Mr. WRIGHT. Mr. Speaker, Iliad intended to have remained a silent spectator of the stir rin scenes which we are witnessing in this He l upon the important subject under consideration. But silence has ceased to be a virtue. To manifest indifference on so important a subject as that under discussion wou d justify my constituents in charging me with almost criminal neglect. If I understand the object of the amendment now before the House, it contemplates a radical change in the organic law of the nation, and in the character and quality of the voting population. In the few remarks I purpose to may c on this occasion, I will endeavor to deal with the subject fairly and with candor. This continued tinkering with the constitution is pregnant with danger in the last degree and although I arrive at a different conclusion from my honorable friendfrom RhdIsland, still, I thank him for arresting, by his judicious remarks, the novel and dangerous practice of locomotive legislation. Sir, this is a question that calls for our vest consideration and the most mature reection. Yet the patriarchal chairman of the committee, who brought forward this amendment and applied the gag of the previous question to cut off all debate, seemed inclined to treat it as an ordinary resolution of the passing hour. In this, I think, with great respect, he committed an error, and the subsequent action of the House has served to convince me of his mistake and of their better judgment. Sir only a few days since a bill was introduce to oist over the unfortunate and unrep presented people of the DistCol unqualified universal negro suffrage. Through the medium of the previous question it passed through all the forms of law, as far asthis case is concerned, in a single hour. Perhaps this measure of “indecent haste, ” in the opinion of the radicals, is necessary to carry out. their programme, which, in my humble opinion, if successful, will be but the entering wedge to a great design to thwart the President in his plan of reconstruction, to bar the Representatives of the southern States from admission by requiring an oath, the constitution alit of which has been doubted, to coerce the sonern States into a concession of negro suffrage and negro equality, or to promote a war of races, haying for its sole and only object the retention of political powqr in the hands of the radicals. Sir, what g)ave birth to that extraordinary reposition? did it emanate from the people who are to be4 affected by it, or may it not be regarded rather. as a spasmodic effort to test the power of endurance of those unfortunates plhced by the orgapic law under our special care and protection Mr. Speaker this District so frequently maligned, which has neither e Representative nor Delegate, has furnished 7,000 patriotic men to swell the noble Army of the nion. They fought to save the Republic, to emancipate the negro race from the thralldom of slavery, and now return to be subjugated by the very race the have freed. The right to rule shoal bring wi it the exercise of a reasonable discretion and a regard for the dispensation of equal and exact justice, of which no honest man can or Ought to divest himself. Sir, I have never been an ultra man on any subject. I have the honor to represent a large, intelligent, patriotic, and conservative constituency. They are men who cannot be excelled in the exhibition of the highestorder of humanity toward the negro. I am unable to en what effect time, cultivation, and education o that race may produce upon the minds of those I represent; but I may safely venture the assurance that at the present time the great body of my constituents dre unpreare to be made a party to the plan of imme iate, unqualified, universal negro suffrage. This is carrying the joke, if it be such, a little too far. Sir, if we were startled by such a proposition, affectin only the DistCol, the nation will be astounded tolcarn that it is in contemplation by the radicals to seize upon the constitution and extend by a socalled amendment the area of this iniquity until its pernicious effects shall be felt from the center to the extremest limits of the Republic. What congress could not or would not do in making a direct issue with the President upon his humane plan of reconstruction, is now sought by this amendment to be compassed by indirection. It is boldly demanded, in furtherance of this reject, that coercion of the southern people will be resorted to to compel them to relinquish the ancient and wellsettled right to regulate the exercise of the elective franchise in their respective States, and give the negroes unqualified free suffrage, or, until these requirements are acceded to, to diminish or to exclude all the representetives from the non-consenting States. his bold attempt to substitute numerical force in the place of constitutional law is to my mind subversive of the Government, and an exhibition of tyranny in its worst and most repulsive form. It is a policy that risks all to save all; and I am in doubt as to which will excel in turpitude, the boldness of its conception, or the baseness of its consummifion. Sir, the southern States are called conquered territories. A few days ago, on this oor, a telegram announced that the State of Georgia (one of those selfsame conquered territories) had completed the number of States ncees to the adoption of the constitutional amendment for the extinguishment