Mr. NYE. Well one is always one way any how. My friend UCKALEW is always wrong, or rit, as may be the case. From that fearful ight, I am son to say, these gentlemen have never returne as they appeared when they left; they are changed men; they do not fraternize withthose whom the used to fruten nize with, but have made their eds constantly with new companions. How dare the Senfrom Wise onstn and the conse ientious Senfrom Connecticut go back to these holy sayings of theirPresident? What excuse can they give? The principal excuse was, I believe, the cost of the measure. Who ever expected that 4 million people who for centuries had bowed their necks to degradation could be lifted up to the platform of human equality and not have it cost something? Sir, whenever the time comes when I weigh a benefit to my fcl low man against dollars and cents I shall probably vote as they did. It will not do. The Freedmens Bureau bill was killed, and it was killed in the house of its friends. I shall have no ghosts haunting me; I voted for it 1st and last, and my vote was rempted by the best feelings of m heart. 0st something! Sir, the unrequite toil of the slaves, the sweat from their brows had made rich the men that now beartheir pardons in their pockets for their infamy, and rejoice that the Freedmens Bureau bill was killed. That awoke the 1st shouts of the dormant Democracy. “Hurrah for Johnsonl ” said the Democrats. It even evoked a gushing speech from my friendfrom Delaware. who had lived through Buchanans administration. Both the Senatorsv from Kentucky, the Senfrom Delaware, the Senfrom Connecticut, and the Senfrom Wisconsin were holding sweet communion over the defeat of this bill. which was founded, I repeat, on the best impulse: of the human heart. But, sir, that is not all. This bill originated upon the hypothesis that the old law of last year establishing the bureau originally was dead. Here, however, the President exhibited a very unusual power. I am glad to see that he os sesse s it. He convinced the world thati he could destroy, he could create. While one bill was crucified and killed, be resurrected an other; sothat the opinion and judgment of Congress was indorsed, that measure originated here. If having it had been my case, should have said to Congress, as the old bill is in operation I return this to you as not being necessary. There came the 1st line of marked deviation. Then came the civil rights bill, crowding upon the heels of the other. Indeed they were born together, twins in birth, mutual in operation, one being the aid and helperof the other. The civil rights bill did what the distinguished Senfrom Maryland [Mr. Jcursor] declared it was almost unnecessary to do, because it followed as a sequence when slave? was abolished; but that bill clothed this downtrodden people with the superb and indescribable garment of American citizen. Sir, who has not felt proud that his venture was the citizenship of the U.S.A.? To us who inherit it how rich and how precious! To those who have it.by the power and force of our arms how inestimable! If I had an angels tongue I could not describe the ecstasy with which they receive it. If I had the wisdom of my friend on my left [Mr. Suxsuu] and the tongue of Cicero I should be unable to descrie the indescribable emotions of the transition m slave to citizenship. That bill, too, did not find favor at the other end of the avenue. That was misfortune number two. If it were pror for me, I would stop right here and do what would be irregular, pay a passing compliment to the firmness with which that occasion was met. Were I not a member of this body I should do so. As it is, I will simply say that over and above the Presidents objection the civil rights bill was carried, and there never had been such rejoicings in this nation since the morning stars shouted for joy. It was the resurrection and the life to 4 million people. It was a noble, manly vindication of the integrity and fixed purpose of this nation. It s oke freedom, not onlyto the millions here, at to the down trodden and oppressed abroad. That bill is a law, and, than to Almighty God, there is no wer now to recall it. It will stand an ever nsting monument to the integrity of Congress. When the historian shall write the proudest victory of this war, the manly bearing and perseverance and determination of Congress in passing the civil rights bill will share the mest prominent page. I hailed it then as an announcement to the world of the fixed purpose of the American Congress. For that act the distinguished Senfrom Kentucky [Mr. DAVIS] made those utterances which were suppressed in the Globe, in which he said that if e were President he would hate this Congress out and another in. Sir, this Congress will not go out until it goes out by the limitation of the term of its existence, and then in every case probably, save in own, those who have been true and faith dorsement, “Well done, good and faithful servant.” Now, sir, I have examined the Baltimore platform in view of the exposition made of it y the President himself; I have examined the passage of these 2 bills to see whether he was keepin on that track. I remarked yesterday, and repeat, that I have said nothing harsh of the POTUS, but there is something wrong, and I am looking for it. I thinkl find it in his Washingtons birthday speech. It is proper for me to say that during these struggles, when the earth was heaving under our feet, and when nothing but the roar of cannon, the rattle of the drum, and the flash of steel was seen and heard all around us, Congress in its wisdom saw fit to pass a law prescribing an oath to card against the return of red handed rebels. this known as the test oath. M friendfrom Wisconsin labored hard to show that the policy of the present President was the policy of his predecessor. Sir, Mr. Lincoln heartily approved of that oathhe signed the bill rescribing it; and I ta e it my friendfrom Wisconsin voted for it, as he does for most of the measures passed here, or as he did at that time. Now, in this birthday speech I see a birth of something strange. Let me quote a little from it. (Sutton d! Murphys Reporter, bio. 16, page 16.) "I repeat, I am for the Union." l will receive from a grateful constituency the inThat is good. “I am for preservingall the States." So am I. “I am for admitting into the councilsof thenation all the representativeswho are unmistakably and unquestionablyloyal.” So am I. "A man who acknowledges allegi use to the governmentand arrearstosupport the constitution must necessarilybe loyal.” There is the mistake. As a proposition, I deny it. Breckinridge took that oath while erjury black as hell was Bmolderin in his heart. The president of your late conderacy had taken the