Mr. DAWES., Mr. Speaker, in the last congress I was unable to vote for the enabling act which invited the people of this Territory to form a constitution preparatory to its admission as a State into this Union; for the same reason I was also unable to vote at the last session for its admission into the Union under the constitution now before the House. I confess some embarrassment as to what is clearly my duty upon the new phase which itf. in the case at the present time. With some little hesitation as to the soundness of the convictions to which I have arrived, and with no disposition to embarrass the action of the House or of the majority, whatever it may be in the joftlyment to which they shall arrive. I beg the indulgence of the House for a few moments as briefly as possible to give the reasons not only which induced my vote in the last Congress and at the last session, but which, as at present advised and unless convinced by the which may be submitted here after, I shall be obliged to follow upon the present occasion. I know of no act of the Congress of the U.S. more solemn than that upon which we are now about to pass. It is the creation of a State, breathing into it the breath of organic life, fixing its fundamental law for the present, and probably for the long future, under which its history commences, its prosperity or adversity begins, its career for glory or otherwise has its origin, its social institutions spring up. Its growth, its development, everythin pertaining to its future as a State arej in the question submitted to the House this afternoon. It is a question of no less importance to the U.S. themselves. It is introducing into the family of States a State upon an equal footing with all the other States of the Union, clothed in the other branch of Congress with the same power and with a proportionate power to the popular branch, sharing our legislation, helping to mold and shape the future destiny and career of the country as well as of itself, and assuming for the 1st time, upon the passage of this act, self government for all future time. It was wise, then, that the Constitution of the U.S. left this question as it has to the largest discretion of the people whose Representatives assemble in this body, untram meled by any requisition, unlimited by any consideration except, those under the Constitution from which they derive their authority, and which the present and future, enlight: ened by the past, shall light up the path of our duty. The Constitution says that “new States may be (not shall be) admitted into the Union by the Congress of the U.S. ” It is, therefore, a question brought before us untrammeled by any consideration save those which we ought to bring to our deliberation here of the largest and the most comprehen sive statesmanship of which we are capable. It should be decided upon no temporary expe dient, upon no question of temporary policy. It is a work, however well or however ill we may perform it, that we cannot undo. It is a work for all time, and just as we shall perform it so it must remain, unaltered and unqualified, upon the statute book of the country through the whole coming career and history of the Government., Let us therefore weigh this question as be comes the Representatives of the people of the whole Government this whole family of States before taking into its embrace another upon an equal footing, sharing all the power, all the benefits, all the responsibilities, all the burdens which we bear here today. The policy which has governed the country heretofore is one of which I have no complaint to make here to day that of an early admission of States into this Union out of the new and constantly added territory of the Government whenever there has arisen therein a community, a body of people sufficient in number, in ability, in industry; with an organization sufficiently stable to bear the burdens and share the responsibility of a State. It has always been, and I trust always will be, the policy of this Government to admit them as soon as possible, at the earliest possible period that they shall manifest a disposition to form for themselves a RFG and come into the family of this nation, if do not trouble myself about the effect of the relative strength of the old States. I yield to the power of numbers, as one of the representatives of a section of this country that suf: fers relatively by the addition of new States from the western country continually. I will yield, as I have heretofore done and do again, to the ultimate and absolute power of the numbers who concentrate themselves in phe great ivall.ey of the Mississippi, at the earliest prac period. I hail these States as they come in. I welcome them into the family of States. Each one of them adds strength to the common Government, standing around this common temple, and bearing gladly upon their shoulders their share of the continually increasing expenses and burdens of the government. But, sir, the question of the time when these States shall be admitted into the Union depends also upon other circumstances. Sometimes, when the condition of things in a Territory is disturbed; when the administration of a terri torial government is so uncertain, or so at war in spirit with the fundamental rights of the citizens of the U.S.; when there is such a failure in its administration, such a disturbance of society, and such a lack of ability for self protection under the law, such a peculiarity in social institutions or in local laws as to require us sooner than otherwise to take them into the family of nations and prescribe for them, that they shall conform to the common law of the country and the supreme law of the land, then it becomes the duty of the Representative to vote for an earlier admission of such Territory into the Union. such were the conditions that governed Congress in the admission of Kansas into the Union; and such have been some of the reasons why the neigh boring Territory of Nebraska has continued up to this time out of the Union the lack of those disturbing elements which existed in Kansas, and which seemed to be beyond the power and control of the territorial adminis tration, and only to be settled by the admission of that Territory as one of the States. But are any of those conditions existing touchin the Territory of Nebraska or the Territory o Colorado? None at this time.' I submit to the House, on the contrary, that such has been the legislation of Congress, and such is the administration of the law in the Territory of Nebraska, and I suppose also in the Territory of Colorado, that never in the history of terri torial governments have the rights of the citizen, without distinction of race or color, been so guarantied and protected, both civil and political, as they are at this hour in those territories. The civil rights bill, which is above any territorial legislation or any adverse judicial decision in a Territory where our power is supreme, has guarantied to him beyond peril every civil right known under the Constitution of the U.S.; and within one week past the same sovereign power of this Congress has arantied to him also every political right nown under the Constitution of the U.S., so that every citizen of the U.S., be he high or be he low, be he white or be he black, of whatsoever name or nation or color or clime, today in the Territory of Nebraska, enjoys, beyond the power of local laws or adverse judicial decisions, every right, civil or joknown under the Constitution of the U.S.