respect the rights of others their political demoralization is complete. That this political debasement should exist in the capita of the Republic isa burning, blistering disgrace, which demands a speedy and vigorous remedy. This is not a case in which it is best to “make haste slowly.” The good name of the nation requires swift justice in our treatment of this worst development of pro slavery bigotry. The remedy is not to disfranchise those who come forward and offerto sacrifice their own right to the elective franchise uponthe altar of narrow and disgraceful prejudice, but to neutralize the evil use of the right by such persons by extending the same right to those whoivill use it well. As a punishment for so craven a betrayal of the sacred character of the ballot. it might seem just to inflict a deprivation of its use; but this is the day of “good feeling" and of pardon, and we will not punish. I would not be vindictive, I would be just. I do not want to legislate against the white citizen for the purpose of advancing the interests of the colored citizen. It is best to guard against all such 19 slation. Let the laws which we pass here be o such pure republican character that no)erson can tell from the reading of them what color is stamped upon the faces of the citizens of the U.S. Let us have no class legislation, no class privileges. Let our laws bejust and uniform in their operation. This is the smooth sea upon which our ship of state may sail; all others are tem pestuous and uncertain and now, Mr. Speaker, who are the persons u n whom this bill will operate, if we shall ace it upon the statutebook of the nation? They are citizens of the U.S and re; idents of the DistCol. It is true that many of them have black faces, but that is Gods work, and He is wiser than we. Some of them have faces marked by colors uncer tainthat is not Gods fault. Those who hate by ack men most intensely can tell more than all others about this mixture of colors. But, mixed or black, they are. citizens of this Republic, and they have been, and are today, true and loyal to their Government; and this is vastly more than many of their contcmners can claim for themselves. In this District is white skin was not the badge of loyalt, while a black skin was. No traitor breathe the air of this capital wearing a black skin. Through all the gradations of traitors, from Wirz to Jeff. Davis, criminal eyes beamed from white faces. Through all phases of treason, from the bold stroke of Lee upon the battlefield to the unnatural sympathy of those who lived within this District, but hated the sight of their countrys flag, runs the blood which courses only tin or awhite surface. While white men were fleeing from this citv to join their fortunes with the rebel cause. the returning wave brought black faces in their stead. White enemies went out, black friends came in. As true as truth itself le ee. 175 were these poor men to the cause of this imperiled nation. We know, and the world knows, how little cause we had given for this intense devotion. Our heel had been that of the oppressoi upon the necks of this people for a century. Our statutes, defying our Constitution, hadmade a bounding mass of our white pepulation to hunt down the fleeing bondmen. Our flag was no emblem of freedom to them. No home, nor wife, nor child, nor hour of rest, nor moment of devotion belonged to them. They toiled and groaned and wore out their lives, not knowing that the stern face of the Government, always turned upon them disfi nred by a frown, could ever wear a smile. Their ast was a blank, their present a burden, their uture the grim promise of increased oppression. Their dar, ntient faces were but emblematic of the blacrlkblank which lifes lottery held for them. We had no right to demand of them devotion; and they had no cause for of fering it to us. But how greatly today are we their debtor! The hour of our trial came. The pain cred sons of the nation sounded the notes o war. Armies of whitefaced traitors pressed as sorely on every hand; not because they had been oppressed, for they had controlled the Government. We tried to preserve peace with them, and as a part of the price we offered to make our oppression of the colored race perpetual. Our terms were spurned, our faces were slapped, war was pressed upon us defiantly, insolently, and we were force to draw the sword to save ourselves. The hosts poured in on either side for battle. The men beneath our heel criedout to us, “Let us help you.” We answered, ” No;" picked them up and threw them, all dangling with chains, into the lines of our foes. But they would not stay. They would be faithful, would be true, in spite of us. We ordered our forces to turn them back, and told them our soldiers were their enemies. They heeded not this mad ness, but wherever they found a suffering soldier of the republic they ministered to his every need to the fullest extent of their humbleability. Did he need food, they divided theirscanty store with him; did he need shelter, they found for him that which was safe; did he need a ide, they gave up their hours of rest and led“him through forest and swamp to the lines of the Union; always friendly, never false. Through experience we gained wisdom. The time came when we lifted our heel and called on the oppressed to help us save the nation which had been so cruel to them. They needed not a 2nd call, but responded to the 1st, 200,000 strong. From this district more than a fair proportion of black men went into the Army. 3,549 marched out from this district to defend the nation. They took the risks which justly belonged to the white residents who now offer to give up their own right to vote rather than have the same right conferred on the colored men of the District. As well as they could, perhaps not as efficiently as the white troops, but at least