Mr. WADE. Ivliad not intended to say anything about this subject, because I supposed it was a foregone conclusion that this Exibition would be attended by the authorities of the U.S. I was opposed to it in committee; I am opposed to it now, and for several reasons. One of those reasons is that I am persuaded that the exhibition we shall be able to make there will not bevery honorable or very creditable to the U.S. We have not had sufficient notice; we have not begun in sufficient time; we are not sufficiently liberal in the appropriations that we have made or propose to make, to make a respectable exhibition there. So well aware of that has the French Emperor been, that by reference to the amount of ground that has been marked off for the U.S. to occupy among the other nations 'of the earth that propose to assemble there, it will be seen that there has been less space awarded to us than to any of the little rerman principalities that propose to go there. They require us, of course, to build our own house, and I believe the appropriation proposed here is not supposed to be more than sufficient to construct the buildings in which the exhibition is to be made. At all events the committee did not find that it could much more than perform that part. We are a great way from the place where this Exhibition is to be held. It is very expensive for us to go there and to take there all those things that we might wish to exhibit. The probability is that we shall make but a very poor show in that distant country compared with those great nations living close at hand, and with materials much easier to be brought and exhibited there than we could do under any circumstances; for those aristocratical and nionarchicul Governments, where kings and princes contend with the powei' of nations in their bands, can make a much greater show than a republic can ever make. I do not know what a vantage it is supposed will be gained by any exhibition that we shall make there. Is there any new thing under the sun that will be brought to light there? Isthere to be found any new invention unknown to the ople of the U.S or to the civilize world that we can lay hold of as an improvement, that we have not now perfect knowledge of ‘I I hardly know what advantage this nation expects to get by any exhibition that it shall make there. These considerations, seeing that we should make such a sorry exhibition there before the nations of the world, led me to believe that it would be better that we should not go there at all. If we could make an exhibition of republican Government, and the fruits of republicannism as administered in our Government, that we think the best in the world, yea, that we know is the best in the world; if we could compare its principles And its effects upon a people with those monarehies, I should be exceedingly emulons for the exhibition; but this is a contest for s lendor, for show; and it is for the purpose of building up the greatness, power, and influence of the Emperor of France that this Exhibition is to be held. These are the considerations which have moved that absolute and subtle monarch to gather all the nations of the earth there right under his surveillance and supervision, to make an exhibition for the glory of France and the stability and honor of his throne. It will hardly have any other effect than that. All that heexpects from it is from considerationslike these. And just in proportion as a Government robs its poor people, robs labor of its just fruits, and accumulates them in the hands of a few, just in that proportion is it able to make a splendid exhibitionon such an occasion. As I said before, I wish we could compare Governments and the fruits of free Governments with the fruits of despotisms as affecting the honor, the intelligence, and the elevation of a whole people. If that could be done, we should do more for republicanism, more for humanity, more for the elevation of the peoples of the world than could be done in any other way. But by this kind of exhibition you only exhibit to the world what robberies privileged classes can make from industry in order to make a show before the world; and to reeat, just in proportion as they roblabor of its fruits, so they will be enabled to make a grand, splendid appearance at this Exhibition. These, in short, were some of the reasons that induced me before the committee to believe and to vote against our Government interfering at all in this matter. We are to send philosophers and sages there to view this great spectac el They will come home, one ha f of them, with their heads turned clear round with the glor of monarchieal Governments and the s lendi exhibitions that they have made there. 1 our shallow scientific men will look no deeper than this, and will become imbued with the spirit of monarchical and aristocratic governments. 1/2 of the men we send abroad desert our principles when they have been hanging on a court for not more than a month. Your minister there now is as complete a snobto the court of France as anyone who is hereditarily so. That will be the advantage, and I believe all the advantage, that this Government will gain by sending these sages there to take note of this splendid Exhibition. As the Senfrom Iowa has said, when that is done they will come here with their programmes and their drawings and their reports, that will be exceedingly costly for us to print and exhibit here, and they will be of no kind of use when they are printed. V ow, sir, as to our relations with France, for that has been involved in this question. what has been the treatment of France toward this nation and toward Mexico? I take that into account when we are invited to make a friendly exhibition. It may not, in one sense have anything to do with this manifestation 0 art and science that is to be made in Paris. But, sir, something is due to the self respect of this great nation. Who is the man that has got up this Exhibition? Who is he that invites us to this banquet? Is he a man who has treated us with consideration and respect all along? When we were involved in great difficulties, when he supposed ruin was starin us in the face, was he tien friendly to as and to the Government we represent? Sir, he was our mortal enemy. He is the enemy of man kind, the enemy of the rights and liberties of mankind, as he has shown on all occasions. If any private gentleman were uilty of the same acts of criminality that e is justly charged with and guilty of, not a man in this Senate would associate with him for a moment. How came he, in Mexico? Had the poor ine ffensiv