Mr. HENDRICKS. Mr. President it has been the boast of the people of the 2U. S. that they are in the enjoyment of constitutional liberty, not liberty depending upon the will and pleasure of any man, but a liberty that is secured by the fact that the powers of the Government are defined and limited, and that the rights and privileges of the people are well secured. Our constitution was made by men eminently qualified for the work. No one now questions that. The American people have been very fortunate in diet regard. Ks patriotic. as pure, as intelligent, and able statesmen as ever united in the performance of any labor for their country were the men who made the constitution of the U.S. The time was auspicious. The war of the Revolution had just closed, and the people of the different States or colonies had become firmly united and comented by the circumstances of that vnr. There was no sectionalism in 1789, but the men of SCarolina loved the men of Massachusetts as they loved the men of Virginia. 7 years of war had passed over the country and the men of every section had mingled in that war. The soldier of Virginia had been associated with the soldier from Massachusetts; they had dwelt under the same tent together; they had shared the hardships of the field, the dangers upon the rough edge of the battle; their comrages had fallen together and slept in a common grave. The glories of that war were common to all. They did not belong to Virginia alone or to Massachusetts alone, but all had shared in common perils for a common nirpose and had achieved a common glory and a common good. Under these circumstances our fathersmet to frame a Government for the people; and for 3 uarters of a century we t ought they had frame the best Government it was possible for the intelligence of man to devise, a Government adjusting the interests of the different sections so as that there could be no discord, leaving to the States the management and control 01g all domestic matters, and giving to the Federal Government the control of those General questions that affected all the people. Under that Government for 3 quarters of a century we lived and prospered, we prospered as no people had prosperc, we grew in Wealth and in population beyond all parallel. A war came in 1861 upon the country again, the most unfortunate that can befall any people; and now, after a war not against a common enemy, but at the close of a war between different sections of this country, in which the men of the North have been arra edin battle against the men of the South, whon we have learned to hate one another as no people have eVer hated, we now propose to amend the constitution. I appeal to Senators to inquire of their own judgments and hearts and say to the country, are you now in the right spirit to change the fundamental law of the land? 11 States are absent from our councils; theyare not here to be board. We say they shall not come in, and We. the men of the North, propose bomake a Government for the whole country. We, without the hearing, without the counsel of the men of the South, propose to make a Government which they shall respect and obey. Are the circumstances favorable to this work? How different from the circumstances thatsurrounded our fathers when they made the Government! Peace then. peace now; but peace then aftera war which had united the people; peace now after a war which has made such divisions among us as that you now say 11 Statics ought not to be represented in Congress. It Again, sir, the fact that there is such a desire to change the constitution should admenish us that we ought not. to attempt the work. I understand that there are 70 propositions to amend the constitution. In this all there have been 2 or 3 upon the same subject matter, 2 or 3 amendments that we shall not pay a debt of the South which the South itself has repudiated, which can never according to the terms of the debt itself become due and covering nearly the entire instrument propositions tor amendment are made. I was once, when quite a young man, a member of the Legislature of my State, and nothing struck me as a greater curiosity than the fact that upon certain questions there was a great desire to offer propositions and bills, and especially the estray laws, the road laws, and the school laws. Members from different arts of the State seemed to make a race of spec which should succeed in 1st getting his proposition before the body. such a spectacle we today witness in regard to the constitution of our country. It seems to be a race among Sens&Reps who shall offer the greatest number of amendments to the constitution of the country. I do not expect to vote for the proposition that is now before us or another that maybe made. In some regards I think the constitution could be improved, butI would not propose any amendment nor would I vote for any when I think we are not in a condition for the work. This proposition comes from the committee. of 15; a committee which was constituted and the powers of which were defined by this resolution: “Rrnnlord, That a JtCommeeof fittcen members shall be appointed, 9 of whomshall be membersof the Houseandsix membersof the Senate, who shall imuire into the condition of the Stateswhich“ formed fhc socnlled confederate States of America, and report whether they or any of them are entitled I to be representedin either House of Congress;with leave to report at any time by bill or otherwise.” Sir, there was one question upon which it was important that the action of the 2 Houses should be uniform, should agree, and that was in respect to representation. It seemed to be important that when Senators were admitted into this body from southern States, Representatives at the same time should be admitted into the HoRep. In other words, the Senate should not allow representation from a southern State and the House deny that Representation to the same State; and therefore it was understood that there should be a JtCommee on that subject, because it was a question relating to the organization of both bodies, and this committee was organized with a view to reach that question, and that only to inquire into the condition of the southern States, whether they are entitled to representation; and upon that question to report to the Senate and to the House either by bi l or otherwise. Sir, the Senate has never said to that committee that it might inquire into any other question.