Mr. McKEE. Mr. Speaker, in the short time allotted for this discussion it is not my purpose to go over the propositions embraced in t a pending amendment to the Constitution. Nor do I regard it as necessary, at least so far as my own position is concerned, baving already in this House voted for at least 3 of the propositions in substantially the same shape in which the are now presented. I desire more particularly to discuss the 3rd section of this proposod amendment, as there seems to have been generated more oppoeition to this than any other, and it being a proposition I regard as one of the most yital of all. It is, sir, perhaps as well to go back a little to look at the opposition and to examine into the record of this House. On the 14th of December last, after the meeting of the 2 louses, a resolution was introduced into this llouse by the Gentfrom Oregon [Mr. HENDERSON] in these words: “ Resolved, That treason is a crime and ought to be punished.” and on calling the yeas&nays not a solitary Representative in this House who unswered to that call but voted in the affirmative, including every Democratic member, with the exception of 4 who were absent. What did that mean? Did this House then vote their sentiments, or did they not? Since that time, sir, from the Democratic side of the House I have not heard a word that would tend in the least to induce the country to believe they would carry out the resolution for which they then voted. On the contrary, the whole drift of their argument is that these men, having submitted, are now as loyal as those who fought on the side of the Government, and entitled to the same rights. Is this the manner in which they propose to punish treason? Is this the proposition for which we voted? It would have been better had the resolution read in this manner: Ronnloerl, That treasonis a crime and that traitors should be rewarded for its commission. The course of this whole Democratic side of the House since the vote on the 14th of December has been in strict accordance with the proposition as I have read it; and I regret to say that even on the Republican side I find men today who are willing, aye pleading that these men having laid down their arms are now entitled to all the rights which we who stood by the flag of our country during the late strug gle for our existence possess. They have set aside their own Work abandoned their own record. It is very fashionable in these days, I believe, to do that. Perhaps we can ain nothing by going back to mens records. but I would ask gentlemen this question. They are well aware that by our laws treason is declared a crime, and a high penalty is ailixed upon it. Now, sir, the simp e question comes to us today, have we, the Representatives of the people of this great nation, moral courage enough to carry out that law, or will we turn our back upon those who sustained our country in the great struggle for its existence and say to the 1800,000 men who waged this war, “All your efforts to crush out treason amount to nothing; these traitors today are entitled to all the rivhts that you possess?” Sir, for one, I am tire of that sickly sentimentalit. It appears to me that in order to uphold the loyal people of this land something must be done by a lawingralted into the Constitution to protect them in their loyalty. Look, if on please, at the States of.larylnnd, of Vdest irginia, of Tennessee. of Missouriof Arkansas. Each one of these States during this struggle or since its close, has passed laws by which they disfranchise forever those men Erho gave aid and encouragement to the rebel on. Now, air, the question comes up today. The ComReconstruction rertabasis for settlement. They report to this House a proposition which disfranchises these men who have gone into rebellion oven for the short space of a little more than 4 years, and we find it opposed by men who have always been against treason. That is the proposition and if it is voted down, how do we go out to the country? The representatives of the nation here assembled say to those live States which have adopted a disfranchising qualification in regard to their citizens, “Your action is wrong. You should not pass such an act. These men who waged war against the Government and against you have as much right to vote as you who have been true to your flag.” It is not encouraging loyalty; it is crushing out those men who alone were true during the war, and putting the control of the State governments in their hands. For this cause alone, if for no other, I should say, do not strike out the proposition. But, sir, it is perhaps true that the carrying out of this law might meetwith some difficulty. But we find, in the disturbed state of our country which has resulted from the effects of this great war, that we must meet dillioully in all our effortsto restore peace, harmony, and quiet throughout the whole land. We are told that it is not fair nor just that the great mass should be disfranchised. Now, sir, in doing this we are but following the principles laid down by the lamented President Lincoln. His idea in regard to reconstruction was, if there were only one 10th of the peoplein any State who were loyal, as in Louisiana, that one 10th should reconstruct, rule, and control and the ideawas announced over and over again by his successor who today occupies the presidential chair. Following out that great principle the people of Tennessee, one of the States declared to he in rebellion, organized a State government under the direction of President Lincoln and under the sanction of AndrewJohnson, then military governor of that State, and they have succeeded in ennctin a law by which those who engaged in the reellion are disfranchised and prohibited from exercising any of the rights of electors in the State which of right belong only to the loyal. Now, sir, how do we hear this proposed amendment responded to by