Mr. HARDING, of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I cordially accord with those gentlemen who have exPressed their approval of the purposes and objects of the bill now before the House. I represent a constituency who are 2nd to no constituency in this Union in their devotion to the cause of the Union and the cause of freedom, and in their firm determination that, cost whatever it may of treasure or of blood, they will maintain the rights of the citizens of the U.S. against lawlessness and crime. Those are the declared objects of this bill. I do not deem it necessary I regard it as worse than useless to discuss the issue of fact upon which depends the conclusion that there is a necessity for the passage of this bill. From all quarters the evidence is satisfactory to my mind that during the last 2 years this Congress has been derelict in respect to measures which should give protection to the faithful men of the late rebellious States, the men who struggled along with us, and who suffered more than us for the Preservation of the Union. The practical effect of this measure, if adopted without the least amendment, places us, in my opinion, where we were at that period, since the death of the lamented Lincoln, when the policy of protecting the Union men of the South was departed from. For more than a year, if my recollection is correct, and I think for a year and a half, after the termination of hostilities before. Richmond and the surrender of all the martial forces of the enemy, we held jurisdiction and authority over the entire South by military power. It is true, sir, whether we were conquerors or not, we had control to assert the jurisdiction, the constitutional authority of the U.S. in the exercise of the war power. This bill proposes nothing more, nothing less. If it were proper to maintain the power of the President over those States for so long a period, how is this measure so fatal to liberty now 7 If there is an officer in the service, the civil service socalled, if there is a court there exercising jurisdiction relative to the rights of the people, it is all done under the authority, exPress or implied, of this Congress. As the conqueror by sufferance we have recognized the acts of these courts. However illegally constituted as civil government, still by sufferance we have recognized them; and whenever the conqueror chooses their municipal regulations can be wiped out and the local institutions removed. These local governments can be removed and ought to be removed. They ought to have been removed long ago. Out of regard to proper protection to loyal citizens: they ought to have been in the grasp of the military power long ago. For our neglect to exert the military power of the Government we are responsible for the blood and suffering which disgrace this republic. I think this is the best measure that been offered for the relief of the loyal people who have been and are still suffering so much in the South. I will vote any amount of men and money. I will strain the ship of state till all her timbers crack rather than give up the loyal people of the South to the murderous fury of their enemies. I have no fear but we have constitutional power to direct the commanding general to perform this duty. He is an executive officer of the law. I know we have the power, and I am in favor of exerting it. The Gentfrom Kentucky {Mr. TRIM BLE] thinks, although the ". in command has the power to appoint all these officers, the President can pervert this bill from the purposes intended. No, sir, he cannot. this intended to protect the liberty and property of the loyal citizens. He cannot put a man at the head of any dept to pervert the object of this measure. If he attempted it the thing would be as great treason as anything we bave heard of. But I have no fear but when you give explicit directions to him or to any subaltern the laws will be executed. We have arrived on this bill, sir, at the point from which we diverged. We establish the necessary supervising power over the people recently subdued. Let us go back, then, or rather let us come up to where we were before, and exercise jurisdiction over the territory conquered from the rebels, which juris diction the President has given up to those rebels, to the great suffering and injury of the Government and of loyal people. [Here the hammer 5