The Clerk read as follows: Lord Russellto Mr. Adams. Enssnan Pesos. FCIHIUHI2I8.1866. Dear Mr. ADAMS: I observe in the Daily News of yesterdayextracts from us)OULHof Mr. Baneroft delivered in the HoRep on the 12thinstant. In this speech Mr. Baneroft is representedto have sa“id. referring to the breakingout of the civilWar: The British SecyState for h ureignAffairs madehasteto sendword through the palacesof Europe that the great Republic was in its agony. that the Republic wasno more. that a headstonewas all that remaineddue by the law of nations to the late Union. 1 As wordspronounced on such an occasionand by so eminent a mans: Mr. Baneroft mayhavean clfect mfairgbhet.yond the injury which my personal character suffer. I must to nest you to convey to. Mr. Banercft my denial of the truth of his allegations, and to refer him to facts of a totally oppositecharacter. Soon after the news of the resistancein arms of the souther Statusto the Government of the Union arrived in his country a memberof the House of Commons statedin his placethat the bubble of republicanism bud burst. I replied in the samedebate that the bubble of republicnnisni had not burst and that ll of slavery still hung about the U.S. NewEngland who had made them mouth of the persons larment which was now their torment. In fact I never had any doubt that whether the U.S. consented to separation or pursued the war to extremit the great western Republic would remain. boom for the world. a powerful and independentrenu lic. The authors of the DtclflltlllOIlof Indeppndenca in declaring for separationfrom GreatBritain. after enumeratingtheir complaintsof her conduct. go on to say: “We must therefore acquiese ein the necessity which denouncesour so protion.npdliold thorn. uswe hold the rest of man ind. enemiesin war. in peacetueuds." That we should be enemiesin war is easily under stood.but when we are at peace.why should we not be friends. as the great men of the American revolfastcipoanrain iitoeandaendduosf to be? If hay. in the moment war. looke forward to a period of peace and of friendship. why should we.morethan 3 quartersof a century after theseevents keep up sentiments of irritation and hostility fou oil on is mistaken apprehensionof facts and tending to lay the inundation of permanent alienation. suspicion. ai nd ill will? As Mr. Banerofts speech is likely to have very extensive publicity. I reserve toingse lf t o power of lifliiliililgtpublw this letter at sue time as I shal Jul ge. u nIotr.emain. my dear Mr. Adams. Your RfUaiStShEfuLlL ser 1. S. I subioin an extract of my speech on the filth of May. 1801.as reported in Hansards Debates. Mr. Banerqfl toMr. Adamsin reply. NewYorkur. March 23.1886. Mr Dunn Mn. Annie: I have received from you. by Lord Russells desire.acop of his letter to O 13thFebruary est.in which is denies the trut i of certain allegations in myaddressto Congresson the 12thof the samemonth. The passingwhich hecites contains these 3 allegatiogs: that as Brittsh SecyState for Foreign A airs be viewedthis Re public as "the late Union:" that he sent this view of our country throu u the wincesofEurope: and that he madehaste to do so. hen Lord Russell calls to mind the authority for these statements.he mustac knowledgethemto be perfectly jiist and true. 0n the tith(layofliia.1861.Lord John RusselLthen Secretariaofbtate tor oreign Atfairs mrotea dispntch to Lord yons in which hedeseribes the condition of America as “the disruption of a confederacy." and he further used thesewords: “CivilWar has broken out between the several States of the late Union. The government of thesouthern portion hasduly constituted itself. Her Majestys government do n ot wisli you to makeany mysteryof that view." Here isirref r able proof of my 1st allegation. n the (in on which the minister of the queen thus wrotebead res soda dispatch to Lord Cowlcy. Her Majestys cmbnssador at Paris. designatingour Republic as the Stateswhich lately composed the American Union; “the late U.S.;" “thelete Union;" and he inclosed in that disgatch. for Lord Cowleys instruction. it copy of the a ova cited letter to Lord Lyons. Having thus oatcutationsl communicated his view of our country as“ the late lnien." hensked in cturn " to be made acquainted with the views of the mperial Government." My 2nd allegation is therefore truein letter and in spirit. That Lord John Russell. asSecyState.was in hastetodotbis. Appears from