Mr. HENDERSON. We cannot stand still. Work is to be done, and if we do not go for ward we shall fall back. It is a crisis in "our affairs, and a crisis as important as that ofl861. I am not mistaken in what I say. The rebellion is now suppressed. The rebels are restless and discontented. Some loyal men have become frightened at what they term the dangerous extremes of Radicalism, and, after having been the most radical of all radicals, they are ready to fly to the arms of rebels and seek safety in their conservatism. It is an epoch in our history from which will date new political organizations. New schemes of personal ambition will soon be developed. The ride of our military chieftains will be appeale to, and cunning plans laid to secure their favor. This period is similar to that in English history, when Charles I became a prisoner in the ban 3 of those who fought for the rights of man against the unlimited prerogative of the Crown. It is the condition of France when Louis XVI was a prisoner, and the combined enemies of the republic had melted away in the blaze of republican ardor. Let us avoid the excesses of the conquerors in those cases, but let us be firm in securing the legitimate results of the victory. Those results may be known to all who know the causes of the war. The war was another contest of prerogative with inalienable right, an effort to perpetuate privileges of the few, at the expense of the toil and tears of inil lions. It was in sanctify, by human law, what was condemned in the law of God. It was, in fine, to ignore the very existence of millions of people in the government and laws of a country, that claims the highest civilization, the largest freedom and the broadest charity for mankind. In the judgment of Congress these dangerous and antirepublican notions have again crept into and are likely to be conserved in the new organizations, and congress will likely demand that they be eradicate before admission. It is quite certain that Congress is not satisfied with the present condition of thin s, and if we determine not to accept them, e decision should be made at once. Some say we cannot go behind the action of the President. He has pardoned the rebels, and that pardon restored them to all the rights of citizenship, and among those rights is the right to vote. As the Constitution now stands, the regulation of the franchise belongs to the States. But surely congresshas entire control over the question of U.S. citizenship. Congress may make a citizen of the U.S. It made many, by JtResolution, in the admission of Texas. Congress made citizens of the Stockbridge and other Indians by law, and recently it has declared, by bill already passed, the entire African race to be citizens of the U.S. It seems to me that this power exists in Congress, as a great political right, irrespective of the crime of re licllion or other otlense committed by the citizen himself. If this be true, then Congress may provide for an enrollment of all its citizens in the acceded States, and require an oath, or roof if you please, of origina loyalty in an orrn to be prescribed, and in default of such bath or proof, or both, if thought necessary, the party so neglecting or refusing might be declared decitizenized. If this can be done much difficulty.ma be avoided, for congress may at once provide for the erection of State governments in those States by the loyal men mly. In this way the entire question of negro suffrage may be avoided. As those State governments existed at the date of secession, the negro could not vote, but at the same time, it rns likewise provided, in near] all of them, that none. but citizens of the U.S. should vote. For instance, the constitution of Mississippi is in the following words: " Every free white male person of thaale of 21 years or upward who shall be a citizen of t a U.S., and shall have resided in this State one your next preceding an election and the last 4 monthswithin the county, city, or town, in which he offers to Voteshall be deemeda qualified elector.” Under the constitution of Texas, “ every free male person who shall have attained the age of 21 years, and who shall be a citizen of the U.S., &c., (Indians nOt taxed and Africans and the descendants of Africans excepted, ”) shall be entitled to vote. The constitution of Arkansas provides that“Ever free white male citizen of the U.S. wh0 shall have attained the age of 21 years." Ste. Shall vote. The qualifications in Florida, Alabama, Tennessee, and Louisiana are the same. The right has been exercised, I know, but may leserionsly questioned, whether any but  citizens of the U.S. mav properly be permitted to vote in any State. but however that may be, the constitutions to which I have referred required this test for the elector; and ifCongross can take away citizenship, the State has already taken away suffrage, and reconstruction on the basis of purely loyal men, few or many, white or black, will give State governments, with which the President would find no cause, in my judgment, to interfere by military power. The usual answer to the exercise of this power by Congress is that it is an expostfacto law, and therefore prohibited by the Constitution, which declares thathas But is it in any sense an expostfacto law?