Mr. RAYMOND. Mr. Speaker, I do not propose to enter into a discussion of all the new issues which the gentlemen on the other side seek to spring upon me just now. The present Administration, so far as I am aware, is not conducting a war, nor is it seeking to quell a rebellion; therefore opposition to that Administration, however unwise and injurious it may he. cannot be confounded with disloy alty to the Government. 1 repeat what I said before, in spite of all that has been urged against it, that the democratic organization as such did not aid the administration in carrying the country through the war. The Administration.l repeat, had the conduct of the war. It did not exclude members of the Democratic party from participation in its councils, but admitted them and invited their cooperation, It strove in every possible way to get them to act with it, or in any way so as to give vigor to the war. It took its members into its Cabinet and placed emi nent Democrats in the field. And yet I believe that wherever a prominent Democrat anywhere undertook to sustain the Administration in the prosecution of the war that man was read out of its organization just as soon as they could reach him. I might cite individual instances to prove this, but it is not worth while to prolong this discussion. New, sir, as to restoring the Union, we are on the way to it. We ought to have done it sooner, I admit. The gentlemen on the oppo site side will admit, as gentlemen on my own side will allege against me, that I have done all in my power to complete that work. It is not my fault that loyal men who have been sent from the southern States lately in rebellion are not. in their seats here today. I have been ready at any time to act upon the question of their admission, from the da I entered Congress till the present time. deny the assertion of the Gentfrom Pennsylvania that I have thrown obstacles in the way of their admission or of the complete restoration of the Union. I have striven for both steadily, consistently, and upon principles which l avowed at the outset, and to which I have sought in every possible way to give effect. And I in tend to do so still. The gentleman asks me when the Union will be restored. If it depended upon me, sir, it would be restored this day, so far as the admission ofloyal members from loyal States to Congress could restore it. I hope it will be action of the Union party which holds all the depts of the Government, and is especially responsible for the action of Congress. As I said), when this interruption occurred, that party has established a strong hold on the confidence of the country by carrying the country through the war and quelling the rebellion which threatened its existence. It owes it to the nation to complete the work so well begun; to build on the foundation so nobly and so successfully laid; and not to forfeit by unwise political action the confidence it has earned by its conduct of the war. It is just as much tthe duty of the Union party todayto complete the restoration of the Union, to restore every State to its just rights and relations under the Constitution, as it was 5 years ago, and every day thereafter, to wave vigorous and successful war upon the rebelllon which threatened the nation’s life. And the 1st great duty it has to perform in the accomplishment of this end is so to extend its organization and so liberalize its spirit as to become a national instead of a sectional party, as events have compelled it to be hitherto. In 1852 the last national convention of the rty opposed to the aggressions of slavery was old. Iirom that time to this we have been compelled to wage a sectional warfare. But now that necessity no longer exists. There is no further need, no long or an excuse for a sectional organization, an the duty of the Union party to pay is to extend itself into every south Pern State, and become a national party in organization as it is in interest and as it should be in its principles, its purpose, and itssympathies. The great obstacle to national political action, slavery, has disa peared. We encounter no longer in the soutern States that great power which bound them to each other and divided them from all the world beside. Their interests are no longer hostile to ours. They are no longer closed against friendly counsels, friendly sympathies, and friendly efforts on the part of the North. The have the snmeinterest in the Constitution that we have, and there is nothing that can make the South again a compact unit in its political action hereafter hut hostility on our part toward it. Sir, I long to see the day when the Union party shall take ground that will command the sympathies of the Union loving men all over this broad Republic, and give it that basis of liberality, generosity, and constitutional free restored soon the sooner the better by the' dom to which by its organization, by itsprinciples and by its history, it is entitled. iiihert it shall have done that, it will hold a position from which nothing can drive it. I re, eat, sir, that the great political necessity of to day is to nationalize the party that has saved the nation. And all that is needed to accomplish this result is for the Union party to stand upon its own ground, to avoid all needless issues, to await the developments of time and public discussion before rushing into contests upon new questions, and to resist resolutely every endeavor to force upon it principles and measr ures which it has never espoused. Let it plant itself upon national ground, discard all sectional feeling, extend its organization into every State, make the interests, rights, honor, welfare of all sections its own, and it willstand foreverl In such a position and with such principles it has every dept of the government at its command. All the patronage and power of the Executive would ive weight and effect to its policy. Thousands of patriotic and disintere.ted Democrats will swell its ranks and give weight to its councils, and we shall see an end of the long weary strife of sections, which once had a reason, a necessity, and an object, but which, now that slavery is dead, has them no longer. It is the hope of such a result that has prompted my action on this floor during the present session. It is that which has led me to seek so strongly and so steadily to maintain harmony of action between the President and the majority of Congress, for I knew then, as I know now, that in all the essential principles of their political action llOlIl were united upon new oints, ointsnever hith erto discusse or decided int e councils of the Union party. They may differ, as members differ among themselves on this floor and as men must always differ elsewhere. I believe the nation demands the speedy restoration of peace and harmony to the Union. It demands that the political relations of the States to each other an to the General Government shall be promptly restored upon the principles of the Constitution. In some way, y some means, through one agenc or another, the people will, require all this to e accomplished. eshall have a national party, and that party willhave control of the Government. w 1y should we. the Union men of the land, those who saved the nation, from any mere resentments or mistakes, allow that great work to fall into other bands? It requires no sacrifice which wise and prudent men may not easily make. We need relinquish no principle. We need only to for bear, to be patient, to court the aid and agency of time, to be tolerant of differences and tena cious of principles and objects in which we all agree. I rejoice to see in the action of Congress evidence that time and reflection are iving weight to these considerations; and I indulge the hope that when we adjourn, stand ing upon ground which we hold in common and referring to the judgment of the people the decision of questions on which we differ, we shall go to the country united in purpose, and having the cooperation of the President 'whom we placed in power. Here the hammer fell.] 1:.BINGHAM obtained the floor.