his not having awaited the arrival of the american minister of Mr. Lincolns appointment and from those very letters of the 6th pt May. 186140Lord Cowley and to Lord Lyons; for “1 those letters he confesses that he had notes yet “arfefacierisvedanfrdom Lord Lyons any report of the state of the prospects ot these veral parties" but that on coming to the decisionwhich was so momentous and unprecedented. heactedon thereports of "some consuls" and “of the public prints." It is true that 24 days after Lord John gusse llhad officially describedour country as "the isruption of a confederiify." " the late U.S. " " the late Union.” O reproveda memberof the House of Common efor exculy caulting “ that the great republican bubble in merieahad burst:" and owned “that the Republic had been for many years a great and freeState:" but heutterednoexpectation or hopeof the restoration of our Union and rather intimated that the Americanswere “about todestroy each othor a happiness and freedom." Lord John. on that occasion.rightly attributed the rebellion to the "accursed institution of slavery.” and confessed that gland was the giver of “the Foisone garment;” that the former governments O GreatBritain were "themselves to by ameforthe origin of the evil." But this confession must be interpreted by the light of his avermentson the 6th of May. 186la.nd by Lord Russells later assertion that the efforts of our country were but a contestfor “empire.” In speaking to the American Congress of the life and character of Abraham Lincoln. t was in una voidable duty to refer to the conduct of the British Government toward our couutr during his pdminis tration. for nothing so wounds in! feeing! or oner cisedhis Judment or tried his fortitude. I was askc to address the 2 Housesof our conpess, und those only. When I learnedthat the brit ish minister at Wasington was likely to beone of my hearers. I requested Mr. Sewardto adv1 e him not to be present: and throughanotherfriend asirnilar message which he received and perfectly understood. I need not recall words of 90 years ago to be crsuaded that in peace America and the United Kingdom should be friends. I have a.right to say this. for when in the public service I proved it by public acts and as a private citizen have never wishedour ovenimentto demand of a foreignPower on thing butjustiec. ray send Lord Russell aeopy of this letter. which he is at liberty to publish: and consider myse l f uallylat liberty to publish his letter. to which this a rep y. I amover. mydearMr. Adams. very truleiyonra. GEORGE BAN OFT. North America. No. 3. Presented to Parliament. 1662.(LXHJ Lord J. Russell to Bar! finrley. FOREIGN Oriiciz. May 6. 1861. MY Loni): Although her Majestys Government hmaaviel rwehciecihvehdanso dispatches from Lord Lyons by the Just arrived, the communication senthim. between Washington and NewYork being interrupted. yet the accounts which have reached them from some of her Muicstyl consuls, coupled with what has appearedin the public prints. are suflicicut to show that a civilWar has broken out.among the Stateswhich lately composed the American Union. Other nations have. therefore.to consider the light in which, with reference to that war. the are to regard the confederacy into which the sout eru States have united themseres; and it appearsto her Majestys Government that looking at all the circumstances of the case.they cannot hesitate to admit that such confederacyis entitled to be considered as a belligerent, and as such invested With all the right hsaavnedsptareterodgtahtiisve to so Lord belligerent the disputoh of which I inclose a copy for your Excellencys in forniation, In making known to M. Thouveual the opinion of her Majestys Government on this point. yourExccl leney will add that you are instructed to cell the attention of the French Governmentto the hearing which this unfortunate contest threatensto have on the rights and interests of neutral nations. 