Mr. HENDERSON. The Illinois State Register, published at Springfield. i “If are disunion mniorlty in Congress persist in“ their revolutionary measures, lot the Irosident take; me of them. Capitol prisons and Government bas liles have yawned for purer patriots and better men than these incendinrics. Let the lcader of the house, ad. Stevens, a d his revolutionists and theleadors of the Senate, umnnr Wade and others of that class, be seized in the llalls they (lese crnteand be 7 return to Washington and be duly installed in their seats. Then. on promise of amendment, let these revolutionists out, and the Union will be restored indeed. That day will be an illustrious one for the country and will make the name of AndrewJohnson trebly immortal." I toolt up a aperyesterda from NewOrleans in which saw similar a vice. The other day I took up a paper from Mobile, Alabama, in which I saw similar advice. I alluded yesterday to language used by the Senfrom Kentucky, [153. AVIS.] I regret very much that I should have been the innocent cause of the colloquy that then took place between him and others. I take this occasion to assure the Senator that I was not aware that he had even neglected to publish his remarks made upon a previous occasion. I knew nothing of that, and I did not allude to what he ha said for the purpose of criticising the conduct of that Senator in this body or of censoring an thin that he may have said or done; but I alluded to it for the purpose of showing that even Gentlemen occupyin places on this floor entertain this Opinion an have expressed it. If this advice were carried out, do you not know that if the southern Senators should come here and organize with the minority of this body, and the southern Representatives should organize with the minority of the other body they would be in the majority? Do on not know perfectly well that if the President has the power to recognize them as the congress, it will become absolutely essential for imto carry out the advice given in this newspaperextract; that is, to seize the Union maorities of this present body and the other House and put them into bastiles I Do you suppose we should, silently submit? Would we any more do it than the Parliament submitted to Charles I2 Sir, if unfortunately a state of affairs of that sort. should come upon us, we all know what would be the result: another war, the most terrible ever seen or known in this land, would be upon us. Iknow what the final result would be. We might have a longer war than we have had; more citieswouldbe burned, more individuals would be killed, more blood would be spilled; there would be desolation in this land not seen or dreamed of during the past war. We know not where the ambition of man will E). H believe that the recent rebellion very lge imprisoned. Let the southern membersof Congress 4 filthers had bum "PO" a false idea that 3“ ispraug from this thing of appointments to atremovals from Office. I believe that when Mr. Buchanan left the Presidency, and Mr. Lincoln came in, the idea of the southern people was that they for all time to come were to be denied the public crib at which they had, fed heretofore, and that that belief rushed into this rebellion. them! I know they used the sla very question, but they used it as a means of putting themselves in power. But, sir, I was saying that if a controversy of this sort should come, the issue would be the same that it was between Charles and the Parliament, and the result would be inevita bly the same; but it would come after long trouble, afier much suffering, after many tribulations. I know that Senators will an it is entirely unnecessa to refer to these t ings. Mr. President, I to l on, and I tell Senators, that this controversy as one far enough. I do not say that it is our duty to cease; I do not believe any such thing; but I would gladly today, if it were in my power, bring it to an end, as I gladly attempted for many months before the controversy commenced, by all the influence I could bring to bear upon the Executive, to avoid it. I feel that whatever the controversy may lead to in the future, whateverl calamities it may bring upon the country, my skirts are clear, and that I did all in my power to prevent it. I would that the course of the Executive had been such as to give the country the real results of our victory. So far as I am concerned, I have not thought and I do not now think, that the Congress of the U.S. has met this controversy as it ought to have done. When the war commenced, it was upon the idea of the inferiority of a race. Mr. Stephens said that our fore men were equal; and that having built upon the sand, when the storms an the floods came their house fell. It turns out that Mr. Stephens was mistaken, and that the house. we occu vied was built upon the rock. The idea of the equality of men should be infl exi bly adhered to. The question might easil have been settled when the war was over. Slavery was abolished, but slavery was the mere result of an o inion; that opinion was, that there was a difference between men, an inferiority which justified one in making himself the uardian of another, and that the patriarcha, relation necessarilyresulted from this inferiority. When this house fell and when this idea was exloded we ought to have adopted and insisted upon the other idea of the absolute equality of all men, and built; our house upon 1. at. at we are not to do it d I am perfectly aware of that; I know it will? not be done. We shall fail in that endeavor, atleast for the presentbut then how much have you changed the whole negro question; once it was slavery and antislavery; the negro was made use of merely for party power. Now the negro is free, to be sure, physically free; but we are to have the contest over a sin as to whether he shall be free really. on have merely“ changed the form of the controversy, and for years and years it will go on asto whether 4 or 5 million people in this country, paying taxes, supporting the Government, bearing arms in defense of your country in the great war that we are to have with Austria and other nations of the world, referred to by my friendfrom may land esterday, are to have any rights at all in the Government. The policy of the Executive is, ofcourse, that they shall have none. Thatis the controversy really. Hence your Freedmens Bureau bill was an effort on the part of Congiess to give them the rights that were about to be taken away from them; hence your civil rights bill which was to give them those rights of life, libert, and property, which were denied to them ) the legislation of the southern States. Bot of these bills were vetoed. My idea has been that we needed no civil rights bill. though I voted for it; that we needed no Freedmens Bureau bill, although I voted for it; but that we could attain the object of both and reach it much better by giving them the rights that belong to every man who assisted in u holding and supporting the Government. hat has been my view. I may be mistaken, but I entertain it sufficiently strong to say that if the President will continue to carr out an antagonistic policy, denying to them the rights of life, liberty, and property, denying to them that generosity and kindness which we are willing to extend to them; if the President be unwilling under any circumstances to extend to them the right hereafter to participate in government, which we are told must always rest upon the consent of the governed in order to be truly republican; if he will persist in that course of policy, I think it will justify us taking all legal and constitutional means to restrain his power. But, Mr. President, I have said enough. I have frankly stated what my views are. I have no concealments to make. Others may seek to conceal their purmses; I do not. I want to be justified 1st y the Constitution; I want to be justified by laws that stand upon a sound constitutional basis; and when I have done that I would restrain this power, because I believe that it is degrading to the country; because I believe that under Administrations to come after us much harm may accrue to civil liberty in this country unless we pluck out this cerrupting and baneful influence in the Government.