of slavery. This Hall resounded with the plaudits of all within it who approved the act. So anxious were the radicals to carry out their idea that they did not seruple to apply to or coerce 3 of those conquered territories to legalize the emancipation amendment. Now, the constitution of the U.S. requires the approval of the legislatures of 3/4ths of the States to Lergis effect the adoption of a constitutional amendment. As such the action of those States was legal and this House committed itself by its acknowledgment and sees tauce. They certainly could not receive sue a vote as coming from Tom tories, as that would be clearly in violation of the organic law. But there was no alternative. They had to be received as States within the Union or not at all. The Clerk had even refused to place upon his list either of those 3 States by whose votes the desired end had been attained. Yet the House refused to keep up the unitics, for in 5 minutes afterward, when the legal] elected Representatives from those States o cred their credentials, their right of admittance was denied, the doors of this Hall barred againstthem, and they were turned ignominiously away. I declare licre boldly that such shameful inconsistency and injustice will recoil upon all who participated in its consummation. Sir, many months have elapsed since we were chosen members of the 39th Congress. At that time the war was ragin fiercely, and no man could foresee the time when the rebellion could be finally squelched. To maintain and preserve the Union in its integrity was the one grand idea. The Government needed support. It was asked from all men of all parties to yield to the emergency and stand by the constitution and the Union at all hazards and in all events. Thiswas done and wc are here. Nay, more. Evenat the election last fall the only issue was 11 on the constitutional amendment abolishing slavery, which now is an accomplished fact. We were told that this done, we stood well assured of speedy reconstruction and an imme diate return to the almy days of peace and prosperity. But, sir, how fallacibus are all human opes. We had believed that that constitution, framed in the spirit of wisdom and replete with the noblest sentiments of patriotism and jus tice, would still be left to us as our guide and rule of conduct, untouched and nn contaminated by the ruthless hand of fanaticism. No sooner did congress meet than we were overwhelmed with some 60 or 70 proposed amendments to that glorious old organic law that for 70 years dias nobly withstood the storms and tempests of time, “the battle and the breeze;” and all these in the interest of the radicals. Amendment after amendment, and substitute upon substitute, has been offered, but so far as I can learn no line has been written nor a single suggestion made in the interest of the million and a half of those noble men who achieved all that we are now rejoicing over, and who dail besiege the Deptslor bounties, pay, an pensions. Sir, it is next to m heart to see those bounties equalized and the amount of those pensions increased. It has been intimated that these honest and just claims are to be ignored upon the plea that it will operate against a wise econom. But, sir, I ar ethis is a false econ omy. conomy must a ways yield to justice. When the bugle of the warrior sounded the 1st alarum, soldier and sailor went promptly to the rescue of the nation. All that they soughtwas the faithful performance of a patriotic dut, hopeful, however, that the nations gratitu e would in some degree satisfy them for the sacrifices they had made. But the wail of the widow and the cry of the poor orphan are as yet unheard in this Hall, or, if heard, are unhceded. The few millions to be th s appropriately disposed would add but littlelo the national debt, which must and will be paid to the last dollar. Deny the boon these poor soldiers and sailors crave, and we shall commit an injustice almost amounting to a crime; for while you send them away home with empty hands you compel them to pay their full share of the national indebtedness. If this be justice, then to Heaven alone can the soldier and the sailor look for assisttance. Mr. Speaker, I new approach another branch of the subject, pregnant with interest to the entire nation. All of us knew that the amendment to secure unqualified and universal suffrage for the negro was to take “effect before sundown.” But we were not aware of the pressing necessity of its speedy passage until it was disclosed by the great radical leader, namely, that it might be presented to legislaturesal ready elected and in session. Than s to the conservative members upon the other side of the House for their man y resistance against thus stifling debate upon so momentous a question, affecting as it does the paramount interest of the country, our people and in fact of the whole civilized world. Sir, think I have a right to accuse the radical leaders of insincerity. f the Democratic Union party were in power in half of the States, I apprehend the radical leaders would not be quite so anxious to press this matter here and now, but would rather be willing to move, festind lente, until the necessity of a new election would permit the question to be fairl, honestly, and squarely submitted to the people themselves. They are the proper judges, and no honest Representative can or ought to shrink from the ordeal. Mr. Speaker, what