Mr. HALE. Mr. Speaker, in order to weigh the comparative merits of the 2 propositions now before the House, let me recur briefly to the nature of those propositions, the condition of the District and the community to which they are applicable, and then I will briefly consider some of the objections that are put forth to my own amendments as This District contains a population of very mixed charactera white poulation, which is now the sole depositary of political power, undoubtedly embracing all those grades of population that most of our large cities contain, from extreme wealth, high intelligence, and cultivation, down to the lowest povert, want, vice, and degradation. It contains a lack population embracing almost as wide a sweep of distinction, a large part of which, I venture to say, from my own personal observation, is an edu cated, intelligent population perfectly capable of appreciating t 6 politicalquestions which from time to time come before the country, and questions that may be referred to them for their action in their municipal organizations, as in an average community of white men the country Over. It contains a population of black tax payers numbered by 100s, assessed for property amounting to 100s of 1,000s of dollars. All these are new excluded from the right of suffrage. On the other hand, it contains a black population which, undoubtedly, approaches to the very extreme of ignorance and degradation. Not necessarily vicious, but necessarily igno rant, extremely ignorant, and consequently, as a matter of course vicious to a greater or less degree; a population that has come into this District suddenly, just freed from slavery, with all the marks of the burdens upon them that a state of slavery necessarily fixes upon its vic tims. Now the question is submitted to us, how are we to deal with all these different classes? 4 courses, in substance, are open to this Congress, and I see but four. 1. 1o let the right of suffrage remain where it now is, ex. clusively in the whites. 2. To change that basis but still retain the present distinction, in some deee, at least, greater or less, between white an black; that is, leaving the right to be unequally exercised by the 2 races. 3. To extend suffrage equally and universally to white and black. 4. ido extend suffrage equally and imartially to white and black, With limitations an restrictions for the purpose of excluding 1m properersons. u what have already said I have sufficiently expressed my own views as to the 1st 2 propositions have here namedeither to retain the present system, or to perpetuate the distinction of race or color in some form. To each of these I am opposed under all circumstances. Now, sir, who are the parties interested in this question I Not merely the black, although their interest in it is great; not merely the inhabitants of this District, though their interest in it, too, is great. The nation is interested in it as the proprietor of this District, its creator, the Federal Government, whose location of its capital here has in fact made what there is of Washin ton city. More than that, the officers of the Government have a peculiar personal interest in this question; the members of the executive, the legislative, the judicial, and the administrative Depts of the Government, all of whom spend more or less of their lives here each year, these are peculiarly interested in the question, how best shall a firm, temperate, vi orous municipal government he sustained in is District? The propositions which I submit are based n my own mind solely upon this practical view of the nestion. I have not introduced these propositions from any political purpose, from any desire to make political capital out of them. I put them forwar as containing, in my view, the safest and best basis of a system on which the municipal uffairs of this District should be administered. I propose, 1st, that those who can read may vote. have listened to many of the objections raised to this proposition, and I receive with allallowance and consideration objections that have been made from different uurters. It is objected by members from the Vest that they could not stand upon this proposition at home, because among the pioneers of the West there is a large class of intelligent fiersons who are wholly uneducated in books. tis objected to by gentlemen from Massachusetts thatal though an educational test is successful there, it is not applicable under the state of things here, for the opposite reason; that in Massachusetts there is and long has been in operation a system of education so universal, so complete so abundant in its resources that the educationa test is practically of no importance there, for in effect all vote. It seems to me, Mr. Speaker, that these 2 objections answer each other as far as they go. It is a sufficient answer to each of them to say that this proposition does not affect the right of suffrage in Illinois nor the right of suffrage in Massachusetts. It is a question simgly as to this District in its present condition an with its present poulation. Sir, I entire y disclaim the idea that whatever basis we may establish for the exercise of the right of suffrage in the DistCol is necessarily to be taken as aplicable to any State of the Union. For myself, P say with frankness that in my own State I would propose a different basis, for the reason that my own State stands under different circumstances and with a different population. It is objeeted that this proposition is to be viewed with suspicion on account of its origin. It is said that the educational qualification in Massachusetts is a bequest from the late lamented KnowNothing party. Well, Mr. Speaker, I confess thatif anything is calculated to give me a prejudice againstit, thatis it. I have not, and never had, any sympathy with the Knowbothing party. I a prehend, however, that there are many gent emen upon this floor who will discover nothing to excite prejudice in their minds to this measure in the fact of its origin there; and wherever it originated, as I never held to the dogma that no good can come out of Nazareth, I am willing to take it without regard to its origin. I have listened to words of wisdom upon this floor from gentlemen whom I recognize as former prominent members of the KnowNothing party, both on this side of the Hall and upon the other. It