Mr. MARSHALL. July 9, 1866, In ComWhole on the state of the union. in opposition to the tariff bill. Mr. Chairman, it is difficult to speak with patience or decorum of the measure now before the House. 'In all ages of the world there has been an effort on the part of the few by legislative jugglery to robthe toiling millions and build ii a favored class who could riot in unbounded wealth wrung from the hard earnings of labor. In other countries this effort has been but too successful. A favored aristocracy are thus enabled to riot in luxuries that their hands have not earned, and to domineer with supercilious arrogance over the meritorious and productive classes of the community. In our favored land it was fondly hoped by the founders of our cat Republic that we had escaped forever from this system of robbery. It cannot be denied, indeed, that at the ver foundation of our Government this system lia its advocates, and that even then there were men whose, aristocratic tastes were outraged and whose aristocratic noses turned up with supercilious arrogance at the idea of a democratic republic where labor should be unfettered,where no class should be specially favored, and where every man should be required to earn his bread by the sweat of his own face. The great central idea of the old Federal party (not always avowed, it is true,) was that a favored class, removed from the degradations and contuminations of labor, was necessary to the maintenance of order and to the dignity and character of every Government. “ So manage our legislation as to make the rich richer and ccp the poor in subjection" was their secret but favorite wateliword. The less the produ cin classes are permitted to retain of the fruits of their own labor, the more subservient, it was believed, they would be to the purposes of the favored few. To consummate these purposes an emasculation of the States and a centralization of power in the Federal Government was necessary. And to effect this the old Federal party, with unfaltering zeal, devoted its match ess talents and untiring energies. nisii or run unnocnu'ic PARTY. This attempt to make Republicanism itself an instrumentof tyranny to transfer under a specious disguise the 0 ete institutions of the Old World to our virgin soils; to 0 press and impoverish the people under the orms of a free constitution; to make the great classes of the country but “ producing iew ers of woo and drawers of water” to the legislative jugglers and their friends was for the time defeated by the uprising of the people themselves under the lead of Jefferson, the great apostle of Democracy. The Democratic party was formed and organized, and with trut, justice, and the Constitution for its armor, and the protection of the people from legislative robbery for its battle cry, it went boldly into the conflict, and with Herculean blows struck down (as was then hoped forever) the mailed hosts of disguised monarchy and Federal usurpation. It is now 2/3rds of a centur since 'lhomas Jefferson was 1st elected Presient of the U.S., and by his clear, simple, yet grand inaugural announced to the world t ie fundamental prineiples of Democracy, by which that historic party has ever since been guided: “ Equal and exact nsticoto all men and exclusive privilegesto nono; t a support of the State governments in all their rights. as the most competent administratorsof our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies; the preservation of the General Governmentin its whole constitutional vigor, asthoshcct anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; economy in the public expense that labor may be lightly burdcned honest payment of our debts and sacred the of the public faith; encouragement reservation o agriculture and of commerce as its handmaid: the diffusion of information and arraignment of all public abuses at the bar of public reason; freedom of religion. freedom of the press, and freedom of person, under the protection of the habeascorpus; and trials by Jurios impartially solected:. These, sir, are the historic principles of the Democratic party, and these principles faith fully carried out in the administration of the Government would make us a free, prosperous, happy, and united people. Government should interfere with the business of the people only so far as is necessary to protect them in their legal and constitutional rights, and should take from them by taxation what is necessary to its support, economically administered, and not one dollar more. When you go beyond that you are guilty of robbery. When on exempt any species of capital from taxation, and‘impose all its legitimate burdens on the residue 'of the people you are not only guilty.of 'robbery to that but.you violate the very spirit and purpoesxetsent} 0 our Government. And when you go still further, as in this bill and use the machinery of Government to take money by millions from one portion of the people, not for the use of the national Treasury, but to put it by a kind of skillful home pocus into the coffers of an already bloated and domineering aristocracy, you are uilty of a crime that language fails sufficient y to characterize. Labor, sir, should be protected in the right to eat the bread earned with its own hands, and the burdens of government should be imposed rather upon the accumulated capital of the country than upon the humble pittance of the toiling millions. To comprehend the real character and importance of this and kindred measures it is necessary to take a somewhat. wide range of discussion. This bill and the system of taxation of which it is the offspring, most extraor dinary and diabolical as the are, are but the outeroping of the deep lai schemes of the old Fe oral or NewEngland party, adopted almost immediately’ after the formation of our Federal Constitution. These schemes have never been abandoned, but on the contrary have been adhered to and prosecuted with a pertinacit almost without a parallel. The name and, organization of that party have passed into histogy, but its principles and purposes have never or one moment been in n cyance, and they live today in full vitality and possess really greater power than they did in the time of the elder Adams. They never will be abandoned while selfishness and ava rice constitute motives of human action, and the only hope of the country is in enlightening and arousing the people as to their true character. In this respect more than in any other it is important ever to remember that “eternal vigilance is the price of liberty, " for when you place the laboring classes at the mercy of a moneyed aristocracy, I care not what may be the form of government, liberty itself becomes a mockery and a delusion. rocossninu rnrnsinrunrosss ran OLDnonnat isrs runs oisusiosisers. The dail and nightly dream and hope of the old Federal party was to inaugurate some scheme by which they could seize upon the federal Government and use it as an instrument for levying tribute upon the agricultural States and upon the laborin classes of the whole country. It was soon discovered that the interests and policy of the southern States were opposed to the schemes of that party, and that these Federal hopes were in danger of being blighted forever. [be magnificent West already began to loom up before the enraptured vision of these greedy cormorants, and their patriotic eyes brightened at the glorious respect of levyin tribute without limit upont e labor of the toiing millions that weredestined to spread over those fertile lains. But this system could not be inaugurate with hope of success unless the South could be emaseuated or driven from the Union. And it was thus that at the very commencement of the present centur an agitation was commenced in NewEngland to effect a dissolution of the Union. It is now over 50 years since Matthew Carey, of Philadel hia, ublished his valuable book, “The Olive hmnc, ” in which he demonstrated “ that there existed a conspiracy in NewEngland to effect a dissolution of the Union at every hazard, and to form a separate confederacy.” Hear his description of these disuuion federalists who flourished in the days of Jetferson and Madison: “They are possessedof ine rdinate wealth, of considerable talents.greatenergy, and overgrowninfluence. A northern coufederacy has beentheir grand objectfor a number of years. They have repeatedly advocatedin the public prints a separation of the states." "To sow discord.icalousy and hostility between the dnifferent sections of the Union was the 1st grandst op obtjehcet irofcaarseceprainraotirodneor f to accomplish their favorite "In fact, Without this theme Sutat instrument all their nfiorts would have been utterly unavailing. It would have been impossible had the honesty comanryof the eastern States continuedto regard their southem fellow citizens as friendsand brethren, havingone common interest in the promotion of thoGeneralwelfare. to make them instruments in the hands of those who intended to employ them to operate the iinhnl work of destroying the noble, the august the splendi fabric of“our Union. For 18 years. Therefore