Mr. COWAN. Mr. President, I have only to add that the honorable Senfrom Oregon might have concluded his speech by saying “and to all women, ” because he has not been using the word “man” as a generic term, as that which includes mankind, but he has been ouing for the male especially. President, I had not intended to say anything on this subject beyond what I offered to the Senate yesterday evening, and I should not do so if it were not for the suggestion of a friend, and I am glad to say a friend who believes as I do, that it is the general supposition that I am not serious and not in earnest in the amendment which I have moved; and I only rise now for the purpose of disabusing the minds of Senators and others from any F. i.may have had of that sort. am perfectly free to admit that I have always been o. to change. I do not know why it is. fhether I have felt myself old or not, I have not ranged myself in the category of “old fogies” as yet. Although I feel an indisposition to exchange the “ills we suffer” for “those we know not of, ” and am not desirous to launch myself away from that which is ascertained and certain, and adventure myself upon a sea of experiment, at the same time I feel as much of that strength, that elasticity, that vigor, and that desire for the advancement of my race, my countrymen, and my kind as anybody can feel. I yield to no one in that respect. All I have asked, and Iall have desired heretofore, is that we gosurely. I believe with my fathers and myancestors that to base suffrage upon the white males of 21 years of, oge and upward was a great stride in the world’s affairs; that it would be well for the world if its government could progress, o and that all the rest !" who did not happen to be white males of the age of to, and apoare could very well afford to toi". aa? witne; the effect of.experiment. opinion, iii. h. of it, and I rejoiced in its success; and when I saw this rebellion, when I witnessed the differences of opinion which convulsed this part of the continent, when I saw the fact that 1/2 of the U.S. was upon the one side and the other half upon the other side as to the understanding of the true theory of this government of ours, simple as it may be to the lawyer, complex as it may be when examined more thoroughly, I was more than ever disin clined to widen the suffrage, to intrust the franchise to a larger number of people. I trembled for the success of the experiment; I hesitated as to where it would end. I may say, Mr. president, that I hesitate yet. The question is by no means settled, the difficulty is by no means ended, the controversy is by no means yet concluded. But the 1st step taken, from the very initiative of that step, I have announced my ground and my determination. When a loff was up here before proposing to enlarge and widen the franchise in this District, I stated that if negroes were to vote I would persist in opening the door to females. I said that if the thing was to be taken away from the feudal realms and from feudal reasons, which went on the idea that the man who bore arms, and he alone, was entitled to the exercise of political power, and if it was to be put upon the ground of logic, and if we were to be asked to give a reason for it, and if we were to be compelled to give that reason, I said then, and I say now, “If I have no reason to offer why a negro man shall vote I have no reason to offer why a white woman shall not vote.” If the negro man is interested in the Government of the country, if he cannot trust to the masses of the people that the Government shall be a fair and just Government and that it shall do right to him, then the woman is also interested that this Government shall be fair to woman and fair to the interests of woman. Why not, Mr. President? Are not these interests equal to those of the negro and of his race? I know it has been said that the woman is represented by her husband, represented by the male; and yet we know how she has been represented by her husband in by gone times; we know how she is represented by her bar barian husband; and let him who wants to know how she is represented by her civilized husband go to her speeches made in the recent womans' rights convention. We know how she has been represented by her barbarian husband in the past and is even at the present. She bears his burdens, she bears his children, she nurses them, she does his work, she chops his wood, and she grinds his corn; while he, forsooth, by virtue of this patent of nobility that he has derived, in consequence of his masculinity, from Heaven, confines himself to the manly occupations of hunting and fishing and war. I should like to hear my honorable friendfrom Maine, [Mr. MoRRILL, so apt, so per tinent, so eloquent on all questions, discourse upon the title which the male derives in consequence of the fact that he has been a fisher and a hunter and a warrior all the time; and theni s uld like to know how he would dis. criminate between that fisher and hunter and warrior and those Amazons who burnt their right breasts in order that they might the more readily draw the bow and against whose onset no troops. of that day were able to stand. I should also like to know from him how it was that the female veterans of the army of Daho mey recently, within the last 3 or 4 years, in the face of an escarpment that would have made European veterans, ay, and I might say American veterans, tremble, scrambled over that escarpment and carried the city sword in hand. Now, Mr. President it is time that we look at these things, and that we look them full in the face. I am always glad and willing to stand upon