Mr. HENDERSON. With all deference to the honorable Senator, I must now protest against those oft quoted decisions being published again in this speech. I am, perhaps, the best natured man in the world, butI cannot agree to publish in pamphlet form the opinions even of hicfJustice Marshall. If I publish this speech at all, I must publish with it, many able speechcs of many Senators. They must be satisfied with their speeches alone. I am too poor to include the decisions of the Supreme Court. [Lau hter.] The Senfrom NewHampshire [hfra CLARK suggests that I have a right to cut them out. but will not do. It would be unjust to myself and equally unjust to others. I have been so kindly treated that I dislike to complain, but interruptions have forced mefrom the proper order of my remarks, and compelled me to tres pass too long on the patience of the Senate. f let alone, should soon have nothing more to say and might stop. Now, Mr. President, a few words in favor of my own proposition and I have done. I propose to made the State governments republican in fact, as they are in theory. The States now have the power and do exclude the negroes for no other reason than that of color. If the negro is equally competent and equally devoted to the Government as the Celt, the Saxon, or the Englishman, why should he not vote? If he pays his taxes works the roads, repels foreign invasion with his musket, assists in an pressing insurrections fells the forest, tills t a soil, blllIdS cities, and crects churches, what more shall he do to give him the simple right of saying he must be only equal in these bur ens, and not oppressed? My proposition is put in the least offimsive form. It respects the traditionary right of the States to prescribe the qualifications of voters. It does not require that the ignorant and unlettered negro shall vote. Its words are simply that “no State, in prescribing the qualifications requisite for electOrs therein, shafidiscriminate against any person on account of race or color.” The States may et prescribe an educational or property test, but any such test shall aply tow its and black alike. If the black man be excluded because he is uneducated, the uneducated white man must be excluded too. If a property test he adopted for the no ro, as in NewYork, the same test must appy to the white man. It reaches all the States, and not afew only, in its operation. I confess that, so far as I am personally concerned, I would go still further and put other limitations on the power of the States in regard to suffrage. But Senators have expressed so much distrust that even this proposition cannot succeed, I have concluded to present it in a form the least objectionable in which Iconld frame it. It will be observed that this amendment, if adopted, will not re vent the State Legislatures from fixing o cial qualifications. They may prevent a ne profrom holding any office whatever under the State organization. It is a singular fact, however, that today, under the Federal Constitution, a negro may be elected President, U.S. senator, or a member of the lower branch of Congress. In that instrument no qualification for office is prescribed which rejects the negro. The white man, not native born, may not O President, but the native born African may be. The States, however, may in this respect, notwithstanding this amendment, do what the Federal Constitution never did. My proposition is not so thorough as the suggested provisoof the Senfrom Maine. Ie is willing to nullify all State laws making discrimination between the races in political rights and privileges. This would give the ballot and an equal right to hold office. The position of the Senator is an advanced one, and merits approbation. He prefers for himself, I take it, the simplified proposition I offer, to the committees measure, which is duplexand evasive.