the most uneeasing endeavors have been made to poison the minds of the people of the eastern States toward and to alienate them from their fellow citizens of the southern. The people of the latter section have been portrayed as. omons incarnate and destitute of all the goo qualities that dignnify or adorn huimant natOure.’O qu':ieIttt, hsuosb hear.papnednrsatthioantaal people proverbially orderly, cited asto horipe for were actually so highly exturn the wholesystem of vosoluctiiaolnoradned ready to over It has been often and well said that history repeats itself. In language written over 50 years ago, our author, in describing the old federal disunionists of that day, draws a life like and most truthful picture of the radical agitators of the present day. In reading his graphic pages we almost imagine that he had in is eye our “central directory, ” with the smellingcommittees and the inflammatory libels sent forth “to sow discord, jealousy, and hostility between the different sections of the Union, ” and thus to render a restoration of peace, union, and fraternity impossible. These Federal disuniouists of 60 years ago used precisely the same denunciations against Washington, Jefferson, Madison. the Randolphs, the Henrys, and their contemporaries of the southern States that are now so eaerly fulminated against the entire people of the same section of our country. In a time of war, such inflam matory appeals might be excusable, but now, when we need the healing influences of love, kindness, and conciliation to cure the wounds of our bleedin country such conduct is simply devilish, and should receive the exeerations of all good men. THI TRUE KEY TO OUR POLITICAL TROUBLES And, sir, this and kindred schemes furnish the true key to and solution of our present political dangers and complications. On all economic an financial questions the interests of the West and the South are identical. They are all now, and will continue to be, agricultural States. That measure which wrongs and oppresses one wrongs and op resses them all equally and alike. The Sout is the natural and inevitable ally of the West on all questions of revenue and taxation. With the South excluded, the NewEngland lords of the loom, with their allies of the middle States, can levy tribute upon the people of the West at pleas ure and without limit. This is demonstrated by the experience of the last 5 years. With the representatives of the South in their seats this could not be done. Hence this already bloated race of extortioucis do not want the southern States restored to the Union, and they are determined that they shall not be unless the negroes are all admitted to the right of suffrage, by which means they expect to secure ci lit 100,000 black allies as voters, wh0 would be their pliant tools, and would aid them in continuing their system of outrage and oppression. In speaking of this measure with that fear lcssness and frankness which are due to those whom I represent here, I desire to say nothing thabean justly be deemed offensive to an member of the House. I shall not charge that the ComWays&Means deliberate] intend the wrong and robbery that must result from the passage of this bill. it is much pleas anter to assume that they are the victims of false theories or have unwittingly become the dupes of the hordes of monopolists and menu facturers who have infested the Capitol during the entire session. I willingly take it for granted, as it is my duty to do on all occasions, that all the advocates of the bill within these Halls are actuated by just and honorable motives. The bill, indeed, is understood to have emanated principally from the brain of that prodigy in social science, Mr. Colwell, of the revenue commission, aided by a combination of the plunder ers, each of whom, it is said, has a e'ed upon the portion he would be willing to ta e in the general grab. I take it for granted that the committee has been the victim of this an holy combination, and shall not hold them re. sponsible for what cannot fairly be considered the result of their own deliberations. I therefore make no charge against any member of the House; but I do insist that with those who understand the secrets and control the action of the dominant faction this eed of plunder is at the bottom of and furnishes the proper key to our present political complications. That very able Republican paper, the NewYork Evening Post, is beginning to more than suspect the secret motives of the loud mouthed patriots of its own party; and touches upon the key note of its action when in an article a few days ago it says:. "We warn the prohibitionlsts that they ride too high a horsefor safety. They are tryin to force a mosthateful and wicked scheme upon the country. That is bad enough; but they are at thesame time keepingout the ropresentatives of the southern States. Are theydoingthisin orderto makesureof theirown schemes?Is it to securethe passageof this prohibit ive and destructivebill that they refuseto admit the southern members! It would seemso from their high handed course. The country will believeit and they will only ruin themselves by such a course, which hoops injustice on injustice. And commits one wrongin order to facilitate the commlttalof another justas a highwayman maims his victims in order the more easily to plunder their persons.” rnorsoi ivs ever“. This system never could have found favor beyond those who were to be enriched by it but for theingenious adoptionfor it by its advocates of a false and falacious but popular name. The designation, “protection of ome industry, ” certainly sounds remarkably well and has won for 1000s of misguided advocates. Call it by its proper name, “ robbery of the masses to enrich a supercilious and domineering aristocracy, ” and it will soon fall into meri disgrace and odium. Its advo cates who had been watching and praying and laboring to bring about such an opportunity seized upon the occasion of the Withdrawal of the southern representatives from Congress to immediately inaugurate and force upon the country the tariff of 1861, known as the “ Morrill tariff." Its injustice and outrageous discriminations in favor of the capitalists and against the laboring men, especially of the West, were clearly and forcibly pointed out and demonstrated at the time. But the advocates of the bill, claiming a monopoly of all the loy alty of the country, and insisting that it was a revenue measure and necessary for the main tenance and credit of the Government in that time of war, succeeded by this false clamor in passing it through Congress and plaoin it upon the statute book as a law of the land. The eflect of it was the almost instantaneous doub ling the price of everything purchased for consumption by the people of the West. But we were in the midst of war, and the patriotic people, although disapproving of many measures of the Government, were not dia osed to eavil at them in that time of cril. ndeed the masses of the people regarde this sudden and extraordinary increase in the cost of the necessaries of life as the natural result of the war, and did not realize that in the main it was caused by a legislative fraud. Under the operations of this bill the profits of the manufacturers were enormous, and they found themselves, as if by magic, rolling in more than oriental wealth and splendor. A super ficial observer would have supposed very naturally that these favored classes thus daily receiving enormous bounties, drawn from the pittances of the boiling masses, would have rested contented without asking for further legislation in their behalf. But, sir, it is the old sto of privileged classes. Having once tasted the forbidden fruit of legislative robbery, their unholy demands are ever increasing. Avarice and extortion always ow by what they feed on. Although these lor ly manufacturers were building palatial residences, spgirting princely equi ages, and regularly deo ring annual dividen s of 20, 40, 60 and in many instances one and 200%. on their capitals, the very next congress was met by their clamors for more “ protection, ” or, in other words, for the privilege of adding to the price of their goods, and thus more thoroughly robbing the consumer. The insisted that they were in den er of being ruine without more “protection.’ And that very wise and accommodating congress almost immediately passed a Jtresolution increasiilg the entire duties 50%., which resolution remained in force until the existing oppressive tariff was enacted in 1864, carrying out the demands of the manufacturers. As the law now stands, the manufacturers, ironmongers, bankers and bond holders are rapidly drawing to themselves the entire wealth of the nation. The existing tariff can be defended on no higlhwayinan claims the right to strip and der the defenseless traveler. Although ypielaldn ling for the last year a largo revenue, it is in no proper sense atarilf for revenue. The main idea running through it is “protection” of ti manufacturer, or as I more properly call i, “robbery of the people.” The people, be it remarked, do not object to any fair and equal system of taxation to support their Government and maintain its good faith and credit. But they are ever day becoming more enlightened on the an ject of this legislative jug glery; and when they do fully comprehend that they are being impoverished to build upa heart less, soulless, domineering oligarchy, they Will rise up in a body and demand that this robbery shall cease. Indeed, sir, if the people could fully understand and comprehend the fact that this measure will. on the day it passes, add $200,000,000 to the wealth of the manufacturers and the holders of the immense stocks of goods that have been recently imported, and that this immense sum with the accumulated% and interest added thereto must be raised by the bitter tml and sweat and agony of an already oppressed people, they would rise in their might and majesty and drive the authors and advocates of this scheme from these Halls in disgrace and confusion, as Christ drove the money changers from the temple they were descerating. A ssoucrios or sxxsriivo puriss nniniinso. That a radical modification of the existing tariff is imperatively demanded is undeniable. It violates every sound principle of political economy, and is a disgrace to the civilization of the age. A tariff of any kind inevitably increases the prices to the consumer. It can only be justified where it is necessary to raise revenue for the Government. But tariffs for revenue, and tariffs simply for “ protection, ” as it is falsely called, are the naturn antagonists and enemies of each other. When you very greatly increase the price of an article you necessarily reduce the consumption thereof. A very able writer on political economy, (Perry,) in his recent work, forcibly illustrates this point. He says: " It follows that the principles onwhich arevenuo tariff should be framei are very different from those that should rule in protective tariffs. 1f the object dbiescrocuvcrauguee. the duties should be low. so as not to importation or very sensibly increase riccs. Low duties on all imports. Excopt high priced foreign luxurics. which are used only by the rich. Gain ndgwimhpicohrtmataioyn be taxed heavily without discoura will infullibly yield the larges tax c ate revenue. The reason for this is. that society isli capyramid standingon its broadest base each horizontal [section of it is more extended than the one above it. Su in society. The number of those able to purchase an article at 5 dollars is more than twice as numerous as thoseable to purchase it at ten: and thosewho are able to buy itat one dollar are probably more than ten times asman: as those who would buyit at 5 dollars." “ “A lower duty. therefore.on any article is likely to bring it Within the reachof a muchwider circle of consumers: and for many to puya low duty is better for the revenue than for a fewto pay a high duty." The same able writer shows very clearly the principles upop which the tariff now in force was framed, and the means by which its passage was secured. He says: "The protectionists in Congress seized upon the opportunity of the withdrawment of the southern members for discriminating in favor of the articles in which they were interested.evento the extent of diminishing the revenue by practically prohibiting the importation. They did aiiother thing which impioirs deldyabtet characterize mdinantyoo people.atenrdmwsh. ic At the moment wheri the great need of the Governmentwas revenue. they added largely to the free list. taking careto put upon it many articles which nre used in manufactures and which thus escape taxation alto They put the duty upon protected articles l0 high that little or no revenue is received from them and at the same time withdrew by meansof the free list all revenue from many articles especially used in protected manufactures. The new tarilf, therefore has not produced the revenue expected ound except that by which the l from it. It is not honestly adjusted for that purpose. To put articles on a free list is especially no boonto freetrade: when it is accompanied as in this case. by very hiigh duties. The presentduties are very muc too high and many things are exemptedfromduty which ought to iiy duty for the sake of revenue. The presenttari. thereforc. Rests on false principles throiicliont and it cannot be permanent. Hcy who fool themselves benefited by it mayas well may 0 up their minds to dispensewit it. The WestornStates will not tolerate it. Political economydenounceit. To relax commercial systemsand not to restrict them is alonein accordance with the spiritnf the age. The smtaetnet; of the country demands ils abolition.” L'lc of Polilccal Economy.page430. Notwithstanding this spirited denunciation and demand for the repeal of this bill of abomi nations by the ablest ivin writer on political economy in our country, these favore classes come here and demand more “protection, and the result is the bill now before the committee, increasing the duties in many cases over 100%., and in almost innumerable instances making them absolutely prohibitory. ran PROPOSEDTARIFF. I will not at this time attempt a thorough analysis of this bill or of its numberless enor mities. It starts out with a fraud upon its very face. It professes to be a bill to provide in crcased revenue from imports, on for other purposes. The “ other purposes” unrovealed are the real purposes of the bill. That it will very greatly increase the burdens of the people is beyond all question; and that it will reduce the revenue crived from customs at least $50,000,000 will scarcely be seriously denied. A large number of articles used by manufacturers, from which revenue is now derived, are placed on the free list, while upon many important articles, largely consumed by the people, the duties are so greatly increased as absolutely to prohibit importation, thus enabling our favored manufacturers to charge just what they please for their fabrics. From these 2 classes the free list articles and the prohibited articles no revenue whatever will be derived by the Government. On many other articles the importations and the revenue Will be very greatly reduced by the increased duties. It is therefore a double robbery; a robbery of the people and a robbery of the Government at the same time. And this, too, when the people are already greatly oppressed and the Government is compelled to raise a large sum in gold to meet the accruing interest on our public debt, there being no other source from which this fund can be derived. In this connection I Will submit the exposition made by the importers of hardware and cutlery of NewYork of the effect of the bill on a single class of articles: “ The enormous rates of duty proposedto belevied upon hardware and cutlery indicate a regard for specialintereststo the entire sacrifice of revenueand great injury of consumers. It might huyc beencit pected that the protection of a war Mind of 50%.on pocketeutlery and 30%.on table cutlery and on files 30% ad oulorcin and 6 cents perpound on some.and10centsper pound on others. Averaging 66%. on files.&c. on which many domestic manufacturers have become wealthy would have satisfied them and that the country might now be nllowed the recciptpf revenue from those which are imported.when it is rememberedthat. in addition to the import duties. The domestic manufacturer enjoys protection to the extentoflO to 30%.in the cost offreiirhts. packs cs, commissions.dte. But it is now propose. by taxing all pocketeut lcry costing under 5dollars Witha specific duty of 75centsperdozenand costing 5 dol arsper dozen and above with 2 dollars perdozenin addition to 50%.ad valorem.totax evory child's knife costing 61! sterlin perdozen.(customhouse value 12 ccuts.) with bofli rateset tax 81cents.which is 075%. On every he's knife which costs10.8d or 30 cents perdozen. t 2 duties will amount to 90 cents, equal to 300% and pn everyfarmer's knife costing 3a or 72cents.the tariff will be 81 or c1o5s4tpienrgcent.; while the duty on all pocket knlv‘cs average(customhousevalue) 72centsto 8968 will 71%. " In table cutlery a considerable quantit y i‘s imported.which costs(in.per grossor 8144; the specific duty as the clause passed the House is 12centsper dozenor $144per cross.with thcle icrct‘lttmderr/o mn, is 6:300 equal to 145%. hotable entle ry. extensivelyusedthrough the ccnntry.costinalda or $3 80‘per gross; the specific and ad 'oalarmn duty is $1518or 6'3%. vory table kllH'OS.costing(in. perdozenor I 44are to bear a specifiediityot'sl perdown and a L5%. together81$5or 115%" and a 100.table knife. customhouse value $2 42, with both rates bearsa duty of $2 09. equalto86%. 'An English 12 inch flat bastard filo. Used by nearly every mechanic. (customhouse value 52:0.) with the proposedheavy specific of $2 per dozen.“ taxed 91y%., while mill and taper files. used farmer. are proposedto be taxed in the some proportion. German files. beingofless cost.are taxedpn the average141%. "The proposedduty on German wrought nails variesfrom I t1 to 155%.; halter anddogchains. 81%.: coil chain. 110to 135%.; trace chains.1'34to 1 34%.; hook snndliinges. 