0n the one hand. President Lincoln. in behalf of the northern portion of the late U.S. has issued a rociamation dec aratory of an intention to subject t ieports ot thesouthorn portion of the late Union to a vigorousblockade: on beother bond. President Davis. on behalf of the southern rtion of the late Union. hasissued a proclamation eelaratoryof an intention to issue letters of marque for cruisersto be employed against the commeroeof the North. In this state of Lhlhfifl it app earsto herMinestyo Government to be wcl dese rvmg of the immediate consideration of all maritime giowers mut more especially of France and li.ngl anwhether they should not take somestepsto invito the contending parties to act upon the principlesliiid down in the 2nd and 3rd articles of the Declaration of Paris of 1856. which relate! to the aecunty of neutral property on the high seas. The U.S. as an entire Government have not accededto that declaration: but in china they ahdaovpe.ted in their conventions with Mr Powers. the 2nd article. although admitting that without some such convention the rule was not one ofuniversal application. As reerds the 3rd article. in recent treaties concluded y the U.S. With South American republics. The principle nduialed has beenat variance with that laid down in the coloration of Paris. Your Excellency will remember that when it was proposed to the Government of the U.S. in th8e5y6.itno tahdeopfitrstht einswthaonlcee of the Declaration of Paris. 2nd.3rd and 4th proposals.but madea condition as to the 1st. that the other Powers should assent to extending the declaration. so asto exemptall private property whatever from capture on the high seas: itll: beforeany final decision wastaken on this propo the Governmentat Bresident Buchanan. which in the interval hiidcome into power. withdrew the proposIittion altogether. Seems to her Majestys Government – to be deservng of consideration. Whether n Joint endeavor should not now be made to obtain from eacb of the belligerents a formal recognition of both principles as laid down in the Declaration of Paris. so that such nu ci iles shall be admdted by both as they have conmitted by the Powers who made or accededto the Declaration of Paris. henceforthto form part of the general law oi nations. lier Maicstys Government would be glad to be made acquainted with the views of the Imperial Government on this matter with as little delay as possible. I am. &c. J. RUSSELL. [No. 2.] Lord J. Rune” to Lord Luom. FOBHGN OFFICE. May 6. 1881. MY LORD: Her Majestys Government are disap. pointed in not having received from you by the mail which has just arrived any report of the state of affairs and of the prospectsof the several artics. with referenceto the issue of the struillrle which up can unfortunately to have commenced between them; but the interruption of the communication betwaen Washington and NewYork sulleiently explains the nonarrivnl ofyour dispatches. The account.however.which her Mmestyse onsuls at. different ports were enabled to forward by the packet.coincide n showing that whatever may be the final result of what cannot now be designated otherwisethan as the civilWar which has broken out between the several Statesof the late Union. for the presentat least those stateshave separated into distinct confederacies.and. as such.are carrying on war agihiinesqteuaecshtiootnhe forr. neutral nati ons to consider is. what is the character of the war; and whether it ahould be regardedas a war carried on between parties severally in a DOFllJOllto wagoavar and to claim the rights and to perform the obligations attaching to belligcrciits? lIer Moi estysGovernment consider that the question can only be answeredin the affirmative. If the Government of thenorthern portion of the late Union osse sse s the advantages inherent in long established governments.the Government of the southern portion has. Nevertheless duly constituted itself and carries on in irregular form the administration of the civil goverument of the States of which it is compos. Her Muiestys Government.therefore.without as suming to pronounceupon the meritsof the question on which the respective parties are at issue.ean do no less than accept the factspreheatedto them. They deeply deplore the disruption of a Confederacy with which they have at all times soughtto c tivate the most friendly relations; they view with t 8 greatest apprehension and coni orn the misery and esolaiion in which that disruption threatens to involve the graotvtihnecyesfeneelwthaartred in arms against each other they cannot question the right of the southern States to claim to be recognized as a belligerent. and., assuch. investedwith all the right! and Krerogativesofa belligerent. Itink it right to we {our lordship this timely notice of the view to ca y he rlilagstys Government of the presentstate of affairs in orth America and her Mmestys Governmentdn not wish you