institutions, to stand upon institutions that have been established in the past, that have been sanctified by time, that have given to men liberty and protection with which they were satisfied. But, sir, when the time comes that we are to make a step forward, then another and different question arises. I am utterly astonished at my honorable friendfrom RhdIsland who doubted my sincerity in this movement. Why should I not be sincere? Have I not as many interests at stake as he has? Ay, and one more, because I understand he is a widower, and I have a wife in full life. Why should I not be in earnest? I beg my honorable friends, especially on my right, to remember that Radicals are not in the same category with poets. Poets are born; poeta nascitur, nonfit; but IRadicals fit, they are made, and when the time comes I am a Radical, too, along with my fellow Senators here. By what warrant do they suppose that I am not interested in the progress of the race? Do they suppose that I am more desirous of Tophet than they are, that I love diabolism better than they do? That is an arrant presumption that nobody I was going to say no honest man would make: I will say no fair politician would make. If the thing is to be ettered, I want to better it. The question is how. I have hesitated; I have held back; I have doubted, and all that kind of thing; but I am told that the matter is settled now, the verdict of the country at the late election has determined that there shall be progress. Well, what is that progress to be? I am not disposed to be a martyr. However earnesty I might worship before the shrine of Juggernaut, I have no disposition to lie down and allow his car to run over me and crush me beneath its ponderous wheels. The simplest instincts of sense would teach a man better than that. Now, that my seriousness, my earnestness, and my sincerity should be questioned, and especially by a caelebe, in this case, is most extraordinary, and I have no doubt that my friendfrom RhdIsland, when he comes for a moment to reflect upon it, will offer the most ample apology, which I am free to state here in advance that I am willing to receive. [Laughter] My honorable friendfrom Oregon [Mr. WILLIAMs] thinks this is entirely preposterous. I have no doubt he does, and I give him all credit for honesty and sincerity in the remarks that he has made; but the trouble with him is, and with a great many others perhaps it is with myself upon some subjects is that he directs his gaze too long upon a particular oint. It is remarkable that when a man who ooks long and steadily upon one subject to the exclusion of every other, that subject at last becomes to him the universe itself. I have met fellow politicians, fellow Senators, and fellow coworkers in the great battle of life, who really had so long contemplated one subject that it was not within their capacity to see any others. I agree that my brother from Oregon is a fit exponent of the wrongs of the negroes. He has looked upon that subject, he has examined it in all its length and breadth, he knows it in detail. I have only to say to him that if he would look upon the miseries of any other portion of the human family, if he would look, for instance, on the miseries of Senators, and concentrate his gaze upon them, think of the enormous amount of “boring” they have to undergo, think of the enormous amount of worrying they have to submit to, and think of the troubles of this, that, and the other kind which attend upon a Senator's life, I have no doubt he might be extremely eloquent in depicting them, and might, perhaps, do some good by deterring young Americans from adventuring in such a career as it furnishes to them in the vista of human enjoyment. There is no situation in life which is exempt from these things; and the only fault I have to find with his speech is in the fact that he concentrates himself entirely upon the African; he confines his gaze to him; he supposes that he is the only injured man in the world; and what is singular about it, he confines his gaze to him upon this continent. If he had turned back to the last book of Dr. Livingstone and to the last book of Mr. Baker and to the last accounts we have of Africa generally, he might have come to the conclusion that however bad and wicked the American people were in taking this race from Africa and making them slaves, yet that in reality they had made them better than they were at home. The King of Da homey upon his inauguration was expected to sacrifice 7,000 slaves as a great ovation, as a great immolation in favor of the sovereignty of that nation and its accession to him; and when he came to the conclusion that he would only sacrifice 3,000 and that he would sell the other 4,000 in order to raise the expenses of the pageant, perhaps the Senator on full consideration thinks that the king was not such an inhuman fellow after all, and that clearly those 4,000 slaves who were sold away to America to be brought in contact with Christianity, to be brought in contact with antislavery societies, and with the efforts of antislavery people, and with the efforts of godly people to train them in the way of life, and to furnish them with tracts and Bibles and all those things which would enable them to reach a better world, that these 4,000 were far better off than the 3,000 other poor devils who had their heads cut off to furnish a ceremony for a king's pageant and for an inauguration day. I say that all these things ought to be taken into the account by my honorable friendfrom Oregon that his view might be widened a little. But it unfortunately happens that in this world there are