Mr. MARSHALL. I say that the whole course of the dominant party after the election of Mr. Lincoln was such as to satisfy my mind that they desired civilWar for the purpose of bringing about this revolution. But I did not rise for the purpose of s caking on that subject. Sir, I am amazed to rid any gentleman upon this floor advocating the proposition that has been reported by the committee. A more ob noxious one was never reported for the consideration of a deliberative body. The gentlemen who report it profess to be, and doubtless are the peculiar advocates of the African race. I wish to ask them upon what principle of jus tice, upop what principle of free government, they have rovi edthat if, after this amendment is adopted, SCarolina, Mississippi, or any other State shall adopt a provision that all white men over 21 years of age shall be voters, and all black men who have 200 dollars worth of property, and ifthere shall be 10,000 lega black voters in such State, upon what principle will you place in the constitution of the U.S. a provision which would derive these 10,000 leal black voters o any representation upon the floor of Congress, or of being considered in the basis of representation? and I wish to ask the honorable gentleman who reported this amendment if that is not the effect and result of the amendment reported from the committee and my colleague [Mr. COOK] avows that he is in favor of such an amendment, although under the laws of SCarolina. Mississiplpi, or Kentucky, iving qualified suffrage to the negro, it would deprive all black voters of representation, of any voice upon this floor, or of being counted in the basis of representation. It cuts off from representation here the black men in NewYork who are allowed to vote by the constitution and laws of that State. How can men justify a proposition so monstrous, so enor mous as this is, and at the same time profess to be the special advocates of progress and reform? This merely satisfies mo of whatI have been satisfied before, that if any amendments are necessary to the constitution of our country, this is not the time, and more especial] Is this not the place, to inaugurate such amendments. I understood the distinguished Gentfrom I believe, notwithstanding the conceded wisdom , ability, and virtue of this House, that the fathers who framed our glorious constitution were wiser, better, and nobler than we are; yet every day we have offered here some dozen or 20 proposed amendments to the Constitution, otlered as if we were discussing resolutions in a town meeting. There seems to be no more regard here for the constitution and its guarantees, as our fathers made it, than there would be for resolutions in a common caucus or in a town meeting. It is monstrous, it is absurd, and I hope the House will return to the ways of wisdom, and go to other and legitimate work of legislation, restore the Union, and bring relicl and consolation to the hearts of 1,000s and millions of loyal people who are looking to this body to restorethe nion of the States, nunion of hands and a union of hearts, under the constitution of our fathers. Having shown, as I believe I have, that the proposition, as reported by the committee, is wholly untenable, is monstrous, absurd, damnablein its provisions, a greater wrong and out rage on the black race than anything that has ever been advocated by others, I will, if I have time, refer to another point. The remarks I am now making are entirely extem oraneous. Pennsylvania [Mr. KELLEY] to takethe position, some ays ago, that under the constitution, as it now ciusts, Congress has the power to regulate suffrage in the States.