Mr. PIKE I do not care to have a speech injected into my remarks. I therefore decline Let me put an to yiel. here is one other propoeition that I have not heard suggested. Suppose a State should adopt an educational qualification, and then not do, as the Gentfrom Illinois [Mr. Fmnswoarn] says, denyto arace or persons of a particular color this educational privilege for that would be a law upon the statutebook that we could take advantage of herebut suppose that after adoipting this educational qualification, it should ailto provide that these people whom we now know to e ignorant, shall hereafter be educated, should simply let them severely alone. Or suppose that they interpose such restrictions by indirecblaws as to practically prevent them from being educated. Then what becomes of the constitutional amendm ent? I submit that proposition with all due respect to those gentlemen who have this in charge. Well, then, if this amendment, proposed as a halfway measure, and for the purpose of accomplis in the 2 objects that we Wlll not try to accomp sh directly, fails to bring about either of the purposes which it is desirable to compass, why should this House give ita sanction? If we are to have a dodge, et us at least haire one that will hold water when wanted for use. As to the other reposition, I know that there are objections to the basis proposed by the Gentfrom Ohio, [Mr. cannon] Some of those objections have been very ably and properly stated here. But if such a proposition be sent back to the JtCommee, I have no doubt that many of those objections would be removed. One objection, in my judgment, is not well taken; it is the objection that if representation be based upon suffrage there would be undue measures taken in the various States to enlarge the basis of suffrage for the purpose of increasing their representation here. In other words, the States that now have restricted suffrage would adopt universal suffrage, and all restrictions upon the white suffrage of the variOus States would be removed. I say, for one, that that is an end which, instead of fearing, I would like to see accomplished by an amendment of this character. Sir, upon this matter of restricted suffrage we have a history, and we know the history of other countries in relation to it. We know that wherever any State or country has at once gone to the bottom of the matter and adopted Universal suffrage, a great many difficulties have been avoided that otherwise have clogged the legislation of countries where the principle of restricted suffrage has been in o cration. The other day I had the curiosity, in the law library. to examine the origin of restricted suffrage by law; and I hold in my hand the volume in which is recorded the 1st law upon this subject. It was based upon a misrepresentation, as it always has been continued on misrepresentation; and with the permission of the House I will read what Hume calls the remarkable preamble of the law of Henry VI, which is the 1st law upon the statutebook providing for qualilied suffrage. The law was passed in 1429, an provides “what sort of men shall be choosers, and who shall be chosen Knights of the Parliament.” The preamble says: “Whereas the electionsof knights of shires chosen to cometo the parliaments of our lord the King. in many counties of England. have now of late been madeby very cat [outrureous] and excessivenumber of peopledivellin within the same counties, [of the realm of England of the which most part was by people of small substance or of no value, whereof every of them pretendedto have a voice equivalent. as to making such elections, with the mostworthy knights and csquiresdwelling within the same counties. whereby" Now mark the language used here: “whereby manslaughters. riots. batteries, and divisions among the gentlemen and other peopleof the same counties, shall verylikely rise and be, unless convenient and due remedybe provided in this behalf.” Upon this question of restricted suffrage, the Parliament of GreatBritain has been exercised from that day to this with agitations arising from the effort to t rid of the restrictions which were initiated by that statute of Henry VI an agitation that is today still oiu ion, and which, I hope, will not cease unti suffrage shall be as free in England as it is in the State of Maine. Sir, the history of elections falsifies the very remarkable reamble to the statute to which I have referre, for in England everywhere, at the hustings and at the polls, during election contests, candidates are treated with more violence than they are in any section of this countr, not even excepting the city of NewYork. The most amusing descriptions of the scenes which occur are ven by our writers. I received the other day a etter from an acute observer, who described how he saw the distinguished Mr. Mill treated on the hustings during the recent election contest; how he stood there sawing the air and gesticulating before a mob of people who, in their confusion and disorder, could not hear a word that he said;and how other gentlemen were driven from the stand with by ack eyes and bloody noses and torn clothes. It is quite certain that the disorders the statute of enry was nominally designed to avoid are by no means out of date. The whole history of restricted sudrage shows that it is better for the electors and better for those who are chosen that all persons of due age, who are citizens of the country, shall be allowed their voice, howeyer humble or however potential it may be, in saying who shall make their laws. For these reasons, thus briefly expressed, I shall vote for the proposition of the Gentfrom Ohio.