others besides the negro who suffer. When you have told of the injuries and outrages which prevail on the earth in regard to the negro you have not finished. Another, and in my judgment a much more important personage, comes upon the scene; she lifts the curtain and reveals to you a new drama, and she tells you distinctly that you have not only been tyrannizing over your brother, your sable brother, your brother at the other end of the national antipodes, your troublesome antipathic brother; you have not only been drenching the earth from the East to the far West with the blood of savages of a different color from yours; ou have not only left your blood stained marks in Japan, in China, in the East Indies, every where, and in the West where one of your Christian bishops boasted that 6 million Mexicans at one time had been sacrificed, and what for? To make them Christians; to make the rest Christians after the 6 millions had gone. I say this new personage who makes her appearance upon the drama of human affairs informs you that you and your religion, under the conduct of the male, generative, fecundative principle of the sex, have filed the world with blood from one end to the other of it. What for? To give her liberty. She complains today; she complains in your most intelligent high places; she complains in your most refined cities; she complains in your halls decorated with a more than Grecian beauty of architect ure; she complains where all of past civilization, all of past adornment, and all of past education comes down to satisfy us that we stand upon the very acme of human progress; she complains that you have been tyrant to her. Mr. President, let me read from the proceedings of the 29th annual meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti Slavery Society. I propose to read from the remarks of Mrs. Gage, a woman, a lady, a lady of brain and intellect, of courage and force; and whether I am in earnest or not, whether I may be charged with being serious or not, no man dare charge Mrs. Gage with not being serious. I will read from Mrs. Gage, therefore: “Mrs. Francis D. Gage said: “I have read specches and heard a groatdeal said about theright of suffrage for the freedmen.'” So have we all, Mr. President; and the probability is that we have been even more afflicted if that can be said to be a punishment, and there is very great difficulty now to ascertain what is punishment in this world. If that can be said to be a punishment, I think this Senate can with at least equal propriety with Mrs. Gage complain of its extraordinary infliction upon them without any previous trial and conviction. [Laughter] “What does it mean? Does it meanthe male freed man only, or does, it was glad mean the freedwoman also.” to hear the voice of Miss Anthony in behalf of her sex.” I am glad, Mr. President, that we have a male of that name in this body who emulates the virtues of his more humble sister, [laughter, and stands up equally here for the broad rights of humanity as she does. “I know it is said that this is bringing in a new issue.” Yes, that is what was said about me yesterday evening. Gentlemen said it was a new issue; we had not talked about this thing here before. nobody had thought about it. Why had nobody thought about it? Because nobody was thinking about the actual, real sufferings which human beings were subjected to in this world. Persons thought about such things just in proportion as they reflected themselves upon their future political career. If it became necessary in order to elect a dozen Senators to this body this winter, that the women should be treated as women ought to be treated, that they should be put upon an equal footing with the men in all respects and enjoy equal rights with men, then I should have great hopes of carrying my amendment and carrying it in spite of everybody, because then and in that light it would be seen by Senators, and they would be thereby guided. “I know it is said that this is bringing in a new issue. We must bring in new issues.” Now, I want to know what the honorable Senfrom Massachusetts [Mr. wh.sos] will say when he finds me advocating this new issue that must be brought in while he lags behind. My honorable friendfrom Delaware [Mr. SAU1.sht RY] will have immensely more the advantage of him today than he had yesterday if he dares lag, because I put the question to him now distinctly, and I do not leave it to his sense of propriety as to whether he shall speak or not speak on this question: I demand that he do speak. I demand that that voice which has been so potential, that voice which has had so much of solemn, I do not say sepulchral, wisdom in it heretofore, shall now be heard on the one side or the other of this in portant question, which involves the fate, the destiny, '. liberty of 1/2 of the people who inhabit this continent. I know from the generous upswelling of the bosom, which I almost perceive from here, in my brother, that he will respond to this sentiment, and that the response will be one of which his State and her progress, having 2 negroes in the Legislature now, i.will be proud. I feel assured of it, and f fecithat when suffering humanity in any shape or form, whether it be male or female, whether it be black or white, red or yellow, appeals to him, the appeal will not be in vain, but that he will come to the rescue, and that he will strike the shield of the foremost knight on the other side and defy him to the combat. “We must [said Mrs. Gage] bring in new issues. I snt in the Senate Chamber last winter.” And now I beg pardon of my honorable friendfrom Massachusetts, the other Senfrom