Mr. SHERMAN. I do not know; a good flag in bad hands, I suppose. ir, I can imagine no calamity more direful than for us by our divisions to surren er, to men who to their country were enemies in war, any or all of the powers of this Government. He who contributes in any way to this result deserves the execrations of his count men. This may be done by thrusting upon the resi dent new issues on which the we known principles of his life do not agree with the judgment of his political associates. It may be done by irritating controversies of a personal character. It may be done by the President turnin his back upon those who trusted him with high power, and thus linkin his name with one of the most disgraceful in merican history, that of John Tyler. I feel an abiding confidence that AndrewJohnson will not and cannot do this; and, sir, who will den that the overbearing and intolerant will of enry Clay contrib uted very much to the defection of John Tyler? But the division of the Whig party was an event utterly insignificant in comparisen with the evil results of a division in the nion party. Where will be the 4 million slaves whom by your policy you have emancipated I What would be their miserable fate if new surrendered to the custody of the rebels of the South? Will you, by your demand of universal suffrage, destroy the power of the Union party to protect them in their dearly purchased Iiberty? Will you, by new issues upon which you know you have not the voice of the people, eofpard these rights which you can by the aid of the Union party secure to these freedmen I We know that the President cannot, will not, and never agreed to, unite with us upon the issues of universal suffrage and dead States. No such dogmas were contemplated, when, for his heroic services in the cause of the Union, we placed him side by side with Mr. Lincoln as our standard bearer. Why, then, present these issues? Why decide upon them Why not comlets the work so g oriously done by our soldiers by securing union and liberty to all men without distinction of color, leaving to the States, as before, the question of suffrage. Sir, the curse of 0d, the maledictions of millions of our people, and the tears and blood of newmade free men will, in my rest upon those who now for judgment, any; cause ( destroy the unity of the great party that has led us through the wilderness of war. We want now peace and repose. We must now look to our public credit. We have duties to perform to the business interests of the country in which we need the assistance of the Presideut. We have every motive for harmony with him and with each other, and for a generous and manly. Patriotism. If ever the time shall can no longer confide in his de votion to the principles upon which he was elected, I will did farewell to Andrew Johnson with unaffected sorrow. I will remember when he stood in this very spot, five years ago, rebelling with unexampled courage the assaults o traitors. He left in their hands wife, children, property, and home, and staked them all on the result. I will remember that when a retreating general would have left Nashville to its fate, that again, with heroic courage, he maintained his post. I will remember the fierce conflicts and trials through which he and his fellow compatriots in East Tennessee maintained our cause in the heart of the confederacy. I will remember the struggles he had with the aristocratic element of Tennessee, never ashamed of his origin and never far from the hearth of the people. Sir, you must not sever the great Union party from this 10 al element of the southern States. No new theories of possible utopian good can compensate for the iloss of such patriotism and devotion. Time, as he tells you in his message, is a great element of reform, and time is on your side. I remember the homely and encouraging words of ationeer in the antislavery cause, an expelled Methodist preacher from the South, who told those who were behind him in his strong antislavery opinions, “ Well, friends, Ill block up awhile; we must all travel together.” So I say to all who doubt AndrewJohnson, or who wish to move more rapidly than he can, to block u awhile, to consolidate their great victory with the certainty that reason and the Almighty will continue their work. All wisdom will not die with us. The highest human wisdom is to do all the good you can, but not to sacrifice a possible good to attempt the impracticable. od knows that I do not urge harmony and conciliation from any personal motive. The people of in native State. have intrusted me with a position here extending 4 years beyond the termination of the Presidents term of Office. He can nt me no favor. If I believed for a moment that he would seek an alliance with those who by either arms or counsel or even apathy were against their country in the recent war, and will turn over to them the high powers intrusted to him by the Union party, then, sir, he is dishonored, and will re ceive no assistance from me; but I will not force him into that attitude. If he shall prove false to the declaration made by him in his veto message, that his strongest desire was to secure to the freedmen the full enjoyment of their freedom and property, then I will not quarrel with him as to the means used and while, as he tells us in this same message, he only asks for States to be represented who are presented? in an attitude of loyalty and harmony and in the persons of representatives whose loyalty cannot be questioned under any constitutional or I attest, surely we ought not to separate from him until, at least, we prescribe a test of their loyalty upon which we are willing to stand. We have not done it et. I will not try him by new creeds. I will not denounce him for hasty words uttered in repelling personal affronts. I see him yet surrounded the Cabinet of Abraham Lincoln, pursuing is policy. No word from me shall drive him into political fellowship with those who, when he was one of the more heroes of this war, denounced him, spit upon him, and despitefully used him. The aIssociation must be so f sought, and even then will part with him in sorrow, but with the abiding hope that the same Almighty power that has guided us through the recent war will be with us still in our new difficulties until eve State is restored to its full communion and f3 lowship, and until our nation, purified by war, will assume among the nations of the earth the grind position hoped for by Washington, Clay, ebster, Lincoln, and 100s of 1,000s of unnamed heroes who gave up their lives for trust in his come when, its glory. {Insert from Appendix, Sherman speech.}