Mr. TAYLOR. Mr. Speaker, I desire to urge a few objections to the bill now before us, which I deem pertinent, and which I think should have some influence in the final action of this House. It is a measure intended to affect specially and beneficially a large number of our people, and will, in its operations, concern and affectin immediately and remotely the whole community. Before proceeding further, I will here state that my remarks will be upon the bill as it came from the Senate. A few amendments have been reported by the committee which do not materiall change any of its features, or involve any principle in it, but have reference mainly to detail. In opposing this bill, I want it distinctly understood that it is not because I think the General Government should not, and ought not, to render a certain amount of aid and assistance to the unfortunate class which the friends of this bill propose to render. It is because, to my mind, the object attempted to be reached is sought for in a mest extravagant and loose way, and baggage I think the same result can be attained with as much certainty, and be as effective in a more direct and economical manner. That this helpless class of persons need, for a thread least, the sure and protectin aid of the General Government, and not be left to the bill advised and fitful efforts of the well intentioned benevolence of individuals, no one, it seems to me, can for a moment doubt. At the last session of the 38th congress a bill was passed creating the present Itreedmenls Bureau. At that time the military, to whom were intrusted the care and protection of the freedmen, were so actively engaged in their operations in the field that but little time could be devoted to the interest of the freedmen; hence a necessity arose for the bureau. But a great change has taken place since that time. peace now, through the welldirected efforts of our able and patriotic leaders, pervades the whole land, and the military is now in a condition to assume the charge which it was advisable a year ago to relieve it from. My 1st objection to this bill is, that it proposes to enlar e the powers of the bureau, and to extend the theater of its operations; and why these increased powers I am at a loss to understand. In neither the reports of GenlGrant nor GenlHoward do I find that it is asked; and the impression made upon my mind from a careful reading of those able reports was that if any further legislation were needed on this subject it should have been to contract its powers; and not to increase them. The 1st section of this bill proposes to extend the jurisdiction of the Bureau of Freedman in all parts of the U.S., which is to be interpreted to mean. as I take it from what follows, that the President may divide the whole U.S. into 12 districts, and ap point asst commissioners for such districts, and agents in every county and parish in the country. The explanation which will be given to this provision by the friends of this measure I suppose will be that it was necessary to make the act general, that the operations of the bureau might be extended into the States of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, or parts of them. If that be the explanation, whynot limit the operations of the bureau to the 11 rebellious States and the States named? I do not suppose that it will be claimed that there is a necessity for extending the operations of the bureau beyond the States which I have named, nor do I suppose that it is so intended; yet at the discretion of the President, in addition to the Commissioners and asst commissioners, 2064 agents and 4,128. clerks, may be appointed at an expense of $8, 046, 600 to the Government. such a thing I can hardl think is contemplated at this time, nor can I believe that it would be permitted by the present Executive. But as the bureau is continued indefinitely, or until otherwise provided by law, an unscru pulous President, or party purposes, has it in is power at any time to pension on the Government this large number of persons at the expense of the nation. his, Mr. Speaker, whatever, others may think of it, did nominate loose legislation. Mr. Speaker, this act discriminates and favors one class at the expense ofanother; or in other words, its benefits and immunities are special, and not general. The Freedmens Bureau was established 08 tensibly for the aid and protection of refugees and freedmen. At the time the bureau was created there was a lar c class of refugees, or persons, both white an black, who were very properly denominated refugees; persons who rad escaped and broke through the enemys lines mto our own for safety. But now, since the war has ceased, the term “refugees” ceases to describe any class of persons among us. That class of persons which the word refugees was descriptive ofhave now returned to theirhomes; and theireat change wrought by the termination of e war in e circumstances and condition of that class of persons leaves the name refugee without a meaning, as in its original application, therefore obsolete and inapplica b. e in describing an class of persons now hav in a habitation within the U.S. How, according to my understanding of the meaning of the name refugee as it is used in the bill creating the bureau and the bill now before as, the present proposed legislation is solely and entire] fort letreedmen, and to the exclusion of all other persons, whether white or black, be their circumstances what they may. This, sir, is what I call class legislation legislation for a particular class of the blacks to the exclusion of all whites, and all blacks who in being deprived of the benefits and immunities extended by this bill will have cause to think it a misfortune to have been free. such partial legislation, Mr. Speaker, cannot be lasting; it seems to me to be in opposition to the plain spirit pervading nearly every section of the constitution that congressional legislation should in its operation affect all alike. No special and discriminating legislation that I am aware of has yet in this Re public stood the test of time, nor do I believe that it ought or will; and I warn the gentlemen in their zeal to elevate and ameliorate the condition of the freedmen not to allow this bill to pass regard less of the great principle equality before the law, about which so much has been said during the past 4 years. In my opinion if they do, the aid which they will render can only be temporary and not permanent, and in the reaction which is sure to follow, the injury and harm which will fall upon the head of the poor black will be greater t the present and temporary good afforded. It is said that it is a characteristic of zealots and fanatics to carry things to extremes. Many persons in our community have been proclaimingequality before the law so long, taingtheir text mm the institution of slavery, that now there is an opportunity to establish so desirable a principle in our Government, that perhaps it would be well to stop and consider whether or not by passing this bill in its present shape we shall not overleap the mark and land on the other side, and before we are aware of it, not have the freedmen equal before the law, but an erior. t seems to me, Mr. Speaker, that this