Massachusetts, [Mr SUMNER,) for any offense that I may do to his modesty; but when I come to consider the recent change which has taken place in his life and habits I am the better assured that he will endure it. At any other time, I should not have dared to introduce this quotation. “I sat in the Senate Chamber last, winter, [said Mrs. Gage. Last winter, remember 1], and heard cCoHuAnRtLryEsaSpUpl MauNdEeRd's.”grand speech, which the whole And, Mr. President, they did, too, and they did it properly. It was a great, a grand, and a glorious speech; it was the ultimate of all speeches in that direction; and I, too, applauded with the country, although I, too, o: not have agreed in every part of the speech. I might not have agreed with the speech in general, but it was a great, grand, proud, high, and intellectual effort, at which every American might applaud, and I pardon Mrs. Gage for the manner in which she speaks of it. She has not excelled me in the tribute which I offer here to the honorable Senfrom Massachusetts, and which I am glad to lay at his feet. “I sat in the Senate Chamber last winter, and heard cCoHuAnRtrLyEsaSpUpMlaNuEdRe'ds grand specch while the whole: and I heard him declare that taxation without representation was tyranny to the freedman.” That was the ring of that speech; that was its key note; it was the same key note which stirred his forefathers in 1776; it was the same bugle blast which called them to the field of Lexington and Bunker Hill 90 years ago; and it is no wonder that Mrs. Gage picks that out as being the residuum, that which was left upon her ear of substance after the music of the honorable Senator's tones had died away, after the brilliancy of his metaphors had faded, after the light which always encircles him upon this subject had gone away. It is no wonder that all that remained of it was that taxation without representation was tyranny. Let me commend it to the honorable Senator with his keen eye, his good taste, his appreciation of that which is effective and that which strikes the American heart to the core; let me commend it to him who desires to be the idol of that heart. “When Now, Mr. mundi “When I afterwards found that he meant only tyranny to the male sex, I learned that CHARLes SUMNERfell far short of the great idea of liberty.” All this outpouring, all this magnificent burst of eloquence, all this eelectic combination drawn from all the quarters of the earth, all the sublime talk about the ballot, was merely meant for the question of trousers and petticoats “Tyranny to the male sex, ” says Mrs. Gage, and now she goes on, and this is right to the point. The proposition here is to give to the male freedman a vote and to ignore the female freed woman, to be tautological. President, sic transit gloria “I know something of the freedwomen South. Maria I do not know that she had any other name when liberated from slavery at Beaufort went to work and before the year was out she had laid up $1,000. That is a magnificent Maria, that is a practical Maria. She puts Sterne's Maria and all other Marias, except have Maria, in the shade. [Laughter] “I never heard of any southern white making $1,000 in a year down there. Shall Maria pay a tax and have no voice”’ Shall Maria pay a tax and have no voice where the principle is admitted, where the principle is thundered forth, where it is axiomatic, where none dare gainsay it, that taxation without representation is tyranny? “Shall Maria pay a tax and have no voice?”. That is the question. That, Mr. President, is the question before the Senate. “Old Betty” There is not so much of the classic, not so much of the euphonious, not so much of the salva rosa about Betty as about Maria– “Old Betty, while under my charge, cleared more than the amount free from taxation, and I presume is worth $3,000today.” Think of Betty' “Is she to be taxed in SCarolina to support the aristocracy?” Betty lives in SCarolina, it seems. “Will you be just, or will you be partial to the end of time? “The marriage relation was alluded to by Miss Anthony.” And here is a most important part, to which I would direct the attention of my brother Senators as fundamental, fundamental in 2 respects fundamental in the testimony it. fur of the character of those you now propose to invest with the right of suffrage; fundamental in its character as to the use which they will make of it as to 1/2 of the people who are in this bill presumed to be the objects of your especial care: “The marriage relation was alluded to by Miss Anthony; When the positive order was sent to me to compel the marriage of the colored people living together. the women cameto mewith tears and said, "We don’t want to bemarried in the church, because whenwe are married in the usjust as old massausedtoc, hurch our husbandstreat and whip us if they think wedeserve it; but when weain t married in the church they knows if they tyrannize over us we go and leff cin. That is the class of male gentlemen to whom you propose to give suffrage. These poor women who have to be whipped if the males think they deserve it are the people to whom you deny it. These are the gentlemen who are to fabricate and make your laws of mar riage, who are to fix the causes of divorce in these several States. These are the men, in other words, who are to enact, if it so please them, that upon the marriage the husband be comes seized of all his wife's property, of the too. absolute and the realty as tenant y the courtesy; or othey will have no courtesy about it and I should not wonder if they had not and give it to him in fee. “And the men” I beg the Senate to remember that I am reading