183%.; on curry combsand padlocks.with specifici’j centsand advalorem45%.: on clica er kinds. costingfrom 18to 45centsper‘dozcn.of which great?MDUCI88 are used.the tariff is proposedto be 93 to 84%. speQcnificthnendaortdiclve aolofrseainwdsu.utiseesdwbily every afgaerm77etro.t1h6e3%. “All these goods poms into general use by the bulk of the cominunity especially among the poorer classes.many of whom have not the meansto pay lllllll prices; thus revenpo will he‘sacrificedand the population generally imured." When even the school boys of the land have not escaped the vigilance of these extortioners, and are taxed from 90 to 675%. on their pocket knives it is high time that grown up men and women shall look into this bill and see how much the are required to contribute to keep u this soulless aristocracy. Under the tari as it now stands, look for a moment at the enormous profits of the manufacturers, as shown by the facts which they themselves have given to the country: " The Androscoz in mills. with acapital ofone million. Declared lust anuary a dividendof 25%.andontho 1st ot the present month another of 20%., that is they have clearednearly half a million dollars in the last 12 months. The Lancaster millsdivided in January 20%., and on the 1st of July 25%. The Lauedon mills divided 25%. in Jan uary and another 25%. the present month. The Bates mils divided 25%. in January and ten%. in ul. ho Chicopoo mills 30%. in Jauu an 15 n July. The Hill mill ten%. in anuary and 20 in July. The A pletou mills 20%. in January and ten in uly." And so on with other companies; and in addition to these enormous dividends we are informed that many of the companies have greatly enlarged their works, or otherWise greatly enhanced the value of their reperty and the capital invested. The manu actnring companies were never more presperous. Their actual earnings average from 40 to 120%. Some. companies, the screw companies for example, divide 3 and 400%. perannum. 'If these profits were the legitimate results of industry and enter rise no one could complain, and, indeed, all s iould be gratified. Butwheu it is the result of unjust legislation, by which the masses may be robbed to enrich these men, no language can sufficiently characterize the outra e. uner the existing tend the railroad system of the U.S., in which the farmers are so vitally interested, is almostparalyzed, and the building of new lines of roadis rendered almost an impossibility. Indeed. the present duty on railroad iron (all of which be it remembered must be paid in gold) almost. amounts to a prohibition. A ten of rails which costs in Wales 6 108 or $32 50, will cost at NewYork, in put currency, at least $83 52. To illustrate: Onc ton at 610:. makes.at $5per . $3250 Freight. insurance. interest.&c. 7 50 Present duty. 1568 Total. in gold...85568 which, at 50%. premium, makes $83 62 in our currenc '. And now, by the bill before us, as i cporte, it is proposed to add an additional duty of about 7 dollars perton. From an able article in the Evening Post on this subject I extract the followmg: "Already in anticipation of this duty some iron masters have advanced the price to88750. What the price will be we may well ask when the additional duty of about 37 perton in gold’becouics fixed. As an evidenceof how little the railroad iron interest needsprotectionwoquote from a statement published by the American Iron and Steel Association: The total reductgon of{ 5ilis19i5u this courigzslrrg.gswargreu tl iti: cotmppsgiiiline stl excliisljlvcly of areicllesit?!“ do would be relieved of its intohmble {ml Jena l, 135, t,;., one, no on 0:10 genera consumption.an which constitudllletsffft‘ntwgpmity in of Siiti iir the mills in this stitiite the raw material for manufactures. Upon Umon’ Immediate Umon’ under the (’onsm'u country is 755,00 tons.’ Now. during this period of 2 yearsthe importatiop of foreign roll: waslarger than at any previous period.yct Withall thistheiron interest has thriveu remarkably. die? it not been for the importation of foreign rails. Thousands of miles of iinportant railroad lineswouldnot now have been in existence andmillions of acresof productive land would still be without accessto a “ market. 0 call the attention of the farmers of America to thesefacts. Without railroads their farmswould be almost worthless; without railroads Illinois would today bea thinly settled. poverty strickenplain: by its railroad systemit has become cupof the wealthiest and most gcpulous Statesof the union. The country needs not iuase much as more and cheaper railroads; but the protection is marenow laying such ataritfupon railroat iron aswill cripple the grpater number of the railroads in this country and entirelystep the build lillf of new roads and for what? To put. enormous profits in the pockets of a few iron masters.who.after all. cannotmake half the iron absolutely needed by the co uutry. That is protection to iron but rain to agriculture.”. It may be said, sir, that the language I use in denunciation of this measure is extraordinary and unjustifiable. I admit that it is strong, and would be unjustifiable if the measure itself would admit of milder language. But, sir, when a bill of this character is brought into, the House, which will inevitabl have the effect, not to raise revenue for the government, but to rob my constituents, I would be recreaut in my dutyto them ifI did not call it byits proper name. In using such langunge I do not stand alone. Leading and influential Republican journals that heretofore tamely submitted to the robberies that have been perpetrated under the tariff laws from 1861to this time, have been so shocked at this additional outrage that they have not hesitated to denounce it in the boldest and most fearless manner. The Chicago Tribune, the leading Republican journal of the West, says of it: “It is such a barefaced cheat that no manin the community. who hasnot a stock of needs on hand on thesaleof which he expects to rob his neiirhbors from 20 to 100%.of their value. can fail to see and denounceit." Again it says: “The proposed increase of the tariff is an attempt on the part of its advocates to take about 200 million dollars at oneswoop out of the pockets of the rightful owners and transfer it to the manufacturers. merchants.Jobbers and speculators who have goods on hand. Whether of domestic or foreign production. It is a pure scheme of plunder. without the slightest excuseor palliation.” "And again: The new tariifbill reportedby the ComWays&Means is a financial monstrosity.the like of which is rarely secn in any age or clime. It is hardly necessary to specify particular articles in the bill. Turn which way we Will a new mountain of taxation rises before ns – taxation avowedly not to put moneyinto the national Treasury, but to keep it givoeutit.taxation wt.o" wring money from themany and Mr. Moaaiu. an'sthat the proposedtariffis temporary. It cannot e so temporary that it will not take from 2 to 400 million dollars out of the pockets of these who have earned it and transfer it to the pockets of those who have not earnedit." The NewYork Evening Post and Cincinnati Commercial, leading Republican journals, have also denounced the hi I With equal vigor and courage. The NewYork Herald says very forcib y: ru"pThen carnodwnimingeaciltity of tahme opurses leegnits Congress is about to be consummated in the passage of the tariff bill reported by the ComWays&Means. This bill. if rigqhtly named should be called a bill to enrich a few NewEngland and Pennsylvania manufucturers and a fewrich merchants who have lur e stocks of goods on hand. at the expense of the rest. of the community.” It is estimated and we think the estimate is mode rpautte thatif thistariffshould becomea law it would at once 500 millions into the pocketsof thosewho hold stocks of goods and into the handsof the forestallers." But whopays for all this? The farmers of the West and North. the planters. the mechanics. laborers and all the industrious classes. They pay for it in enormous high prices, and all to enrich a bloated monopoly." That able paper, the NewYork Mercantile Journal, says: "The new taritf bill. as reported by Mr. Mountain is a most sweeping and radical measure. Itchangeg the rates of duties upon upward of 4,000 separate articles. The {no “at is largely increased.but, articlesof general consumption the chancesare of a mostim ertant character and are from 20 to a 150%. higher. In general the new tariff bill will add an averageof about 30%.to the ccstof living." In many cases the taxes amount to an absolute prohibition. This is an important depnrture fromthe established principles of our Goverument and people which regarda tariff as a sourceof revenuerather than an instrumentof protection and monopoly.