those who oppose it? We hear one of the gentlemen on this side of the House, from Ohio, [Mr. FINCK] calling upon the people of the South to have independence of spiritenough to rise up and reject it with scorn. and, as has been said by the Gentfrom NewYork today, no matter what maybe said of these people we may say this for t ism, that they are not fools, and they are not going to accept it. The inference, then, may, be that we are fools in proposing it.Well, sir, ifwe are tojudge by their actions for the last 5 years, 1 think we should not make up our opinion very rapidly that they have not acted very foolishlyin somethings at least. It a pears to me that they exhibited very little Wis cm in going into the rebellion; it n pears to me that they exhibited very little wisdom in its conduct it appears to me that they exhib ited no wisdom whatever in bringing on a great war; for if they had looked into the subject at all, they might have been satisfied that they could not destroy this Government and they still show a want of wisdom, when, at the end of the war, havini been crushed and having agreed to accept the issues of the war, to submit to the propositions by which we proposeto reconstruct the Government, under the influence of the powers at Washington they have come to the conclusion that they are to be again trusted with the management of the affairs of this nation and are to be the rulers here. The sequel will show that they are misled and deceived. Listen to what the Memphis Avalanche, one of the reconstructed organs of the South, says in reference to a recent law passed by the legislature of Tennessee, and then you will be prepared to judge whether these people are rea y to accept our terms or not. I read from the Momphis Avalanche of the 6th of the present month: "The despotic. infamous, and cowardly franchise bill has becomewhat the regimeat Nashville call a law. That is, it husrpussril a socalledSenate and n so culled House at ashville. or, in other words. it has received the sanction of a gang of legislative loafers who exist at the public expenseat the capital of the State and call t cmselves the Legislature of Tennessee." such is the langua O used by the cepperhead press all over tie country in regard to the Congress which sits here today. But I quote further: "Itbecomes the goodpeopleof Tennessee" I want the House to bear in mind that when this writer refers to the “good people of Tom nessec, ” he refers to men who have been on gaged in this wicked and infamous attempt to destroy our Government. He goes on: “ It becomes the good peopleof Tennesseeto propare at once to dispute the further eneroachment upon theirvrihis by the wretcheddespotismnow in power at has ville. vlrctthe State have restoredto it the constitution which existedbefore the war and which hasnot, up to this time , been properly, legally, or constitutionally supplanted by another organic svslciii. What now professesto hot e constitution ofTr unesse eis lint an assumption, the creature of a more mob, n dirty llllllZI, having ndirty emanation, to which a brave iinil 1lllVlllllopeoplehave, because oitheir misfortunes, lum ncompelledto submit. but which they loathe and despiso from the utmost recessesof their noble but broken hearts." This is he class of men to whom we are called upo today to extend our sympathies, and to place upon an e only footing Wit rthose who have never faltere in their devotion to the Union. But I read on: “ The time has now comewhen further endurance will entnil upon the people additional and more humiliating oppressions." Hear the language of these men, who today we are called upon to enfranchise, and to place upon an equal footing wrth ourselves. I de sire to make one other quotation to show the spirit which animates these reconstructed reble s. I read from the Louisville JournallI paperpublished in the interests of the “ conservative Johnson Union party” on the 2d day of May, 1866, describing the convention of reconstructed rebels and Democrats for the State of Kentucky, held in the city of Louis ville the preceding day. That paperuses this language: “ We MSUIO the people of Kentncky that thopeaoc, harmony and safetyof the State are moreseriously imperiled nowthan they have been Since the ruth less hordes of Buckner and Bragg were trampling down our soil. The some men w ose treachery to the commonwealth and the nation involved the country in civilWar 5 yearsago; the some men who robbed and encouraged the robbing of our banks, the destroyingour railroad bridges.the firing of the dwellings of our citirens and sought to establish rebel provisional govgrnments oyer our people, by which to coercetheminto the whirlpool of trenson, iire perfectinga political organization in the State for the purpose of placing her political power exclusively in the handsof manwho, having beenwhipped at their own gameofpowder and ball, arenowseek ing to use the ballot for the achievement of their revongoful political schemes." I ask the Representatives of the people today if they are willing to turn over the loyal men in those States, who have passed these laws, to the tender mercies of men like these? That is the question we have to meet now on this proposition. There may be some obJections to it; but if we can get nothing better it is a good thing to go before the people of the country with; and the people Wlll answer in tones that will be grati ying to the heart of every loyal man who votes for it here. But, sir, in order to obviate the ODJOCUOHI that are made to this 3rd section, I propose to amend the motion made yesterday by the Gentfrom Ohio [Mr. GAllFIELD] to recommit the Jtresolution with instructions to the committee to strike out the 3rd section, by substituting therefor the followmg: Recommit with instructions to strike out the 3rd section and insert in lieu thereof the following: All persons who voluntarily adhered to the late