the testimony of Mrs. Gage; unexception able testimony: “And the men came to me and said: "We want you to compel them to be married, for we can t manage them unless you do.’” I am not certain whether they can always be managed even after they are married. [Laughter] But this is worse a great deal than before. “They goes and earns just as much money as does, and then they goes we and spends it and never asks no questions. Now we wants.’em married in the church, 'cause when they's married in the church we makes 'em mind.” So ining sandomingo establish the laws of marriage made tyranny for these eemed slave women.” Mrs. Gage continues: “I would not say one word against marriage, God forbid. It is the noblest institution we have in country. this But let it be a marriage of equality. Let the man and woman stand as equals before the law. Let the freed woman of the South own the money she earns by her own labor, and give her the right of suffrage; for she knows as Bring much as, the freedman. in these clements, and you will achieve a success. But I will stand firmly and determinedly against the oppression that puts the newly emancipated colored women of sCarolina under the subjection to herhusband requiredby the marriage laws of SCarolina. I demand equality on behalf of the freed womanas well as the freedman.” I might follow Mrs. Gage further; I might detain the Senate here hour after hour reading extracts from the various speeches and essays which have been delivered and made upon this subject within the last few years, and I may again make the challenge which I made yesterday. Let us have a reason why these are not potent to influence our action. Let us be told wherein the object of this argument is defective. Let us be shown why it is, if these things are rights, natural or conventional, that those who have interests are not to participate in them. I listened to the eloquent andingenious remarks of my honorable friendfrom Maine [Mr. MoRRILL] old, time worn, belonging to the region of paleontology, far behind the carboniferous era. I would not undertake to go back there and answer them. All I can do with them is to refer them to the next meeting of the Anti Slavery Society, which more than likely will meet in Albany or Boston, the next time. There they will be attended to, and there they will be answered in such satisfactory phrase, I have no doubt, as would pale any poor effort of mine on the attempt. I, have also listened to my honorable friendfrom Oregon, [Mr. WILLIAMs, and still there are the same ancient foot prints, the same old arguments, the same things that satisfied men 1000s of years ago and which never did satisfy any woman that I know of the same traveling continually of the tracks of the lion into the cave along with his victim, and nulla retrorsum vestigia, not a step ever came back. Butlet me say to my friends that Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Mrs. Frances D. Gage, Miss Susan B. Anthony are upon your heels. They Now, Mr. President, I have their banner flung out ask whether this has to the winds; they are after you; and their cry is for justice and you cannot deny it. To deny it is to deny the perpetuity of your race. ow, Mr. President, in regard to this District and this city, here is a fair proposition. It proposes to confer upon all persons above the age of 21 years the right to participate in the city government. Is anyone afraid of it? Is my honorable friendfrom Maine afraid of it? He says it shall be confided to the males. He and my friendfrom Oregon have gone on to tell you that the white males of this city are in a very bad condition, indeed some of them in such a terrible condition that we are called upon to pass a bill of attainder, or a bill of pains and penalties, and a little expostfacto law in order to reach their tergiversations and perverseness. If that be true, why not incorporate some other element? I do not know much about the female portion of the negroes of this District except what I have seen, and I must confess that although there are a great many respectable persons among the negroes, and many for whom I have considerable regard, yet as a mass they have not impressed me as being a very high style of human development. When I look along the pavements and about the walks and see them lounging, I am free to say that, without having been previously enlightened on the subject by so much as we have heard upon it recently, I should have had great doubts about conferring on them the right of suffrage. And when I reflect that they have to have a Freedmen's Bureau to make their contracts for them and to keep them in order, and it is said to protect them against, the enmity of their white neighbors, even where they have a majority, or nearly a majority, I am not strengthened in my partiality for them by that. And when I reflect that just about this time last year we had great hesitation about adjourning for fear that the people represented by these males who are now to be invested with the franchise were in an actually starving condition in this District, and that the chief authorities of the District, moved, I have.no doubt, by that humanity which ought to characterize everybody, investigated the matter and reported to us, we were obliged to appropriate $25,000 to relieve them in their immediate wants; I do not think that speaks so well for the male portion of the African population of this city. I believe if it were to come to the last resort that the female Africans of the DistCol have more merit, more industry, more of all that which is calculated to make them good and virtuous members of society than the