“ "If the majority in Congresshad devoteditself to the work of stopping the lea ksin the present law so as to increase the revenue with. but adding to the burdens of taxation or the costof living. There could be no objectionto it. But wc fiu dthat this was by no means the intention and it is apparent that if the presentbill should become:i. law, the costofliying will be largely increased while the revenue will be diminished. It cannot fail to excites urprise. that after a brief twc year's experience of the present law the manufacturers should again desire increased protection. The explanation. however is obvious. he average duties of 50%.ad oaloremimposed by the lawofl Sti increased the cost of labor and raw productsto that precise extent and the consequence is. that the tax operates as a bounty on the foreign manufacturer and ceases to benefit the American llcncc. there is a fresh demand for higher duties and if they should be adoited we shall have another deinand next year for adsitional duties. If we increase the duties this year from 50 to 75 crcent . we must increase them next year to 100% because every increase of duties is followed by a corresponding advance in prices. Upon this principle we shall be constantly p liged to adopt an increasing schedule of duties until we at last reachthe Japanese ideal of absolute exclusion." But in addition to this iniquitous taxation of the people of the West, this measure inflicts upon them another wrong equally disastrous. “ hile you double the cost of the necessaries of life you destroy our means of purchasing. This bill, so far as it operates in the way of prohibition, shuts up the foreign market for western breadstuffs. The paper last quoted says, truly: “The prohibitive dutiesof the new tariff virtually shut up the foreign market for western breadstnffs. Thoforeign consumerhas nothing but the products of his labor to give in exchangefor our wheat.corn, beef and pork: and if we exclude these from our markets by a prohibitory tariif.we deprivethe western farmers of their bst customers. The consequences are apparent. Our foreign customersare necessarilyobliged to seek new markets.where the pen is will be willing to receive their products in exc once for their overplus of commodities. There can be no doubt that one of the resultsof the new tariff will he to render American breadstuifsand products generally almost unsalable in foreignmar 0L8. That such will be the legitimate. result cannot be denied by anyone who has paid the slightest attention to the principles of political economy. These extracts, which might be multiplied almost indefinitely, have been taken from Republican and independent journals, and show at least that there are some iniquities that the lash of party cannot force some of your ablest journals to countenance and that the independent press is thoroughly aroused to the outrages of our present financial and revenue system. I repeat that these systems of taxation furnish the true key to our present political complications. I do not charge or think that any considerable portion of the dominant party are aware of this or are actuated by sinister motives. But it is notorious that the actual tone and direction is given to all political parties by a very few leading spirits. 1 among the peep e supposed when the war ended so triumphautly to the Union Army that at this time, 15 long months after that grand event, we would still remain adissevered people, and that, too, hythe voluntary action of the North, while the South stood quietly by asking for peace and union under the Constitution of our fathers. But the people had not learned, then, that there was a favored class controlling the legislation of the country who cannot afford a restoration of the Union under the Constitution. Union would soon deprive them, as they too well know, of the rich s ile they are now gathering from a deluded an oppressed people. Union would soon be followe byajust and e uitable system of revenue and taxation by which i labortion of our fathers, is now an absolute necessity to the laboring man, and especially to the people of the West. But for the same reason that we demand Union those favored classes will never consent to its restoration. They will never release their grip upon the threats of the people if they can avoid it. They will continue bye lthe means that great wealth and perverted talents can command, to stir up strife and ani mosity and distrust between the sections, and they will continue to insist that 4 million ignorant, degraded Africans, shall immediately, without preoration, be elevated to all the dig nity and ri ts of American citizenship. under the hope tint they will be effective allies of these lordly schemers and will aid them in perpetuating their system of legislative robbery. It is for this that the Union remains broken, and strife, discord, and distrust continue to agitate the land. It is under this influence that Congress resolved itself into a political caucus and surrendered its powers to a central directory; for this that our grand Union Army has been robbed of that for which they laid down their lives upbu 1,000 battlefields the real, cordial restoration of the Union; for this that negro equality. ne 0 citizenship, and negro suffrage are demon ed and this long heeled child of Africa is fostered, fed, and clothed with money wrung by oppressive taxation from the toiling white man; for this the doors of these legislative halls have been shut in the feces of gallant soldiers who for 4 long years risked their lives and all that was dear to them in the cause of the Union; for this these gallant Union men, duly elected as members of Congress, with the evidence of election in their hands, have stood for 7 long months at these doors, asking in vain for admission or recognition; for this the constitution of our country has been openly and habitually violated. This, in short, is at the foundation of every political movement of the faction that now controls the legislation of our country. Tfll PBOHIBITXONISTS PRACTICAL BRPUDIATOBS. Another serious objection to the bill arises from the fact that the prohibitionists have been so eager for “protection"that they threaten by such a system to destroy the revenues, and thereby entail upon the Government disgrace and bankruptcy. It is in fact the 1st practical step in the direction of repudiation. We have now a debt of $1,000,000.000, the interest on which must be paid in gold; and by the very terms of our national obligations the interest on a debt of over $2,000,000,000 must very soon be paid regularly in gold. As long aepur currency continues in its present vicious and irredeemable condition the only source from which the Treasury can be supplied with the means of preserving its honor uiisullied is the revenue derived from the duties on foreign imports. If these import duties should fall far short of the accruing obligations that must be met by payments in gold where and how is the deficiency to be met and provided for? It is manifest that in such case the danger of national disgrace by a failure to meet our obligations would be imminent. If the Government should be compelled to go into the market to buy up large amounts of gold, say 20, 30, or 40 millions at one time, it requires no prephct to foresee rain and disaster to every branch of business. This measure is therefore at the same time a blow at the prosperity of the people and the credit and stability of Government. i r is was on" or covsnsirssr 'ro PROTECTme nor orraicss rue INDUSTRIAL CLASSES. I desire here to state briefl an objection of a very grave character whici, as I think, can be truly urged against the entire system oflation adopted here. legisA Government which is criniinates in favor of the wealthy, the bond 61 or Rare. holders, the bankers, the manufacturers, and other capitalists, and throws its burdens chiefly upon the laboring and industrious millions, proves recreant in the discharge of its highest and holiest duties. It is a system that cannot belong persisted in without proving disastrous to the whole country. It has been conceded on all hands, I believe, that the taxes should be reduced. This could be safely done, even though on pay the beauties to our soldiers which they expect, and which should have been paid months ago. Notwithstanding our enormous indebtedness, more money has been raised by taxation than was needed by the Government. The result of the last year’s bleeding of the people has been to realize over 500 million dollars, a greater sum than was ever raised by any other government on earth in the same time by taxation. It is very considerably above the necessities of the Government. The suffering people demand to be relieved from these unnecessary burdens. What is the result? An internalrevenue hill is framed and passed, which the chairman of the ComFinance tells us will reduce the revenue from that source about 75 millions. And yet a critical examination and test of that measure will, as I believe, demon strate that it will not bring one particle of relief to the laboring and industrious classes. It will an questionably put additional millions into the pockets of the manufacturers but where it will ring relief to the masses of the people I am wholly unable to see. by the tax on cotton alone, an article consume almost entirely by the industrial classes, you have added to the burdens of the people more than enough to overbalance the relief given in all other items of the bill. And now, again, by