is the real question before us? It is not simply the emancipation of the colored race, but it contemplates their entire enfranchisement, elevating them without regard to necessity or capacity to a political, an necessarily to a personal and social equality with the white race. I most respectfully aver that this result would promote an injustice. The negroes, left to themselves, secure in their recentl acquired freedom, would be perfect] satisfied with their lot but for the officions me dling of political fanatics. To accomplish the complete subjution of the southern people these latter suddZnly become the advocates of negro equality, forgetful of the consequences that may ensue. Once inaugurate that principle, and it will linevitably lea to aware races, which me. God in His infinite mercy avert. The negro in is simple ignorance is content with his lot. Accnstomed to obey, and unused to command, he gracefully accepts his fate, and is happ. But that will not answer the purpose of the fayinatics. To lose the negro would absorb their capital and force them into involuntary bankruptcy. Discarding the sage counsels of the wise and conservative men of the country, the “sable sons of Ethiopia, ”too ignorant to comprehend, and too he ful to resist, yield readily to fate, and allow themselves to be set up as idols in the worship of fanatical Vandalism, and become the ready victims of political restitution. They are petted and praised, and learn from these fanatics for the 1st time that they are a persecuted race. They are, in their simplicity, made to believe that their wonderful prowess alone secured the suppression of the rebellion, without the slightest aid or assistance from the “poor white trash ” truthfully called the Army of the Union; that gallant band of heroes who u held the flag of the free, fought for and secure the integrity of the Union, suppressed a gigantic insurrection, and gave to the world an exampleof patriotism and physical power unparaleled and unsu passed. Flushed with success, exulting over their triumph, they return to their homes expecting to receive the earnest plaudits of a grateful people; but, alas for all human ho s, they were destined to disappointment. Ihey were met at the very threshold with a new enemy the eternal, everlasting, inevitable “nigger.” It was “ nigger” in the field, ” nigger” in the fence, “nigger" on the brain, and “nigger" in the atmosp ere. For whose benefit let me ask, was this apparent homage paid 3 For the negro? Oh! no. He was simply an instrument in the hands of those who expected to profit by the experiment. his unjust adulation of an inferior race, whose comprehension failed to appreciate the subtleties of political fanaticism, prepared them for the work of cooperation as soon as they were informed by these disinterested friends how badly they had been used, and how speedily by combination the evil might be remedied. Apro pos, the celebrated barrister, John Philpot Curran, was once employed in a case arising out of a personal inu. It was not an aggravated case, but by the fforce of his eloquence and extraordinary descriptive powers, he succeeded in obtaining a large verdict. On reaching the ves tibule of the court he was suddenly seized by the arm, and turning, recognized his client, who, with tears in his eyes, exclaimed, “Och, misther Curran, be me sowl but Im afther owen you a large debt of gratichude, for, on me conscience, sir, until I haird your argumentl hadnt the schloightest idea of the extint of me in jury.” Mr. Speaker, this pretended love for the negro is all sheer hypocrisy. Yet it has been to a certain extent a success. To meet the end in view, the radicals profess an ardent admiration for this inferior race, while in reality they have another object in view. The feeling they exhibit is simulated; it is not love, but hate secuting hatred, of the white man deeperof the with. Now that peace has shed her radiance on this favored land, man are found insidiously endeavoring to prevent the speedy reconstruction and reintegration of the country. Men who can see nothing but “ loyal blacks and rebel whites ” are pursuing a course which in the end will be fata only to themselves. Du by day their ranks are being tlnnned. I warn them to listen to the whis erings of wisdom from those noble men of their own party who, like ourselves, would sacrifice everything but their honor to promote harmony in the action of the Government in all its parts, and secure the great end in view, the speedy, effectual, and perfect restoration of the nion. If it be true that the effort of the nation was to an press rebellion and abolish slavery, then bot of these objects have been successfully accomplished. We may cry peace, peace, and yet there is no peace. We have among as certain persons who have attempted to establish a voluntary censorship, and attempt coercion without confidence, an success without deserving it. lhe honorable Gentfrom Illinois, who, I presume speaks excathedra for his associates, expressed the most intense love for the negro, socially, personally, and politically. I must confess o took an ungentle method to prove his attachment by comparison. The radicals are always inconsistent: those who make the loudest noise are least entitled to consideration. Take a single instance. We were told that the people of Illinois are in favor of unqualified negro and e. If the statement had