males have. Why should you not throw them in? Why should you throw this batch of males into the ballot box without any countervailing element which would be efficacious to qualify it and make it better? To me it is perfectly plain. I have reconciled myo negro suffrage, but while I reconcile myself to negro suffrage as inevitable, I hold it to be my bounden duty to insist upon female suffrage at the same time. I am happy to say that in this opinion I am not alone; that while I favor universal suffrage limited by the age of 21 years so far, there are others who have been led to this same train of thought with myself. I beg, therefore, to read a letter dated Jefferson, Ohio, November 14, 1866: MADAM: Yours of the 9th instant is received, and I desire to say in reply that I am now and ever have been the advocate of equal and impartial suffrage to all citizens of the U.S. who have arrived at the age of 21 years, who are of sound mind, and who have not disqualified themselves by the commission of any offense, without any distinction on account of race, color, or sex. that ever has been or ever can be adduced to prove that males should have the right to voteapplies with equal if not greater force to go; prove that females should the same right; and were Ia citizen of your State I should labor with whatever of ability. I possess toingraft these principles in Yours, very respectfully, its constitution. B. F. WADE. To Susan B. ANTHoNY, Secretary of Icights American Equal Association. not an orthodox sanction at least. I should like to know who would question, who would dare to question, the orthodoxy of the honorable Senfrom Ohio, and who dares tell me Every argument that this is such a novelty that it is not to be introduced here as serious, as in earnest? Sir, I say that I am perfectly in earnest, and I say that if this amendment be incorporated in this bill I shall vote for it with all my heart and soul. I beg to be understood that I would not inaugurate the movement, I would not make the change by my own mere motion, because I would not venture upon the change any where. That change must rise out of, spring out of, and come up from society generally, It is that thing.the poet has called the voz populi, and which he likens to the voz Dei. When the community spontaneously demands this call, when the community spon taneously demands this action, I. to it. It is so in this instance. While I yield to the demand for negro suffrage, I demand at the same time female suffrage; and when I yield to the question of manhood suffrage, I feel assured I throw along the antidote to all the poison which I suppose would accompany the 1st proposition. I am not afraid of negro suffrage if you allow female suffrage to go hand in hand with it. I believe that if there is anyone influence in the country which will breakdown this tribal antipathy, which will make the 2 races one in political harmony and political action, not in actuality as races by amalgamation, but which will induce that harmony and that co operation which may bring about the highest state, perhaps, of social civilization and devel opment, it is the fact that woman and not man must interfere in order to smooth the pathway for these 2 races to go along harmoniously together. And it is for that reason that I in sist that when you do make this step, this step forward which once made can never be retrieved, you must do that other thing which assures its success after it is made. Let the negro male vote now, and you open the arena of strife and contention; let both sexes vote, and then you close that arena of strife, you bring in that element which subdues all strife, which has made America what she is, which has made the American political meeting, which has made the American political convention, not the scene of strife or angry contention, where armed men met together to settle political differences, as in the Polish Dict, but a convention where all were subjected to reason, influenced, as it might properly be, by eloquence and by that “feast of reason” which is “the flow of the soul” to those who enjoy it. And therefore, Mr. President, I beg to assure everybody, and especially my honorable friendfrom RhdIsland, who agrees with me, I know, upon this topic, that I am serious and in earnest in urging this amendment; in dead earnest, in good earnest, and why not? I am not so blind as to mistake the signs of the times. I might have refused to believe long ago when my honorable friendfrom Ohio [Mr. WADE] predicted that this was coming. I might have disbelieved when my honorable friendfrom Massachusetts [Mr. WILsoN] predicted this was coming; when he blew his bugle blast and announced what an army was coming behind to enforce his doctrine and his principles. I might, like Thomas of old, have doubted; but now I have had my fingers in the very wounds of which he spoke. I know of a certainty now that this movement is in progress and that this movement will go on. know of a certainty that black men must vote in the DistCol. Who can doubt it? Those who are in favor of that measure here are in force sufficient to carry it constitutionally beyond all question. Well, if it is to be I am reconciled to it, but at the same time I want to throw about it as many safeguards as are possible under the circumstances, and among those safeguards I think that of allowing females suffrage to be not only the best but the only one which will be efficacious in this behalf. Mr. President, I have trespassed a great deal longer upon the Senate . I intended. I beg to return my thanks for the indulgence they have exhibited in listening to what I had to say.