this tariff bill the revenue in the opinion of the best informed on such subjects, will he reduced at least 50 millions more, while the cost of living will be nearly doubled to the people; and contrary to every wise and just system of taxation the articles of necessary and daily consumption that enter into the very life of the people, without which they cannot live at all, are the very articles most griev ously taxed. On the common article of salt (which in my judgment should not be taxed at all) you propose to levy an import tax of over 200%., thus greatly increasing the price of an article now ruine usly high. You by your duties double the price of iron, without which railroads cannot be built, the mechanic can have no tool, and the farmer no instrument of husbandry, the cost of which, in fact, enters into everything that we eat, drink, or wear, and without which society could not exist. You levy a heavy tax upon raw cotton, and a heavy import duty upon cotton goods, thus doubly increasing the cost of these fabrics, an article scarcely worn at all by the wealthy, and consumed almost exclusively by the laboring and industrial classes of the country. And so I might go on with this enumeration and show that the articles of prime necessit consumed by the great mass of the poop e are those most heavily taxed and from which the principal revenues are derived; and, with the single exception of the income tax, that the wealthy capitalists of the country almost escape the burdens of Federal taxation. Vhilc the question of taxing cotton was before the House, I attempted in a few remarks to show that the proposed tax would be levied almost exclusively on the labor of the country, and argued that all Governments should derive their revenue principally from the accumulated wealth of the nation and not from the humble pittance of the toiling millions. This argument was characterized by an honorable member as ad captandum, by which, I suppose, was meant that it was an unjust appeal to the of the people. But, sir, say now dopirbeejruadtiecleys, that no Government deserves to live that habitually and persistently discriminates by legislation in favor of the wealthy and against the laboring classes, and any Government that deliberately, by any system of taxation, robs the toiling masses to add to the already swollen hoards of the rich deserves the exec ration of mankind. It is to the industrial classes that we owe everything that makes us most proud of our country. It is upon them you must rely for your armies. It is there alone that the great fountain of virtue and patriotism is found uncontaminated and uncorrupted. It is the strong arm of the laborer that has established the greatness, the glory, and the prowess of our country. They, sir, have built your magnificent navies, your imperial cities, your towns, your churches, your railroads, your telegraphs everything, sir, that gives to as grandeur and prosperity. They have hewn down the primeval forests and made this land an Eden for the habitation of man. If by some sad fatality every banker, every great bond holder, every capitalist in the land should in one moment he stricken with death, we would still remain a great and powerful nation. But, sir, if the arm of the laborer should be paralyzed, if for one single year the mechanic should cease from his labors, the farmer should abandon his fields, and the laborer refuse his accustomed toil; if the sound of the hammer. the harsh music of the saw, and the voice of the plowman should be heard no more, where, then, would be the grandeur, glory, and prowess of your country? Your ships would rot at our lifeless wharves; your cities would be in abited by bats and owls, and desolation and death would reign supreme where now we still have life and hope on pros perity. If by the jugglcry oflegislation, by oppress ive taxation, you robthe laborer of the fruit of his toil, reduce him to the barest necessaries of life, clothe his family in rags and wretchedness, robhim of all time for mental culture and social enjoyment, you thereby break his spirit and eventually ruin the whole country. And the fact that you will have scattered over the land a few men of immense and rincely wealth will bring no relief when that hour of calamity arrives. Sir, if we wish our country to remain “great, glorious, and free, ” if we desire to transmit free institutions to those who shall come after us, the industrial classes must be protected from unnecessary and oppressive burdens. “ Princes and lords may flourish or may fade, breath can make themas a breath hasmade: at a bold peasantry.their country’s pride, When once destroyed.can neverbe supplied.” This may be called ad captandum, but, sir, I insist that it is founded on the truest philosophy of government and of man. The industrial classes are not only the most necessary and indispensable to society, but they are in the main the most patriotic and deserving. And, sir, I say solemnly, a curse,1,000 curses on all legislation that would place upon them any burden not absolutely necessary to the proper administration of the government. “The noblest men I know on earth Are menwhosehandsare brown with toil, Who. Backed by noancestral graves. Hcw downthe woodsand till the soil, And Win therebya prondci'fame 'Than follows king or warrior's name. "God blessthe noble workingmen Who rear the citiesof thGJHILlD, Who dig the mines and hail the ships, And drive the commerceof the main: God blessthem.for their swarthy hands Have wroughtthe glory of all lands." Doctor Wayland, in his able work on Political Economy, very forcibly portrays the effect upon a nation of unjust and oppressive taxation of the industrial classes. He says: “Of all the destructive agencicswliiehcanbebrought to bearupon production. by far the most fatal is oppression. It drinks up the spirit of a peopleby m flictinzwron throughmeansof an agency which was created for the sofexpurposoof preventingwrong and which was intend to be the ultimate and faithful refuge of the fricndlcss. When the antidoteto evil becomesthesourceofcVil what hope for man is left? When society itself sets the exam lc of peculation fwrohmatimshitaalltinpgrevent the individua s of that speict f the example? Hence. public injustice is always the prolific parent of private violence. The result is that capital cmigrates, production ceases, and a nation either sinks down in hopeless despondcnce or else the people.harassedbeyond endurance and believing that their cpudition cannot be made worseby any changeJush into all the horrors of civilWar, the social clcments are dissolved, the sword entersevery house the behest tics which bind incu together are severed and noprophoteanpredictat the beginning what will be the end." One of the strangest so hisms ever offered in a deliberative body is t ie argument of the honorable Gentfrom Vermont [Mr. Moa aiL1.] in opening the debate on this bill. Of course he is deceived by it himself, for it is not to be supposed that he would willfully mislead the House or the country. Laborers are scarce, (is the burden of the argument,) and therefore this tariff is necessary to protect laborers from competition with the cheap or pauper labor of Europe. How do you protect them? Do you propose to prohibit the importation of cheap or pauper abor from Europe, as you prohibit the importation of cheap 00 3? Do you prevent your manufacturers an capitalists from bringing them here by the ship load to come in competition with our laborers now here? Do you not rather encourage their immigration, and are they not, in fact, coming to our shores at the rate of several 100,000 souls perannum? Is not the price of labor, like everything else, governs by the supply and the demand? When the supply is small and the demand great the price must 0 up; and on the other hand, when the supp y is greater than the demand the price must inev italily come down. You therefore protect the laborer by doubling the cost of the necessaries of life, and at the same time inviting and encouraging the cheap and pauper laborers of Europe to come here an%lunderbid and reduce the price of his labor. iis is the same protectidn that the wolf gives to the lamb or that the robber gives to the defenseless traveler. It is impossible, sir, that any people can be {plug deceived by such miserable sophisms as ese. '1'“ DEPOITIEN'I OF THE MAJORITY TOWARD Till minoritY IN THE HOUSE. And now, sir as I may not again have the opportunity of doing so, am impelled before concluding to enter upon the discharge of a neglected dut. This duty is to me an unleasant one, at I feel that I would do great injustice to my constituents and to myself if I should return to them without 1st aiiimad vertin in a proper spirit upon the extraordinary eportment of the majority toward the minority in this House during the present session. No parallel to it can be found anywhere ir. the history of deliberative bodies; and unless the ctiquette and eloquence of the fish market shall at some time find a congenial his torian the records of this session for scurrility and offensive personality will, it is