Mr. WADE. I am in favor of the more spe cific designation of the reasons given in the preamble reported by the committee that induce us to a mit Tennessee. The great question between us and other depts of the Government on this subject has been a matter of debate during the entire session, and it seems to me that when we discriminate between one State and another and admit One State into the Union, it is well to have the reasons for. doing so upon the very face of the proceeding, so that every man in this Union who reads itl may know precisely the grounds upon which we act in a mitting this State while we reject other States. I think that it ought to carry upon the very face of the procceing to every person the reasons which induce us to do this thing. They are not very lengthy, very prolix, or very cumbersome as a preamble to a bill, and such preambles have always in the history of legislation been thought to be necessary when they were exlanatory of the acts of the legislative body. There never was a case more opportune for such a preamble than the present, in my judgment. Now, sir, I am for admitting this State into the Union, and I am for admitting it for the reasons that are set out in this preamble, spe cifically and precise] showing what the State has done that entitles or here to berepresented, for I utterly dissent from the doctrine of the I 'President, that whenever a Union man may appear from any State, however disloyal the State, he is entitled to be a member of this! body. That cannot be so upon any repub l lican principle. The principle of that doctrine is totally opposed to all representative government. hat, sir, a 10 man representa disloyal constituencyl He cannot represent them; it is not in the nature ofthings. You may admit a 10 al man upon this floor who happens to be sent erebya isloyal constituency; butit is impossible upon the great riuciples of representative government that e can represent them. It cannot.be done, and the attempt to do it would be anomalous, repugnant to the whole spirit of our institutions and cannot be entertained for a moment. The people of this State, differing, as the Senfrom Illinois has already explained particularly, from every other of the seceded States except one, perhaps, have framed a constitution, not moved thereto from any extra neous source, but the people themselves came together to reinvest their Legislature with powers to legislate. That constitution has been, submitted to the people; they have ratified and coniirinedit; they have abolished slavery; they have renounced the infernal heresy of secession: they have re udinted the rebel debt.; they have conforme their legislation to that of Congress; they have adopted our recent' constitutional amendment; and, what is more than all the rest, and what is not recited in this preamble, ifl understandit, butis a thing that moves inc stronger to the admission of the i‘State than an thing else, they have disfran 'chiscil their rebels and denied them the privilege of. icipatin" in the State government. That is the ark of safety. No State can safely be permitted to come into this Congress with representation until she has disfranchised her rebel Ecommunity. If they are permitted to participate in her legislation and) are the majority in I all those States, it is impossible that they can be represented upon this floor either by Union or disunion men. It is not in the nature ofings. This State has done that and I wish that specification had been in this preamble. I think that nothing she has done commends her to our a probation more clearly than the fact that she has done precisely by her legislation what we are endeavoring to do by one article in our constitutional amendment provided that no person shall hold any office under this Government who has participated in any way in the rebellion. Tennessee has not only done this, but she has disfranchised them; lthey cannot participate in the State Legislature; they cannot vote there. I wish that fact had been stated in the preamble, so that when my constituents come to inquire wh I voted to admit the State of Tennessee into eUnion they may in reading the very law be enabled to see why I did it, and not have to ess at it. i pay no regard to all that has been said here in relation to the President probably vetoing your bill, for anything he may do, in my judgment, is entirely out of order on this floor. Sir, in olden times it was totally inadmissible in the British Parliament for any member to allude to any 0 inion that the King might entertain on anyting before the body; an much, more, sir, ought an American Congress never 1to permit any member to allude to the opinion that.the Executive may have upon any subject under consideration. He has is duty to perform, and we ours: and we have no rightw at ever under the Constitution to be biased by any opinion that he may entertain on any subject. Therefore, sir, believe that it is or ought to be out of order to allude to any such thing here. Let the President do what be conceives to be his duty, and let. us do ours, without being biased in any way whatever by what it may be supposed he will do. I hope, sir, that we shall shrink from none of the principles that we have avowed. This preamble is but. a ver vigorous summary of the principles about which we have been contending al winter and who is to shrink from them now? Let. them all there stand out like the sun at noonday as the doctrines of the party, the doctrines of Congress, the doctrines of the Constitution, and that we hold these doctrines to be sacred, and put them forth as the reason of our action to be seen of all men. I hope we shall adopt it just as it came from the ComJudiciary.