insurrection, givmg aid and comfort to the so enlled southern oonfedernoy, are forever excluded from holding an; offico 9f trust or profit under the governmento the U.S. That will obviate the objection that it would be impracticable to enforce the provision de! priving the men who were engaged in the rebelI lion of the s t of voting. n will provide that they shal vote for none but those who have been loyal. The loyal men will be encouraged, because thenation will say to them, “You alone, who have remained true, shall hold office, " following out the resolution of diagnose that “ treason is a crime, and ought to: punished.” As nobody excts now that any traitors will be hanged ( which is the punishment provided by law) let as cut ofl" their heads iolitically, and say to them, you can never hold office under this Government. By this means we will affix the brand of treason upon the traitors brow; and therel would have it remain until the snows of win her covered their graves. In my opinion, we are compelled to do one of 3 tings: we are compelled to adopt something of this kind to prohibit these men, who with treacherous hearts sought the very life of the nation, them again seizing the offices of the Federal Government, by excluding them forever from olllce; or we are to turn the loyal men in all the border States as well as through out the whole South over into the hands of the traitors. with the probability that the nation itself will follow in the same wake. The 2nd follows from the refusal to do the 1st; the 1st, in my opinion, being the only salvation for the Union and protection of Union men. There is one other course which might have the effect of saving the nation with the Union men of the South. That is, if you will enfranchiso these traitors, then enfrnnchise all men; and in that way the vote of the loyal man may counteract the vote of the traitor. Now, so far as I am concerned, I have not arrived at the point yet when I can believe that all men should be enfranchised. But if I am asked which I would the sooner trust, I would answer that I prefer to trust the meanest black man with aloyal heart who everwore the chains of slavery to the most intelligent traitor who has waged war against my country. But this Houseis not prepared to enfranchise all men; the nation, perhaps, is not prepared for it today; the colored race are not prepared for it, probably, and I am sure the rebels are unfit for it; and as Congress hasnot the moral courage to vote for it, then put in this provision which cuts off the traitor from all political power in the nation, and then we have secured to the loyal men that control which they so richly deserve. We will then have rewarded them for their devotion, and punished treason as it deserves to be punished. Let me ask gentlemen here, why do you want these men to vote? Why are you clamorous for the support of men who have been engaged in treason, and whose hands are yet reekin with the blood of more than 300,000 loyal slain? Simpl that you may turn out of power the great Uvnion party who alone have upheld the Government in this grand and glorious struggle for liberty; simply that you may hand the reins of Government overto the hands of that sickly, pale, cop erhead party, which was only the left wing of) Jeff. Daviss army during the late war. That is why you want to have them vote, and such would be the result of the policy if adopted. You do not want to have traitors punished. Why? Because on want their aid; you desire that they shall elp you, just as ly;ou were willing to help them during the war which has just closed. You talk about this question of State rights. We thought the war had killed that dogma. But you are now attempting to bring it to life again and if you have power enough to do it with the aid of the votes of traitors you are willing to summon them here to these Halls and give them a share in our deliberations. Now, for one, I want none of it. I desire that the loyal alone shall rule the country which the alone have saved. Idesire that the brave and war worn veteran shall be rewarded for his toil and privation. I desire that the widows and orphans of the slain soldiers of the republic sha I be spared the insult of having traitors make laws for them. I desire that the loyal heart of the nation shall continue in power the great party which sustained our armies in the field, and I desire that that party shall not be prevented from rewarding the heroes who survive with broken and maimed limbs and feeble bodies; shall not be prevented from dealing out pensions and bonnties to the orphans of the slain soldiers of the Republic. Permit these men to come back and assume their places here again, and I tell you today that having obtained equality for themselves you must go a little further and place their widows and their orphans upon our pension list, or they will not vote for any pension to yours. I want to prevent all that and when the charge comes to me that I desire these propositions carried out in order to perctuute the strength of a political party, I reply do desire that party still to rule this land, because they alone having been loyal, they alone should rule. Now, in regard to the section which forbids the payment of the rebel debt or compensation for slaves that have been emancipated, I most heartily support it. Having already put myself upon the record in favor of such a proposition, it is not necessary I should now say anything in regard to it. In order to secure the payment of the national debt, in order to prevent the payment of compensation for slaves who have liecome free men, and the assumtion of the rebel debt, the control of this vernment must be by the loyal men of the land. Mr. Speaker, now yield to the Gentfrom Iowa, [Mr. wILSON] if he desires to occu the few minutes I have remaining. The SIVEAKER. The time of the Gentfrom Kentucky [Mr. MCKEE] will expire infour minutes.