Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. President, I rarely desire to differ with anyone, especially among my politieal friends, in regard to a question as to the order of business; but I do think that this is a question that ought not to be taken up at the present moment. The resolution, athough very brief, has just been laid upon our table. t was introduced on the da pre ceding the ay before yesterday in the HoRep, the day the veto message was under consideration here, and was passed under great excitement. It is sent here and is about to be discussed under a condition of like excitement. No man can deny that this is our condition. Every man feels in the at mosphere around him and in the circumstances and events that are transpirin every day that the public mind, even the mind of the Senate is not in that sober, deliberate tone which is necessary for the discussion of grave iicstions like this. Now, the proposition is may O by the honorable Senfrom Maine to postpone all the business of this great nation, including a constitutional amendment reported by himself, and which lie at the outset declared to be. among the most important acts of legislation, a constitutional amendment regulating the basis of representation—it is proposed to postpone that amendment and all pending measures for the iir ose Of considering this resolution. ldi. President, whatis the character of this resolution? It is sim ly a declaration of political opinion. It will have neitherthe form nor the sanction of law. It is not in the shape of or intended to operate as a law. It is not to be submitted to the President for his constituIt is a concurrent declaration of political opinion, introduced and passed in the other House in the midst of excitement, and we are called upon to pass on it while the public mind and while we ourselves are more or less affected by the surrounding circumstances. Now, Iappeal to Senators whether it is not better and wiser to allow this matter to lie over for a few days. Is the mind of anyone here likely to be changed by a little delay? Is it not apro or occasion for us at least to postpone this or a little reflection and for a little consideration? The honorable Senfrom Maine, the day before esterday, on introducing this resolution, said it was the most important question that could be presented to Congress, and I be have he said the most important question that had ever been presented to Congress. It is the assertion on the part of Congress of the power to pass upon the condition of the reconstructed States. I do not doubt or deny that power. But is it not wiser for us to exercise that power, and not to pass resolutions that we,have it? j Why do we not exercise thatpower? By the passage of the constitutional amendment, we were about to exercise that power in the highest and most important way. By the passage of that resolution, reported from the same committee—a resolution that met my concurrence—we were about to exercise that power in the most important way, by submitting to the Legislatures now in session a constitutional amendment to change the basis of representation, so as to remove the anomaly of allowing rebel States an increased political power in Congress. When the Senator introiiced that proposition he told us that 20 Legislatures were in session; that there was occasion for immediate action. We might pass that constitutional amendment, or at least get She sense of the Senate upon it, in 2 or 3 avs. Now, is it not wiser to go on and conclude what has been so long discussed rather than to take up this new political issue? In my judgmentit is, and I think that we ought not to postpone all the important business now pending in Congress for the purpose of getting into a political controversy and a political wrangle between the President and Congress. That upon this question there is a broad and doc and marked difference between Congress an the President we all know. Why, therefore, hurry the discussion of it? Why not wait for reflection and for consideration? Does the Senate lose by this course 1 Not at all; and although I have no doubt that my voice will not be sufficient in this matter to prevent the immediate consideration of this resolution, at the same time I must, as one of the Senators from the State of Ohio, express my deliberate opinion that it would be Wiser and better for us to postpone the consideration of it for aTew days at east, and go on with the regular orderof business, and act upon the constitutional amendment now pending after it has been so long debated in this body. I therefore shall vote against taking 11 this resolution now. The Senfrom Maine can under the rules (his committee having the power to report at any time) move to take up teresolution at any moment. Why take it up now and deliberate upon it now? suppose you pass it, what difference will it make? It wiIl be simply the assertion of a power that has been asserted by the Senate over and over again. I am told that the Judicia Committee at the very last session reporte( substantially the same resolution almost unanimously. The power has been as lserted and a proposition similar in character has passed the Senate. What do you gain, therefore, by entering into a long political discussion upon this subject now, when the opinion of the Senate has been already expresse on the same proposition? iere is no good that can arise from the im mediate discussion of this question; and, Mr. President, suppose we now assert that no man shall be admitted as a member of the HoRep from the State of Tennessee until the Senate consents to it. What then? Supposea change should occur in the HoRep, and a majority of that House should decide, according to their constitutional right to decide. that a given person was entitled to come in and sit as a member of the HoRep, would they regard the decis ion of the Senate upon aquestion of that kind? We know they would not. Each House is the judge of the election, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and this declaration, however it may be true as a question of law, will practically amount to noting at all. It will not prevent either House. whenever it chooses, from acting on this question, and it will only create a political issue, a political division between the POTUS and Congress thatis in my judgment broad and wide 1 enough without irritating it by useless and need less controversy. As I said before, I do not expect that my voice will be heeded in this matter; yet I cannot withhold the expression of my opinion given already to several Senators privately, that we had better allow this question to lie upon the table for a few days and go on with teordinary business of legislation as if nothing had occurred. Let us proceed with self reliance, and at the proper time and in the proper mode, after we have disposed of other pressing questions now resting upon us, we may vote upon this assertion of our right to pass upon questions of reconstruction.