Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. President, having a day or 2 ago made a few remarks on this bill, and having so recently taken my place in the Senate, my sense of propriety and my inclination both suggest that I remain silent; and yet the importance of the measure leads me to express my views. Dut before considering the specific point that has been under discussion this morning, I have a remark or 2 to make in reply to several objections that have been made to the measure. A distinguished lawyer and Senator has stated before the country that he cannot vote for this bill because it is unconstitutional in that it is expostfacto in its character, imposing a severer punishment on the crime of treason or givin aid and comfort to the rebellion than existe at the time the offense was committed. Mr. President, there is a clear distinction, as was stated by the Senfrom Maine, [Mr. MoR RILL,) between absolute rights and conventional rights. Except for crime this nation cannot take from me my life; not if by doing so the whole debt of the nation could be paid. If the nation did it, the nation would be a murderer. My life must run the mission that God intended it, and until God recalls it. But surely a Legislature can take away the right to fill an office at 30 years of age, and say it shall not be filled till 35, or the right to vote at 21, and say it shall not be exercised till 31, or, where the conventional right is not secured by the Constitution, can take away the right entirely. But the argument is that this law is unconstitutional and expostfacto, because the right to vote is taken. those who gave aid and comfort to the enemy, as a punishment. That is begging the question. The law does not say so, and it is not for that purpose that the Senate vote for it. I believe I express the sentiment of this Senate when I say that they would be perfectly willing to give is right to vote, not to a repentant, for that term is offensive as between men, but to a reformed rebel. It is in that spirit that the proviso is appended to the admirable constitutional amendment which has been adopted by the loyal States. The reason that one who has given aid and comfort to the enemy is not permitted to vote, is because he has not the qualification of loyalty, a qualification which this nation has a right to insist on all over the land. There is magnanimity in the people of the North, and they would be ready to extend to the South free forgiveness as soon as it mani fested that quality of loyalty which this very law contemplates and for want of which this disqualification is annexed. But the people of the South should remember that the people of the loyal States are inexorably in earnest. They are radical, but their radical sentiment consists only in the fixed determination to eradicate every root and branch of disloyalty and of human slavery; and the very 1st minute the South will accept and meet them on these terms and join them in this purpose, the whole difficulty in this country will be at an end. But to return to the specific question: even if the disqualification annexed to those who gave aid and comfort to the enemy is inflicted in this law as a punishment, is it expostfacto in any sense? When this crime was committed by the laws of this country, by a statute signed by Washington on the 30th of April, 1790, the person who gave aid and comfort to the enemy ecame civilly dead; and what is civil death but a deprivation of every privilege the privilege of holding office, the privilege of voting? Be sides, the persons alluded to in this bill have voluntarily surrendered the right to vote by dissolving their allegiance with this Government and giving their allegiance to another socalled government. Therefore, Mr. President, I think there is no difficulty, and need be none, on any man's conscience in voting for this bill on any such constitutional ground. Another objection I have heard urged here, and that is that this is a white man's Government. I admit that defacto this is a white man's Government; but that it is so dejure I think it would be difficult to establish. Who can put his finger on the provision of the constitution which makes it so? I think it will be very difficult to prove that a Mongolian or an Ethiopian has not rights under this Government. Practically, it is a white man's government; and it seems to me that those gentlemen who urge that fact against the passage of this bill show very little confidence in the energy and courage and ability of the Anglo Saxon race. I do not expect to be seized with that apprehension that this Government will cease to be a white man's Government until I change my complexion. But then, it is said we are going to give suffrage to an inferior race. That I do not argue. Be it so that they are an inferior race; that is only an additional reason why every true white man should do all in his power to incite them to energy and give them every aid to their elevation. Why, sir, the oracles of God have been appealed to here repeatedly, and we have been told that it was prophesied that cursed should be Canaan, and servant of servants should he be. If we are to justify our conduct by under taking to show that we are fulfilling prophecy, then Judas and Pilate and the Roman soldiery cannot only prove their innocence, but can prove themselves entitled to immortal honor for the murder that they did on Calvary, for that act brought to this dark world the only ray of true light that has ever broken upon it. It seems to me, sir, that if we are going on a crusade to fulfill prophecy, we had better accelerate the fulfillment of that other prophecy which is about to be accomplished, that Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hands unto God. Another objection that is made is, that by giving these colored. the right to vote we are inducing distasteful associations between races. What possible connection is there between the right to vote and the social associations and intimacies of life? That is the echo of an old prejudice that never had any foundation. Is any gentleman obliged or bound to associate with me because I vote any more than because I work, or write, or walk? It is the same kind of logic which is used where one said that he who drives fat oxen must therefore himself be fat. There is no possible connection