e people of Mexico, struggling against ignorance against superstition, against every obstacle that impedes the progress of a nation to civilization and to welfare, ever done him, the Emperor of France, any wrong? No, sir, never. He crossed the broad Atlantic to in vade a people who had never injured him; and with what pretension did he come? He came there pretending to the nations of Europe and to us that he had a little claim due somehow or other from the people of Mexico to the people of France, and he disavowed any intention of coming for an political purpose whatever. That was his so emn declaration. in'order to throw us and surroundingnations of theirguard. He seduced even England and Spain into the idea that he wanted them to cooperate barely to collect a debt against Mexico, disavowing utterly any political intention whatsoever, say in that he did not intend to acquire any foot hold in Mexico. Was that a false pretense or atrue pretense? No man ever went to the penitentiary for obtaining property by false gretenses upon a pretense more false, more isgraceful to human nature, than that he avowed. When he got there what did he do? He at length disgusted his associates. They finally saw through his scheme, and that they were deceived, and the backed out, and then he was compelled to get the truth be known, that he had one there with no intention to collect adebt, at with the intention to subvert the republic of Mexico, and trample it under foot, and place there a crowned head of his own making under him as a satrap, and subject the great republic of Mexico to be a mere adjunct of the empire of France. That is what he is after; that is what he designs to do; and why? How has he done it? He has taken his army there. He has invaded Mexico by a military force. He has carried on against that ine ffen sive people the most barbarous war that has been waged in modern times. He has gone abroad to hunt up another scion of nobility for the time being to take his place and reign in his steadoverastrange people; a people republican in all their sentiments; apeople endeavoring to imitate us in the great republic that we have formed; a nation that we always wish to be friendly with us; a nation that has reached out its arm and implored us, inasmuch as we had set the example that they were endeavoring to follow by forming a just and free republican Government like our own to step forth and aid and assist them from this robber. When they did it, they did it upon the well known and established principles of our own Government, b which for the last 50 years we have declare that we would not at any period suffer European nations to intermeddle with the pol ities of this continent, and to overthrow the republics here, and to set up monarchies or empires in their stead. If there is anysettled, cherished policy of this nation approved by our statesmen from Jefferson until now, that isone of them; and if we surrenderit, we most weakly and incanly surrender a great principle as necessary to our true republican proess as the breath of our lives. 0 has put aximil ian there in his stead he has maintained him with his troops; he has officered his armies with his own officers; he has even sent men there from his empire to dictate how the war shall be carried on; and what is the effect of it? Why, sir, because these poor Mexicans, struggling to maintain their rights against this foreign robber, whom they had never in'ured, because they persist in the assertion of their rights, when they are taken as prisoners all the well known principles of modern warfare are forgotten, and they are ordered to be shot. Why? Because they attempt to defend their libertiesand the libertiesof their nation against the aggressions of this accnrsed robber and des pot from abroad. That is the reason a reason that should stir the blood of every republican the world over. But it is said that we have put up patiently with this for a long time. Sir, I blush; I am ashamed to confess it, that we have. It is the darkest blot upon the escutcheon of the U.S. that we have suffered it so long. The Emperor of France did not disguise it that his purpose was to put a check, to put a curb in the bit of the Anglo Saxon race, and to come here for the advancement of the Latin race, and for empire. He told the world that that was his object. It was a declaration of war upon our principles, and he knew it, and it should have been taken in the right spirit; or, if strugglng with our gigantic foe, prudence dic Stated that for the moment we should hold up, the very moment the cloud of war passed away, we should have asserted this great doctrine, and we should have gone forth and put it in practice. Our armies upon the borders of Mexico ought never to have been disbanded until this robber and his cohorts and his creat ure with the name of Emperor were driven ignominiously from this continent. It could have been as easily done as said. Suppose your triumphant arms had been turned against the creature of this robber in the assertion of that great'principle called the Monroe doctrine, emanating from Thomas Jefferson, and which was thrown into the teeth of the great combi nation of European despots called the Hol Alliance by Mr. Monroe? At that perio, comparatively weak as we were, we had the courage to stare them in the face with all their accumulated power, and say to them, “Take care of your own monarchies and Governments in Europe; but we will not suffer you to come on to this continent to model Governments after your own fashion, and if you do it, you do it at your peril, ” and they who had triumphantly driven Bonaparte from his throne, had not the hardihood to encounter the wrath and the enthusiasm of this people stirred up in the defense of this great principle. They left it to us, with our accumulated power and strength, to quail before the mandates of this French Emperor. I say again it is shameful for us, it is a blot upon our character that ought to be wiped out. but I am told that this very innocent French Emperor has now made up his mind that he will relinquisball his plans; that he will fore go all the expense he has incurred; and that e is now ready to back out of the project which he has cherished so long and has maintained thus far with such sacrifices to France, to recall his troops, and to do precisely what we wish him to do. Does anybody believe that he will do it willingly? We were told yesterday of the course he took recently with the French army there. How many times within the last 5 years has he averred and assever ated to the people of Europe