Mr. NICHOLSON. I think I can safely say that I shall vote, not only against this amendment but against any and all amendments to the constitution that may be proposed at this time. The temper and is position of the majority of this House is not such as should characterize statesmen seeking to alter and fix for future ages the organic law of the land; and if they should finally triumph in the mad schemes in which they are engaged, they will succeed in converting that heretofore sacred instrument, reverenced and obeyed till the present dominant party came into power, from a bond of union to a galling geke of oppression a thing to be loathed and despised. The object sought by this amendment is to coerce the several States, and especially the southern States into conferring upon the negro race the right of suffrage. It will not have at effect in the State I have the honor to represent, as her representation will be neither increased nor diminished by any action she may take upon this subject. bein entitled, with other States, “to at least one i representative.” But I protest against the attempt to invade and take away the reserved rights of the States, and that most essential one 0t determining who shall exercise, within theirlimits, the sovereign power ofvoting, the right to restrict its exercise as the interest and safet of their respective governments may to uire. 1his is but part of the favorite scheme of NewEngland to take away, one by one, all the powers now exercised by the several States, and make this a consolidated Government, a centralized despotism. They seem wiling to relinquish their own rights as States for the greater satisfaction of wielding the whole power of the General Government. But I caution them to beware. They may bask now in the sunshine of conscious power, but “ Westward the courseof empire takes its way.” and though the negro is now the bond of union between the East and the West, yet the time may come when the power they have assisted to bui d up here, for the purposes of the present hour, may be turned against them. when the scepter shall fall from eir gras, and they find themselves defenseless before the power they have fostered, there will then be than those who will “laugh at their calamity and mock when their fear cometh.” But another serious objection a inst this amendment is the indirectness of the attack. It is presumed that the desire for as full o. reipresentation as can be obtained. Will compel the States having within their limits a large negro population to confer upon them the elective franchise. This might u timatcly be the result, though on are compensated in the event of their reusal by an increase of power. Power is the object, in either event, which is aimed at by this miserable device. You hope that the by acks will be your allies should they become invested with political power. Be not too sure of this. “The best laid schemeso mice and men ans aft aglcy.” The argument of gentlemen on the other side seems to proceed upon the assumption that the abolition of slavery has introduced a new feat ure into our political system. It is not so. The liberated slaves stand precisel upon the same footing with the free negroes of the North. 3/5ths of them have alwn s been represented; and if the other 2/5ths are now to be added, counting them as free persons, remember it is your own act. It is a result that you yourselves have achieved, and this small addition to their representation which the constitution gives to the southern States is a compensation for the frightful wrongs that poaovre been inflicted upon them. But it is hard to discover from this amendment whether you do or do not desire the negroes of the South to be clothed with the elective franchise. It is therefore obnoxious to the charge of duplicity. If such be your real object, come out like men and avow it. Amend the constitution in the right place, and do not seek thus indirectly to effect it, hoping to obtill!) some equivalent advantage if you fail in t s. Article 1 section 2 of the constitution reads as follows: "The HoRepshall be composed of memberschosenevery 2ndyear by the people of the several States and the electorsin eachState shall have the qualifications requisite for electorsof the mostnumerous branch of the State Legislature. “No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained the agoof 25 ears, and been 7 yearsa citizen of the U.S., and who shall not. whenelected. bean inhabitant of that State in“which he shall be chosen. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several Stateswhich may be includedwithin this Union accordingto their respective numbers. which shall be determined by addingto the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, 3/5ths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within 3 years after the 1st meeting of the Congressof the U.S and within everysubsequenttermof ten years, in such mannor astheyshall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every 30,000: but each State shall have at least one Representative, ” 6w. Now, amend the latter clause of this section, and proclaim universal suffrage, negroes included, for members of this body, and there will be some consistency in our action; it willcer tainly have the merit o candor and boldness. For while the power to dictate to the several States what shall be the qualifications of elect ors for all offices, State as well as national, might be denied, the power to make this amendment might not be challenged; but the objection won d be to the merits of such an amendm ent. I challenge the gentlemen on the other side to this issue. Let them declare that the negroes of the several States shall vote for national officers, and go to the country upon that question, and I am not fearful of the result. I judge the American people by the feelings of my own heart, and I firmly believe that they will never consent to share the Government of this country with a race of beings whom the Almighty himself has declared shall be the servant of servants, ” and upon whom He has stain ed the indelible mark of their inferiority. But s 0uld the majority persist in these attempts to revolutionize the Government, while they exclude from this Hall those who are to be affected by this action, and who have a right to be heard and to vote upon these measures, their conduct must at least be ronounced unmanly and ungenerous, and will prove the truth of what prescott so forcibly expresses in closing his chapter on the In uisition in his history of Ferdinand and Isabe la. He says: “Many a bloody pageof historyatteststhefact that fanaticismmrmedwith power, is thesurestcvilwhich can befall a nation.” DISCUSSION OF THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.