of cause and effect between the 2 circumstances. It is objected that this question of negro suffrage has never been submitted to the That is strictly true; it never has been directly submitted to the people; but is it legislative usual before action is had in reference to this ten miles square to submit the question of legislation to the people of America?, The question has been before the people, and the testimony is very uniform from all parts of the nation that they are opposed to the irrational qualification of complexion in determining whether one shall perform an act of judgment. The ple believe that as the test of complexion is not applied to the burdens, so it should not be applied to the privileges of Government. The people believe that with the toga of the citizen comes the armor of citizenship. The people believe that if you take from the French or the German or the Irish the ballot, they would be treated with disrespect and would be made the victims of oppression and of imposture. But, sir, the soldiers of this country, not mercenary soldiers, the patriot soldiers of this country have done much toward enlightening society. They have seen these colored citizens in the same ranks with themselves; they have seen their manhood; they have shared their rations; they have been taught by them how to avoid the scent of the bloodhounds. These soldiers have seen these colored men lying in columns on the field of battle with their faces upturned to Heaven mutely pleading, as has been said, for the rights of their race; and they have done a missionary work among the people of this country. But, Mr. President, that is not the whole of this case. While the H. of this country are much interested in having the right of suffrage extended, they want to avoid ignorance in the elective franchise. The people of this country believe that human slavery is a great curse. They have been taught it from this Capitol. They have been taught it in strains of eloquence from the lips of those who will ever be associated with the cause of human freedom. They believe it is a great evil. They have been taught it on the field of battle and o the vacant places at their own hearth stones. The 2 evils which they see in slavery are, the arrogance of the master and the ignorance of the slave. They would be most happy to secure this franchise, and be most happy on the other hand to avoid the introduction of any greater degree of ignorance in the elective franchise, and I believe that is just the reason why the people of this country have with such unanimity adopted the admirable constitutional amendment. It is because they see that by that provision which makes the ratio of representation to depend upon voters rather than upon inhabitants, the disloyal States will be constrained by State action, and as fast probably as the films and scales of ignorance incident to slavery fall away, to give suffrage to the negroes. But we have got to determine the question now, whether we will give the right of suffrage or not, and with what qualifications. I confess that I have listened to the debate on this question of a reading qualification with great interest. There are clearly 2 sides to it. The argument in favor of insisting upon the ability to read test is that making the prize of the ballots contingent upon the ability to read would be a powerful stimulus to induce the colored citizen to learn to read. His pride, his shame, his ambition, his fear of degradation would all urge him to learn to read. But, sir, there is another side to the question; and it seems to me, when we consider all the difficulties there are in applying this reading test that the argument is in favor of universal suffrage. The argument in favor of making the right to vote universal is that the ballot itself is a great education; that by its encouraging the citizen, by its inspiring him, it adds dignity to his character and makes him strive to acquire learning; 2nd ly, that if the voting depended on learning, no inducement is extended to communities unfavorable to the right of voting in the colored man to give him the opportunity to learn; they would rather embarrass him to prevent his making the acquisition unless they were in favor of his voting, while if voting is universal, communities, for their own security, for their own protection, will be driven to establish common schools so that the voter shall become intelligent. I suppose that in the northern States the universality of the elective franchise has had much to do with the vigorous and extended common school systems which there exist. Besides, from the peculiar structure of society in this country, and in view of the lo.necessity of resorting to measures of this nature to secure a loyal constituency elsewhere, I believe, that the true way to try the experiment here is to make it universal. I hope, I trust, I believe, that the experiment will be successful. I believe that communities will then go to work to give education to these men, and that they, feeling their manhood, will be animated to greater application and industry. If this should be so, what results would we behold from this rebellion? We would see these people able to read, having the rights of citizens; then comes the new paper; then comes the open Bible; and as. result of this rebellion we would see the mother of infa mies dethroned and intelligence and virtue, twin sisters heaven born, enthroned in her stead. Then we would see ateeming population all over this continent intelligent and virtuous, fit to exercise the rights and privileges of citizens. We would see this country extending on the one hand to Europe with its telegraph, and on the other to Asia with its railroads and its steamer connections, so that the influence of this country would be felt all over the world; the pulsations of the great American heart would vibrate intelligence and virtue and freedom to all the earth. I believe that this action which is being taken in this District is the beginning of great things. I admit that the question is a nice one to solve, whether the intelligence qualification shall be insisted on or not; but in view of all the case and all the circumstances of the country, I shall be constrained to try the experiment here, so far as my vote is concerned, by making the elective franchise universal.