was argued at length by the Gentfrom Indiana, [Mr. JULIAN] in his speechyesterday, that education is not a perfect and complete test of the right of suffrage. Most certainly I should never claim that it was. I do not know any systems of human government that are perfect. Perhaps they have them in Indiana. I certainly know of none elsewhere. But will it be contended that education is not presumptively a better test of fitness to exercise the right of suffrage than ignorance? Will it be contended that of 500 men who can read, and the same number who cannot read, taken at random, the former will not include a lar or number fitted to exercise the right of suffrage than the latter? I have certainly never pretended that it was an infallible test. It is one of the things we take as an approximation, as the best thing we can do toward securing a fair test. My next proposition is that taxpayers in this District shall have the right of suffrage, whether they can read or not. My 1st proposition covers all that can read; and next I say that tax ayers shall vote whether they can read or not. F his is met with most strenuous objection from different uarters. Gentlemen seem struck with asudden error of the idea that a man may vote when he has property and pay 5 taxes, and not when he has not. Why, Fraulilins jackass has entitle been trotted out on this floor by the Gentfrom NewJersey, [Mr. Roosus] an has been put through his paces several times since. He is an animal that has made a great deal of noise from the time of Balaam down to the present. I do not think it follows that he is an animal whose lead it is worthy to follow. I submit that there is a sound, wellconsidered reason for this provision in my amendment. The man who owns procrty and pays taxes upon it in this district has y that very fact an interest in the administration of the Government here thatshould entitle him to a voice in it, and in the laying of taxes and the disbursement and application of the revenues derived from them. But gentlemen say the connection between property and suffrageis odious. I would like to ask gentlemen if the connection between taxation and representation is and has been for the last hundredyears so odious a thing in this country. I have an impression that within the hundred years past this country has taken very decided position on the idea that there was a very proper connection between taxation and rereseutation. ear in mind that I do not propose a property qualification here as a restriction upon suffrage, but as an extension of it. I take the hams which Massachusetts has laid down for her citizens, and in addition to all they give, extend the right of suffrage to all those who pay taxes; not simply on the ground suggested here tofore by my colleague from the tiea district [Mr. CONKLlnG] not entirely on the ound that it is evidence of thrift, and that rift is evidence of such sagacity, prudence, and wisdom as fit its possessor for the exercise of the right of suffrage, although there is sound philos ophy in that idea; but I put it on the further ground that the taxpayer has an interest to protect a substantial right upon which he is d to be heard and next, upon an entirely different ground, I repose to give the right of suffrage to those who have served in the military or naval service of the country and have been honorably discharged. This stands on no ground of pe culiar fitness, or having an interest to protect; but simply on the ound that the very act that men have honora 1y served their country in arms does entitle them to the favorable consideration of Congress; and as a matter of grat itude we may fairly extend to the discharged soldiers of our loyal armies the right of suffrage. It is veryprobable that in certain cases this may give the right to improperindividuals. Our armies are undoubtedly not made up exclusively of the most correct, moral, and refined portion of the community. But in the mass I venture to say they are not unworthy of the boon it is proposed to confer upon them. My amendments also propose another qualification, or rather another exclusion. That is, that those who have been in arms against this nation during the late rebellion, or who have acted in aid or comfort of that rebellion, shall be pprohibited from voting. Objection has been made to this proposition, and the question has been asked of me whether I believe that reconstruction is possible in the southern States with the exclusion of all who have been in arms against the Government. My answer to this is the same that it has been upon other propositions; that whatever may be the rule applied to this District, it by no means follows that that rule is to be applied to the States of this Union and I say unualitiedly that I would not seek to enforce sue ia rule upon the southern States when they shall come back to their proper relations to this Government. But in regard to this District it does strike me that there is a eeuliar fitness and propriety in this provision. Klan who went from this District, residents and voters here, and joined the armies of the trai tors, have no palliation whatever nothing to urge. They are traitors of the cepest ye. The flimsy pretense of allegiance to State authority, under which so many from the southern States sought to caver their defection from and treason to their country, had no application here. The rebels who went from this District 1866. 