as well as they could, and in many cases as well as any could, these colored troops discharged their duties as soldiers of the Governmentwhichhado ressed them so sorely so wantonly. Many o them are buried with their white comrades on scores of battle fields. Wherever we have trusted them they have been true. Why will we not deal justly by them? Why shall we not, in this District, where the 1st etfective legislative blow fell upon slavery, declare that these suffering, patient, devoted friends of the Republic shall have the power to rotcct their own rights by their own allots? sit because they are ignorant? Sir, we are estopped from that plea. It comes too late. We did not make this inquiry in Qegard to the white voter. It is only when we seen. man with a dark skin that we think of ignorance. Let us not stand on this now in relation to this District. The fact itself is rapidly passing away; for there is no other part of the population of the District so diligent in the acquisition of knowledgcas the colored portion. In spite of the difficulties placed in their pathway to knowledge by the white residents, the colored people, adults and children, are pressing steadily on. Their schools are well supported and well attended, and, aside from this, these people always knew enonflh to be true to the Government. They havelabored and suffered for the common cause in every way possible for men to labor and sulfer and here let as remember that it is not always the ignorant man who makes the unsafe voter. The vicious man is the unsafe voter. The educated rebel voted against the best interestsof the country long before he took up arms to destroy the Government which protected him. A man who loves his country and feels a personal interest in the success of free institutions will never make a dangerous voter, though he may not be able to rea. The free white voters, however well they can read, who destroyed the orphan asylum in NewYork city, are far more dangerous to the permanency of free institutions than would be the libertyloving colored men of this city it they should be intrusted with the ballot and the case is quite as strong against the pardoned rebel whose hands are still red with the blood of murdered loyal soldiers, and whose heart is filled with bitterness toward the Government, which has forced him to submit to its authorit. While such men are allowed tovote, wh sho d we close the doors against citizens who have always been true, and who have manifested, and still manifest, the most devoted attachment to the Government? But, sir, these men are not all ignorant. Some of them are highly educated, while many of them are possessed of greater educational qualifications than have yet been suggested asa imitatioh upon the right of suffrage, and very man more come quite up to the proposed stan and right here a few facts concerning the result; the colored people of this District have accomplished relative to their property, educational, religious, and other interests, may not be unprofitable. The number of colored inhabitants in the District, according to the census of 1860, was 14,316. This number has increased since that time, but to what extent I am not now able to state. The value of real and personal property now owned by them is over one million 250,000 dollars. The value of church property held by them is about 125,000 dollars, consisting of 21 churches, which are so ported at a cost of over 20,000 dol ars perannum. The number ot church communicants is 4300, while the average attendance upon religious services is 9,000, some of these being attendants npon service at Catholic and Episcopal churches controlled by whites. The number of Sabbath schools for colored persons is 20, attended by between 3 and 4000 pu ils. Of other schoo s for colored children there are 33, and the number of upils at tending them during the month of ovember, 1865, was 4030. 6 of these schools are entirely supported by the colored people, others are supported by the generosity of northern benevolent societies, though the necessary books, stationery &c., are furnished chiefly by the colored people themselves. 4000 of the colored populntion of the District can read and write. they subscribe for about 4500 copies of newspapers, a large proportion of these being dailies. Of societies for literary, benevolent, and other purposes, they have over 30, and through the agency of these they, to a very great extent, provide for and support the needy and infirm of their race in the District, the city government having but a very small%. of colored paupers to support. This is the record of a class of citizens in this community, 90%. of which were slaves or the immediate descendants of many having purchased their own freedom slavaensi that of their families. Taken as a class the people who have accomplished these results surely show themselves possessed of enough of the leaven of thrift, education, morality, and religion to render it safe for us to make the experiment of impartial suffrage here. Letiis mak the trial. A failure can work no great harm; or to us belongs the power to may e any change which the future may show to be necessary. How can we tell whether success or failure shall be the fruit of a practical application of the principles upon which our institutions rest unless we put them to a fair test? Give every man a fair chance to show how well he can discharge the duties of fully recognized citizenship This is the way to solve the problem, and in no other way can it be determined. That success will attend the experiment I do not doubt. others believe the result will prove quite the reverse. Who is right and who wrong can be ascertained only by putting the 2 opinions to a practical test. The passage of this bill will furnish this test, and to that end Iask for it the favorable consideration of this House.