to make any mystery of that view. I shall send your lordship. by an early opportunity. such further information on these matters nsmny be reihuired for yourguidance: atpresent I have only to ad. that no expression of regret that o iimay employ at the recent disastrous state of a airs will too strongly oclare the feelings with which her Majestyijs iiiizverunieiectoutzmplatcall the evdswhich canno ai O race rum) 5. RUSSELL. I am. kin. [Extract of Lord John Russells speechin the house of Commons.May 30.1861.] My honorable friend the member for the West Riding of Yorkshire. alluded the other night to one subject in a tone which I wasveryiiorryto hear used by anyone. My honorable friend said that “the greatropnblican bubble in merieahadburnt." New. sir. I am proud to confess Imay be subject to correction butfor my part. when I find that a dark and tyrannical despotismhas been abolished and that people are likely o cmoy free government in its place. I rejoice. this my duty to represent her glnicilty as friendly to all existing States; but if a despotic Government fall and the people who are suhicct to it are likely to obtain better and freer Government. I cannot conceal that it gives mesatis faction and that I sympathize with them. But I own I have verydifferent feelingswhen a IErect Republic. which has enjoyed for 70or eig ti; years institutions under which the llieopie have confree and happy. enters into a can let.in which that freedom and happiness is placed in jcopardy. I must coufess the joy which I fe that the overthrowof someof the despotisins of Italy is counterbalanced by the pain which I experience at the events which have lately taken place in America. I admit that I have thought and that I still think. that in this country we ewoy more real freedomthan the U.S. have ever done. admit. also. that the great foundersof that Bepublichwise and able men asthey were. had not the materials at hand by which they could interpos aswe are able to do in this country. the curb an correction of reasonin order to restrain the limou ate outbursts of the regular wi l. Yet we cannot be blind to the fact the the Republic has beenfor many years a great and free State. exhibiting to the world the example of a people in the enjoyment of happiness. wealth and freedom and affordmgbright roo pet tsof the progress and improvement of man ind. When I reflect that the reproaches which are cast by the States of the North upon the States of the South and the resistancewhich they have called forth, have arisen from that accursed institution of slavery. I cannot but eecllect also that with our great and glorious intutions we have them that curse and that oars werethe hands rom which the receivedthat fatal gift of the poisoned garmentwhic wiis flung around them from the 1st hour of their establishment. Therefore. I do not. think it Just or newly that there should be amongus anything like exultation at their discord and still less that wr. should reproach them with an evil tor the origin of hlflh V8 are ourselvesto blame. Thesenrothe feelingsmth which I heard the remarksof my honorable friend the other night and I mustsay that I the sentiments believi which he exprcaaedform anexception to the general imsrcssmn in England. Indeed. I think nothing could be morehonorable to our country than the prevailing pain and grief which have been occasioned by the prospect of that great and free peoplebeing about to rush into arms to destroy eech otherl happinessand freedom. NewYorkur. May 3. 1366. Bill: Having. in conformity with the request of Congressthrough its JtCommee delivered before thein a memorial addre on Abxihum Lincoln and Earl Russell having written aletter to deny some of my allegations. I deem it but an act of Justice to transmit to you a copy ofEarl Russells letter and of myreply.undof the oeumentson which my allegation rid his denial are founded. I request you to lay t use apers before the Jtcommittee of Congress. 1103 I cave thtefmunt their dispos mon. ery respec u y. yours. GEORGE BANEROFT. To Hon. Eniuu B. W. uauaxii of Illinois. Chqanwl! on the pur! of the House of the Joust (luminanceof (bnareu. 4:0. Papers incloszd. 1. Earl Russell toMr. Adams: February ".8.1866. 2. Mr. Baneroft to Mr. Adams. in reply to Earl Russell; March 866. Lord J. Russells letters of May 6. 1861.to Earl Cowley and to Lord Lyons. 4. Extract of Lord J. Russellsspeechin the Houso of Commons.May 30.1361.