that it was his purpose to withdraw his army from Italy? Did e ever find the time when he would do it? No, sir; he ever found some pretense to post pone it even until now. He is endeavoring now, with all the powar and influence of his empire and of his craft, to postpone the great war that is rising in Europe, for no better purpose undoubtedly than to enable him still to carry out the roject he had in view upon this continent. I now that the condition of Europe today is perilous. I know that a cloud of war is hanging over the continent of Europe, threatening to involve it in one of the greatest and most terrible contests that the world ever saw. Statesmen believe it must come. Napo leon thinks it is imminent; and therefore, I say again, he is turning all his power and skill toward averting the storm and quelling it without a resort to arms. I see that the great contending nations have tpaused in their career, and have deferred so or to him as to go into a congress that they refused 4 years ago to go into. They have stayed their armies. They have consented to no otiate. There is a great congress of kings an emperors and their ministers at Paris in order to settle this great question without a resort to arms. Will they be able to do it? Speculations of statesmen are rife upon that subject. No man now can tell what will be the result of those negotiations. My own opinion is that the power and influence of France can procure peace, and having it in her power to chastise any nation that will go to war against her will, I believe it will have the effect to stay, for a season at least, this resort to arms. If it does, has Na 0 leon said a word or done a thing that will bind him to withdraw his troops and give up his project in Mexico? Not a word. You may read your letters till doomsday; you may look to all the subterfuges that he has resorted to; and I read them all in this way: Napoleon says, “I see great difficulty arising around me; I may fin full employment for all the military power I have; t crcfore I do not wish to provoke a war with the U.S. until this question is settled one way or the other." But if he finds that he is to be at peace with Europe, my word for it and never will I rise in the Senate again to declare my opinion of what will take place if I am incorrect, if that question is settled without war Napoleon will not choose to give up his grasp upon Mexico; nor will our Administration extort from him a promise that he will absolutely do it. He has said nothing; he has done nothing as yet you cannot put your finger on it that binds him to withdraw his troops either in October or any other time. He is waiting to see how Euro pean affairs turn out; and just as they do turn out, so will he act. It is the dearest project of his heart to subjugate Mexico to an emperor of his own setting up amanwho will be nothing but a mere plaything in his hands. He will have the great empire of Mexico under Maximilian for awhile, and then under his son who is to succeed him. Now, sir, this is the way that I judge upon that question. I do not believe that ourinter course with France is so peaceable. I wish that our Administration would take a direct step in the right direction, following the just, great, noble, courageous counsel of our fore fathers, who were weaker than we are, and hurl the same defiance in the teeth of the emperor of the French and the Emperor of Aus tria and all Europe, saying, “We will never submit.to allow a neighboring republic that has taken us of their model, on our borders, to be overturned against their will and consent, and an accursed emperor set up to tyrannize for evermore upon that people.” It is a bad example for us. Gentlemen may say it is nothing to us what becomes of Mexrco. Sir, it is a narrow, selfish policy that will degenerate in the loss of our own liberties if we become so indifferent to the fate of the people who surround us. say we ought in good neighborhood to stretch forth a friendly arm to that struggling people who are being slaughtered, tortured, starved, put to every inconvenience on God’s earth, that this robber may prosper; but we sit down indifferent to it, an see a great republic over turned under our noses, and, with an impu dence unknown, a Government set up upon its ruins that we utterly abhor. Sir with such an emperor as this, so false to all that is liberal, just, and right, so tainted in his private character as a man, with his double dealing and frauds, with his cruelty and barbarity as a statesman, I do not want the U.S. to have anything to do by way of social intercourse. It is said that he is to put up his son at the head of this Exhibition as a model for Ameri can gentlemen and statesmen to dolf their hats.to. A young monarch 9 years old! gentlemen may say this is a matter of taste. lt is a matter of principle with me. An American citizen never shall, with my consent, be compelled to do this mean obeisance to kings or emperors, or their children. It is not the place for proud republicans to go. The relationship in which we stand to that nation is not such as should permit us to interfere nationally, and by our Government to appear at this rand pageant of this Emperor in order to swel the triumphant splendor of his reign. I am opposed to it. But what I say about the Emperor, and about maintaining our policy and lending our arms to assist Mexico in her troubles, Iain for carrying out directly. If you vote down this amendment, then tell me that you will take the lion by the beard and say to him, “ You shall not make ruling eni perors on our borders to be our neighbors; it is against our principle and humiliating to us; it is intended to degrade us." If you want to show an exhibition of a people, the bravest, the best. the most intel ectual, the highest advanced in civilization that the world ever saw I mean the great mass of our peopleexhibit nations, but do not go for their bau bles. You will be beat there. I hope to God you will ever be beat in such exhibitions as that. Compare institutions with them; show the beneficeuce of our Government, how it reaches outa helping hand to offer help to every man, places every man upon an equal platform, iv iere every one can be the artilicer of his own fortune; compare that with those nations where kings and emperors reign, and where privileged classes trample down and brutalize the great mass of their people. It will make no exhibition that can be honorable to us to go there. I go against your resolution. I go against any association with them until they repent of their crimes and become honorable men.