281 were subjects of the General Government, and Of the General Government alone. They were traitors and parricides, without any sort of excuse, any sort of color or retense, on any doctrine of State rights, for their treason. They, therefore, should certainly not be treated by us with any consideration in regard to rights in this District. But when we come to commit to the hands of those whom we select, delegated power from ourselves, to be exercised in this District, I submit that we may with great proriety say we will submit these powers, entirely Within our discretion, entirely within our control, to the men in whose loyalty we are entitled to have confidence. Another objection that is made to my amendment is that it disfranchises men who have heretofore been entitled to vote in this District. It does so; and I have but 2 things to say on this subject. It is urged by some that the right of suffrage is in the nature of a vested right; and that when a man votes once there is at least something peculiarly hard, if not entirely unconstitution al, in taking that right from him. I recognize no such vested rights. lVhen seeking to establish a municial government upon a properbasis, I see no fibres in the argument that we are to allow all improperpersons who voted a year ago to vote now, simply because they voted then. It seems to me, with deference to gentlemen, that that is a conservatism of evil, and not a conservatism of good and more than that, there is another reason that I think ought to have weight here, why this disfranchising clause must be included in any properbill here. That is, if you omit this clause you do of necessity draw a distinction between the black and the white. Under the law as it stood a yearago it was only the white man who could vote here, and if we say that all who voted a year ago shall vote now, we extend the privilege to white persons while we exclude the lacks possessing the same qualification; we allow all the class of white voters to vote, although by our action here we declare them unfit to vote, and do this to the exclusion of the blacks. I believe that the only way to remedy this evil and to arrive at a fair and just system here is to include, as I propose, a disfranchising clause as to all whom we regard as not fairly qualified, putting all on a level as to present qualifications. Mr. Speaker, I have already occupied more time than I intended, in endeavoring to ving dicate the propositions whichI have submitted to the House. I wish to say, in conclusion, that of the details of my amendment. I am by no means tenacious. I do not expect to bring every member of the House or even every member on this side of the House, to concur inall my own views. I desire simply to put my measures fairl before the House, and to who cate them as best can. I am ready and willing to yield my own preferences in matters of detail to theirbetter judgment. More than that, I shall not follow the example that has been set by some on this side of the House who olppose my amendment, and who claim to be the peculiar friends of negro suffrage, by proclaimin that I will adhere to the doctrine of qualifie suffrage, and will join our political enemies, the Democrats, in votiu down every thing else. No, sir; for one, and Isay it with entire frankness, I prefer a restricted and qualified suffrage substantially upon the basis that I have proposed. If the voice of this House be otherwiseif the sentiment of this Congress be that it is more desirable that universal suffrage should be extendedto all within this district, then, for one, I say most decidedly I am for it rather than toleave the matter in its present condition, or to disfranchise the black race in this District and in doing this I shall at myself fairly and frankly upon the recor as voting for unqualified and unrestrained negro sufra e in the District. I shall resort to no such imsy subterfuge as to claim that it is not a question of negro suffrage, because the word ne prois not contained in the bill. Abill whose o y effect is to enable negroes to vote where they could not vote before, is in fact, call it by whatever name on please, a bill for negro suffrage, and whetllier it receives my vote or not, I shall never fear or hesitate to call it by that name. But, Mr. Speaker, I know, or have reason to believe, that there are many members of this House who agree with me in my preference for limited suffrage who will not go with me in voting for universal suffrage if our own preference is defeated. I appeal to gentlemen to consider whether there is not great danger, if gentlemen persist in following out their. Dwn preferences and determine to take nothing else, that all the remedies which we seek to attain by either of these measures may be entirely lost. As has been indicated in the House, and out of it, we may come to the ground between the 2 propositions. That, sir, would be a result which should most heartily deprecate. I desire to see inaugurated in this District such measures as shall put its population upon a fair and just footing in regard to the exercise of political rights, and shall greatly regret if the measure be lost by the tenacious adherence of its friends to their individual differences of opinion. Gentlemen have referred here repeatedly to the question as to how far gentlemen will be indorsed by their constituents in their action on this subject. The question is raised from time to time, will such a constituency sustain its representative in such a course? Sir, I believe in the propriety of always considering duly this question; but when gentlemen tell me that the nion party is going to be ruined by the adoption of universal suffrage, or of restricted suffrage, or of a property qualification in the district of Colum in, and that the American people will not sustain any such proposition, I tell Gentlemen with all deference to the superior knowl edge which every man is supposed to have of his own district that, in my liumble judgment, they misjudge the tern er and character of the American people. o, sir, I do not believe that there is a district in this Union to which a Representative, having cast his vote consist ently, honestly, boldly, either for universal or for qualified suffrage, cannot go back to his constituents confident of their approval. I should deem it an insult to my constituents to intimate that I doubted whether they would sustain me in a course which I took honestly and fairlyon a question of policy, not involving the great principles of the party. The Union party, 811, send here representatives of its great principles; they expect those men to stand by those principles; an no man, I trust, is in any danger of failing to do so. So long as a Representative is true to those great principles, the Union party is not to scan his acts with suspicion and distrust, and call him to account for this vote and that. If I dreamed it possible for my constituency to entertain a question of that kind, I can only sa, that whenever the question was raised and they saw fit to record their disapproval of my course in reference to a question not involving any principle of the party, I should retire from this House to private ife with greater satisfaction than any otherperson in my district, or out of it, could have in my retirement.