same oath over and over again. Wigfall had iaken it. Were they loyal? Sir, I deny the proposition that swearing makes a man loyal. If I could reconstruct the South today upon an oath, I would callthem up and marshal them alto ther and tell them to hold up their right and swear. Why, sir, these rase als have not only sworn to support this Government, but another, and they have broken both oaths. Will you tell me now that swearing makes a man loyal? No. My friendfrom Pennsylvania yields that point, and when he yields it, everybody else ought. [Laughter] But that is not all. There is a little more out under the meal here. I will read that again, for it is not true: "The man who acknowledgesallegiance to the tGuotive enr, nment and who swears to support the Constimustnecessarilybe loyal." That would have done ears ago; but exrience, that stern and uninchin teacher, taught us a great deal lately. lhy, sir, they have sworn 4 times, and yet oath piled upon oath will never make atrnitorloyal. Treason to the moral man iswhat consumption is to the physical man; he never gets well of it. [Laughter.] It taints the whole moral man; it is a disease incurable; nothing but death can stop it.:1 But let me quote a little further: “A more amplification of the oath makesno difference mate the principle.” That is, that an oath to support the Constitution is sufficient: and to require him to swear that he has not given aid or comfort to the rebellion is a mere amplification, which is of no use, and will not be p the strength of the oath. Whatever test is thought properas evidenceand as proof of loyalty is u more matter of dotail. about which I carenothing." I do. “ But let a ably loyal. Lemtabnubneauenkmnoisw talk ably uduu question of allegiance to the Constitution of the U.S and be wrllm to support the Government in its our of peril an its hour of need and I am willing to trust him. [ApplauseJ" “Applause.” But who by? By that horde of anying but loyal men that surrounded him on that occasion. I will not call names, but I chanced to be here in the early days of this rebellion, and I saw men shooting on the 22d of February who were not suspected of loyalty at that time. “Applause.” Vhat for? The test oath was to go. This more amplification amounted to nothing! Let me inform the distinguished Senators from Wisconsin and Pennsylvania that right there the gulf becomes as wide, as deep, and as impassable as that between the rich man and Abrahams bosom. Right there I stop. I never will vote to let one of these rebels back here, on a simpleoath to support the Constitution, to.seize the reins of power. Others may do as they please; but on the day of judgment, when I stand injndgment for the deeds done here, that sin shall not be placed to my account. I want to know if the distinguished Senfrom Wisconsin desires this test oath repealed. [Mr. Doourrur shook his head] Then I conratulate him that he and I agree on that point. Iint, sir, this thing does not stop here. A recommendation has been sent here from the Executive Mansion requesting the repeal or modification of this oath, upon the plea that the men whom they want to place in wer are covered all over with the stench of infamy, l and we are asked to let them up a little; some of them are not quite as bad as others. Sir, ever since the world began there have been 2 kinds of devils abroad, little devils and big ones, and the little devils have always been the most troublesome. [Laughter] Now, Mr. President, we have had the Baltimore platform and the birthday speech. We have had 4. e utterances of the President upon that platform; and I am going to assume, without any disparagement to my friendfrom Wise on sin, that the President knew as well what the Baltimore platform was as he did. Now, I want my friendfrom Wisconsin to tell this Senate and the country wherein the policy of the present Administration if you call the President alone the Administration wipes! with Lincolns. Lincoln was a firm adherent of this test oath. He saw in it the anchor of our safety. While that existed the ship, however much tossed at her moorings, would be safely anchored in the haven of quiet and repose and safety. Sir, take away that anchor, and you will see these vacant seats filled the men who vaenled them with the avow purpose of tearing this Government and read. mg it in pieces. Mr. President, I remarked yesterday that I thought there was no blame to be attributed to Congress for not having acted more speedily. The work of restoring this country is a great work. The labor imposed upon the shoulders of this Congress is Herculean. They are to build in where treason has torn down. They are to lheal these wounds as best they can. The man who had in his emplo a person who had enveloed his house and his children in flames byt etorch, and would take him back into his employ the next day, would be considered a fit subject for a lunatic asylum. The samerule of prudence, caution, and care should prevail here. The wounds upon our institutions are everywhere seen. The blood yet oozes freely from wounds that never can be healed and yet my distinguished friendfrom Wisconsin says we must take them in! Sir, there is a little example before us on this subject. In olden time a copperhead was found stiffened with frost. A humane husbandman, like my distinguished friendfrom Wisconsin, t him in his bosom to warm him and thaw imout. What did. the cop erhead do? He stung him to death. After the xample I do not propose that any of that breed shall find warming here. [Laughter] My friendfrom Wisconsin, with his greatgnshing heart, wants to take such things in his bosom. Look out for your armpits. [Laughter] One thing more, sir, and I have done. I hope the Senate will pardon me for detaining them so long. I am alarmed at another doctrine that is broached by the distinguished Senators from Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, and they are not alone in it. It has got so here that we cannot discuss even a sanitary bill but the doctrine of State rights is brought up. The cholera is obliged to ay its respects to State lines; My frien from ise onsinsaid the other day he was the advocate of State rights. So was Davis; so was Breckinridge; so was all this host of rebels that fled. It was that infernal heresy, as illustrated and demon strated by them, that lighted the torch of rebellion. State rights! Mr. Stephens believes in that doctrine yet, for he swears that he believes now that the States have the right of ceful secession. State rights with properimitations undoubtedly exist; but 1 protest against the latitudinarian constructiOn givento that term by the Senfrom Pennsylvani and the Senfrom Wisconsin, which would again light this country with the torch of rebellion.