Mr. WILSON. I know that there are men in this Ca itol today who for the last 3 or 4 months have been urging and ressing the Executive to use the corrupt and lcorrnpting influences of public patronage for the purpose of building up and constructing an independent party a party that has died before it was born; and I know that there are men in this city I mean the Blairs who have been on voyages of discovery, hunting up and picking out a public man here and there, and offerin them the kingdoms of this world if they would betray us. I kno v that these things are so, and I know that p. committee of this new party was got up, 5 of the members of which, I believe, have already declined because they do not belong to the concern and were captured without their consent. lts object was to organize a party to be built up by public patronage. Sir, you remember Seovel, of NewJersey; some of us remember him, how he came down here and blustered about, and declared that he was going to elect a Senfrom NewJersey against the Presidents policy. Now, what would you think of a letter written by a public officer to a“nother public Officer in NewJersey saying, The SecyTreasury directs me by the order of the President to say to you that you must remove a certain man in your employment, and in filling his place consult Mr. covel?” It is well known and understood that Mr. Seovel struts over NewJersey claiming to control the public patronage in that State, and we have nominations before the Senate now of his dictation. When a public officer dies or resigns, or his term of office expires, and the POTUS in casting about among the men who elected him selects to fill that ilace a man he thinks agrees more nearly with him than with Congress, I make no complaint. Iobject to his raising this issue among ourselves, and I object to our raising it, and I do not raise it upon him. But when a competent, faithful, and honest public officer is discharged for no other reason than that he believes in the principles, the policy, the aims, and the purpose: of the party of Union and libert, the party that saved this country and made it a free country, when such a man is struck down to reward another man for more partisan purposes or to get up a little rebellion against this great organization that to dny holds 23 of the 25 loyal States, I for one object to it. I object to it as an attempt to use the vast atronage and power of the Government. of the IlU.S or the purpose of corrupting a pure and true people, a people that have given nearly 3 million soldiers and $3,000,000,000 to their country to carry it through the late rebellion. I will say to da whntI believe to be true, and in saying it Iv make no assault upon the POTUS I say that I believe the policy the President has felt it his duty to pursue, which he has pursued and which he seems to insist on pursuing, v ithout consulting the views of Congress, this uncertainty this doubt, this veto of the civil rights bill. has made more sorrowful men and women in this country than were ever made by any other man that has trod the continent. Sir, the men that elected this Administration were actuated by the loftiest motives that ever in fluenced any people. They gave their children, the voted their money, they gave their prayers IDTOVBmbBI, 1864, for the reelection of Mr. Lincoln and the utting down of the rebellion, and the unity of the country, and the liberty of ever man vnthin the bounds of the Republic. Tey were God fearing men and women, too, who had given the years of their life to aspiration, to t iought, to prayer, to action for the freedom of all and for the elevation of the hu mblest men within the bounds of the country. When they haVe seen this hesitation, when they have witnessed what we have witnessed during the last 12 months, when they have realized the great loss of the opportunity, in the early summer, last year, to give impartial suffrage and amnesty to the freedmen, and to the men who have been fighting against their country, when they have witnessed all these things their hearts have been wrung with a Seat sorrow not surpassed by the sorrow of e 4 bloody years of war in which 300,000 of their sons and brothers gave their lives to their count. The POTUS I ldo not mean to say that he. purposed or intended it, for I do not believe ie could be so ungrateful to the noble men that elected him I believe, upon my conse ience, has made more anxious nigits, more troubled days, more bitter thoughts, more agony and sorrow oflionest, conse ientious, God fearingmen and women of our country than were ever made by any other man that ever lived. Upon my conse ience I saythat I believe Mr. Johnson has made more thoughtful men and Women how their heads in anxiety and sorrow during the past year than did the rebel chiefs during their 4 years of fire and blood.