he ed remain forever without arecorded parall. This Congress met in December last under peculiar circumstances, and had proposed in its hands the gravest responsibilities. The self styled “Union party” had an overwhelming majority in bot branches of Congress. The democratic minority had no power, if they so desired, to stop for an hour the passage of any bill or measure. The country was rapidly recovering from the effects of our sad and ruin ous war, and the people turned with eager hopes to this Congress for a speedy and complete restoration of union, peace, fraternity, and prosperity. In the consummation of this end the minorit expected to cooperate freely and fully with the majority and it did not occur to us that any issue could be raised on this question or that any party could be mad enough to place itself in the way as a barrier to the res toration of the Union. True, before Congress met we heard the distant rumblings of fuction and discord the mad and crazy threats that the Union of our fathers should not be restored to us, and that the fond hopes of the heroic living and the martyred dead should he blasted forever. But no one then supposed that the malignant rauings of a superannuated madman would become the settled policy of a triumphant party, or that any man would be permitted, for party purposes, to tear open the closing wounds of a distracted country, and to sow broad cast again the seeds of sectional hate and internecine war. The minority, stripped of all power, and by the use of the previous question almost deprived of voice on this floor, have been specta tors here rather than actors. Adherin to the principles of the fathers, and desiringt at liberty and union under the Constitution should be preserved and perpetuated, we sincerely hoped that the majority would so deport themselves in this critical time in our country’s destiny, that we might bury or forget part and party designations and all act together or the preservation and happiness of our common country. With this end in view, we hailed with sincere pleasure the annual message of the President; for although he was not the President of our choice, we saw with transport that the old landmarks of the Constitution were still kept in view, and that the pilot at the helm was attempting to steer our noble ship of state into a haven of safety and pros perity. We hoped that the principles therein enunciated would furnish a common platform upon which all could stand, and around which the people of the whole country could once more rally as a band of brethren. Without hesitation we gave to the President a cordial and undeviating support upon his avowed policy. In doing this we were controlled solely by the dictates of an unselfish patriotism. We have sought neither egecutive smiles nor the leaves and fishes of office, upon which you have so long fed, and by means of which your party has become so insolent and domineering. We have avowed every where, publicly and privately, that we neither expected or desired any portion of the public patronage. The President does not owe his elevation to our voices, and in supporting him we are discharing a simple duty to our country. In the effort to heal the wounds of a distracted country, we neither sought nor expected any party advantage. Hoping that the great majorit of the Republican party here would cordial y cooperate in an etfgrt to restore the Union we eXpected to stand with you upon a common platform, and without any reference to the past to labor with you for the peace and prosperity of our common country. And even when these hopes were disappointed, all must bear witness that we have borne our selves with courtesy and kindness toward our fellow members of all parties on this floor. We have been met in this respect by the most offensive deportment, and by insu ling language, almost daily used, that is by no means ere itable to the House that has tolerated it. Some suffer valiant gentlemen have seemed to court an expect the kicking theirinsolence so richly merits, under the vain be e of increasing their popularity at home byt eir self sacri ficing martyrdom. But we could not afford at this time to thus build up fading reputations, and these lofty aspirations and bright hopes must be doomed to disappointment. I freely and gladly admit that this deportment has by no means been universal, and thatin the ranks of the majority are many gentlemen who would scorn to resort to such meretricious weapons of warfare, and who regard such conduct as injurious to the character of the House and disgraceful to the country. To such gentlemen, and to the masses of the party, I would be very far from applying any language I may use here in the way of condemnation. The pretext for this offensive deportment is as extraordinary as such conduct is reprehen ible. No one has dared, or will dare, to make personal charge against any gentleman on this side of the House. No one can or will intimate that anyone of us has in any respect been derelict in his duty as a member of society or as a citizen of our common country. The sole pretext for this most reprehensible deportment is that we of the minority are members of the Democratic party. And gentleman have seemed to take it or granted that a violation of the Constitution of our country, a revolution in the Government, civil strife, disunion, and disintegration were all preferable to a restoration to power of the Democratic party, and that all these desperatemeasures might properly be resorted to for the purpose of keeping the immaculate radicals 1D power. Members who from their position should have been far above isuch things, have not hesitated to drag before this House and spread upon its records the miserable worn out garba c gathered from the purlieusfrequentedbythe irtiest pot house politicians. e epithets “copperheads, ” “traitors, " “ rebel sympathizers, secessionists, ” and the like, have been dealtout day by day in all possible forms and with every variety of decoration. The charges on which these epithets are based were originally false and contemptible, and the dragging them here from the dirty ken nels where theyoriginated can give them neither diity nor respectability. n this style of oratory it is hoped that the gentlemen who for a few years past have so freely indulged in it will forever remain with outa successful rival. It requires neither edu cation, brains, nor decency, as is apparent from the fact that men who are destitute of either are Generall the greatest proficients in it. A arrot could cry out “traitor” and “copper ead, ” and would do so with quite as much elegance and propriety as such gentlemen have done. At the very commencement of this session, in the opening speech on the President’s message, (and that, too, by the leader of the House,) the most offensive charges were indulged in. And it was there urge, as a reason for depriving 11 States of representation, and for indefinitely postponing a restoration of the Union, that if southern representatives were admitted the Democratic party would, at the 1st election, get control of the govment. And then, says the venerable c y pheus: “I need not depict the rain that would follow. Assamtion of the rebel debt or repudiation of the Fedora debt would be sure to follow. The on ression of the freedmen there amendment of their gtate constitutions and the reestablishmentof slavery would be the inevitable result." And then the honorable gentleman closed by hurling his choicest annthemas at the “whole coil of co perheads” who persisted in calling ours a white man’s Government.” The great leader having thus gallantly led off, all the small fry have joined in the exciting cry, and we have thus been regaled with some of the most extraordinary eloquence known to any country. One supervaliant and exceedingly muscular gentleman could not join the Union army and; fight for the salvation of his country for the reason that “he had to stay at home to watch copperheads.” The member from Pennsylvania. [Mr. BROOMALL] commences a speec on reconstr n with the following choice sentences: " It wasto be expected that them casurenowbefore the Housewould meetthe 0 position and denunciation of the unrepentant 33 of this body." "The aontlemenwho have voted on all occasions upon the rebel side of all questions that have been before the country for 6 yearscould hardly be expectedto changetheir position at this time." And the whole speech is continued and ended in this spirit. Another distinguished gentle “The object is evident. man of the Keystone State [Mr. KELLEY] uses language still more unjust and offensive. another member, in language and bearing that should not be tolerated in adeliberative body, attempted to defeat an important financial bill recommended by a Republican Secretary and reported by a the pnblicnn committee of this House, an urged as the chief ground of opposition thatit was supported by the Democratic side of the House. Another preeminently eloquent gentleman characterizes the democratic party as “the left wing of Jeff. Davis’s army.’ But, Mr. Chairman, I cannot quote or even allude to the 1,000th part of these offensive imutations. They have been continued from pay to day almost without intermission. And I am certainly willing that these gentlemen shall retain all the laurels they have thus gathered around their prurient brows. They hope by this sys tem of unscrupulous defamation to build up an insuperable mountain of prejudice against all who will not bow down to the Moloc of radicalism, and thus to retain their greedy and unholy grasp upon the Treasury. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY But, sir, if they desire to fix the brand of infamy on the Democratic party they must 1st blot out the history and records of cur country for almost 70 years. By doing this you would obliterate that which is most grand and glorious in the histor of our country. This can never be done. The world will not permit the memory of the past to perish. False. hood and calumny may for a time dim the effulgence of its glory, but as the sun, obscured for a moment by a passing cloud, comes forth more grandly brilliant and triumphant as it marches across the trackless heavens, so will it be with that grand old party whose foundation is the Constitution of our country, and whose mission is the preservation of the rights and liberties of the people. The Democratic part is of no mushroom growth, and was engendered neither by fanat cism nor bigotry. t was born with the constitution, and aftera protracted and bitter strug gle, at the very commencement of this century it hurled the old Federal party from place and power, and, under the lead of themas efferson, assumed the reins of Government; which it retained with scarcely a real intermission for 60 years. And, sir, that 60 years of administration will proudly bear comparison with any other in the annals of the world. It came into power in the very infancy of the republic. Under its auspices our country immediate ytook up its grand and marvelous march to greatness and glory; the wilderness was subdued and made to put on the garb of civilization, the grand old forest receded, beautifulvillages, towns, and cit ies sprang up as if by magic all over the land, and peace and prosperity brought gladness and joy to every heart and hearth stone. Under its auspices every acre of that vast domain that has been added to the original limits of the Repair he was acquired; and under its fostering care our ioneers took up and prosecuted their wonderful westward march, carrying the arts and sciences, civilization and proess, with them from the Atlantic to the Paci c, and from the Lake of the Woods to the Rio Grande. Under its guidance 2 great foreign were were successfully prosecuted and our flag and honor vindicated] without increasing perceptibly the burdens of the cople. Under its auspices our people passed the barriers of the Rocky mount ains, took possession of the golden plains of California, and reduced to subjection the pay cific’s dark blue waves. Under its care 0!“ flag whitened every sea, was kissed by eve wind under the whole heavens, and visite every isle that gems the bosom of the ocean. And, sir, during this wonderful career the entire people, in peace and in war, were free, prosperous and ha py; labor was lightly bur dened, and the Foreral tax gatherer was unknown in the land. Liberty, regulated by law, prevailed everywhere; freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of person remained inviolate. All these grand results Were effected without having erected a single prison or arrested a single pris oner: “without having shed one drop ofhnman blood or wrung one tear drop from a human eye fora political offense." Political prisoners, military arrests, and state bastiles were things unknown in the land, and Government. likethe dews of heaven, dispensed its blessin s equally and alike to all. This is the party whose light these malignant defamers woul)dextin uish and whose history they would blot out from the records of the country. As well try to extin fillsll the sari or eradicate the impress that God imself has placed on all His works. " LOYAL." These slanders and epithets, so flippantly used against the Democratic party, were ori ginally fabricated and circulated by men who wished to seize the Government that they might plunder and robthe people: men who “put on the livery of the court of heaven to serve the devil in;” in virtuc’s guise devour the widow’s mite and or han's bread; in holy phrase, transact villainies that common sinners durst not meddle with. Men who, in the name of Union, have labored unccasingly to bring about discord and disunion, in the name of repuhlicanism have nearly achieved a centralised despotism; in the guise of loyalty and patriotism have struck at the vitals of the constitution, and undermined the foundations of civil liberty; in the name of religion have sown infidelity broadcast, and in the name of charity cry unceasingl for bloodshed and massacre; in the name 0 honesty have robbed the people of uncounted millions, and in the name of economy have squandered the wealth of the nation; a faction, in short, conceived in sin and brought forth in iniquity, whose whole life has been a lie and a fraud, and whose advent to power was the prelude to every conceivable calamity to the country; whose honesty is pec nlation; whose economy consists in pocketing the money of the people; whose religion is h pocrisy; whose piety is infidelit; whose unionism consists in stirring up stri e and ha tred between the sections; whose charity cries for blood and confiscation; whose love of country is a sham and a mockery; whose de votion to the interests of the soldier is shown by utterly refusing to pay him what is justly his due, and attempting to degrade him to the level of the negro; whose fidelity to the constitution is manifested by trampling that sacred charter of our liberties under their unhnllowed feet; whose political capital is falsehood and defamation, and whose sole principles are sectional domination.for the sake 0 power and plunder. A faction, in fine, thathas professed every virtue but to trample upon an outrage it, and denounced every vice while openly and nnblushingly practicing it. An adulterous conjunction of the deserters of all parties, held to cther by the “cohesive power of public plunder;” oppressors of the poor; betrayers of the rights an interests of the soldiers, whose cham pions they profess to be; deliberate stirrers u of strife, hatreds, and animosities between different sections of our common country; romoters of discord and disunion, false to air own professions, false to God, and false to country, they will be driven from power with the curses of Heaven and of all good men resting upon them. HI DEMOCRACY DUBLIN}! Wile From such characters as these we constantly hear the cry of “treason” raised against all who will not quietly submit to their tyrannical domi nation. Sir, I do not stand here to vindicate the Democratic party. It needs no vindication. The annals of the world furnish no parallel to the self sacrificing devotion to their Government of the Democracy during the last few years. Their country precipitated into a bloody civil conflict which they had labored uncensingly to avert; with a party in power in whose devotion to the Union and the constitution they had no confidence; slandered, hunted down, and imrisoned without the slightest cause, you could not drive from their hearts, you could not even weaken their love of the nion and of the starry flag of their country. Shut out from the emoluments and eat prizes of the conflict, they rushed to the giant ranks, and wherever the cannon roared the loudest, and the conflict raged the fiercest, there the bared their breasts to the merciless iron had that rattled around them. Their bones lie bleaching on1,000 battle fields, while a 100,000 green graves open their voiceless mouths toward the heavens in silent rebuke of this infamous slander. Go, vile wretch, to these battle fields, and in the presence of these martyred heroes repeat this slow der ifyou dare. I had many dear friends who went forth to the conflict in all the glory and pride of their manhood, never more to return to their homes, their friends, and their little ones. They sleep now the sleep that knows no waking. " The truinpet may sound and the loud cannon rattle, They lpear not, they head not, they are free from a i; They sledmfheir lastsleep, they havefought their last little, No sound can awake them to glory again." If any man, in view of these indisputable facts, shall hereafter in my presence repeat these stale and putrid slanders against the men who in 1860 rallied to the Union under the lead of Ste hen A. Douglas, and in 1864 under George McClellan, I will not denounce him as a liar and a slanderer. I would not violate here any of the rules or proprieties of the House, and indeed would not raise such a defamer to the dignity of a personal altercation with a gentleman. I would as him by with the same loathing with which Tivould pass a putrid carcass on the highway, and would leave him to the contempt and detestation of mankind. {end of Marshall speech from appendix.}