been credited it would have had great weight in the determination of this vexed question. But what are the facts? Some years ago it was made a part of the organic law of that State that no negro should be allowed to reside within the limits of the State. After a test of several years, in 1862 the repeal of that clause was formally submitted to the people, who determined to retain it by a majority of more than 100,000 votes, and it is today art of the fundamental law of the State of Iline is. In all kindness I an gest to my honorable friend that he has mistaken the proper forum for his eloquence, and that it is in propriate in him to undertake to shape an temperthe humane policy of the people of the U.S. in regard to the negro until his record of humanity is of a higher grade than that of the State whose policy he assumes to reflect. I can well understand why such States as Iowa and Maine, for example, where there are comparatively few negroes, might vote in favor of negro suffrage; their political status could in nowise be affected by the change; but this question assumes a base of increased gravity when applied to States in which the blacks and whites are nearly equal in numbers, and especially in those States where the black population far outnumbers the white. This reposition at the present time, when we have just emerged from a rebellion of 4 years duration, demands our gravest attention. Besides, its consideration is greatly intensified by the existence of the fact that not one of the States recently in rebellion has a vote or a voice upon this floor. We should therefore do well to pause before we under take to invert the order of nature and civilization. It requires care, time, and a matured, deliberate, and thorough consideration. I warn the members of this case against the fatal consequences of inconsiderate action; and in this connection let me remark, that I repel the assumption of the radicals that the Democratic party oppose universal negro suffrage because the negros skin is black. The charge manifestly emanates from a vagrant intellect and a vicious heart. On the contrary, we place our opposition to universal negro suiira e upon 2 distinct and tenable grounds, name y: 1st, as a question of timeitis inappropriate and fraught with imminent danger; and lastly, relying upon the statement of our opponents that it was a part of the policy of their hard taskmasters to eep their slaves in utter ignorance as one of their means of security against loss the Democratic party place their hostility to the measure upon their utter want of capacity to emplo an intelligent judgmentin the exercise of the elective Franchise. If our adopted citizens are requirecl to undergo a 5 years probation before they can vote, with how much greater force may the objection be applied to those who never read or wrote a line, and perhaps were never off the lantation on which they were born. The body has been emancipated, but time alone can burst the chainsof mental bondage. But, sir, I now turn to the other branch of the subject. Let those who idolize the negro, care for the object of their idolatry as best they may. I intend here to look after the welfare of another race, commonly called white men. Do not let us exhaust all our sympathy on an inferior race. There is legislation before us that demands our earnest consideration and rompt attention. How stands the account betwixt us and the remnant of that noble hand through whom the national life was preserved and the negro emancipated? I answer, it is largely against us on the score of justice and humanity. What have we done for the mutilated men who go about our streets upon crutches, with empty sleeves, and entirely disabled and unfit for active labor? Nothing, absolutely nothing. Sir, 4 years ago, the men who composed the Union Army sprang to their arms upon the 1st intimation that the Republic was in danger, and generously imperiled their lives, for, they loved their country. They left comfortable and hap y homes to endure the pains and privations of the field. Time flew on. The brave “boys in blue” fought man fully, and through their efforts, thank God, the Union has been preserved. Sir, this is not all. Away upon the many fields of strife countless 1,000s of these brave and gallant men now sleep the last slee of death. Martyrs to libert, they died no ly in the cause of freedom, an new rest from their labors in the sweet repose of the silent tomb.” On fnmeseternal camping ground Their silent tents are spread, and glory guards with solemnround The bivouac of the dead.” Alas! we can only extend to them the tribute of grateful memories. To those who yet survive. mangled and mutilated as they are, how changed the scenel Those once happy homes are c rless and lonely; where once all was peace and comfort and happiness, there now only remain destitution, overt, and want. The stately mansion and the low y cabin alike share the common fate. The somber weed, the blanched face, and the feeble gait, indicate too surely the presence of “ a stricken fold.” This is the melanchol picture; let it be ours to surround it with the framework of legislation. I am sure that He whoapprtoepmripaeters the wind to the shorn lamb” now calls upon us to cheer the lonely and the comfortless, and with the outpourings of gnateful hearts let us extend to our brave defenders the fragrant incense of a nations praise. Sir, I have done.