Mr. WILLEY. Ioffer the followmg resolution: liloIced, That the ComJudiciar are hereby instructed to inquire into the justice and expedicncy of making revision by law or the auditing and payment of the claims ofloyal citizensof the States lately in rebellion tor quurtermasters storcsor forsub sistence actually furnished to the Army of the U.S., and receipted for by the properofficersreceiv "a? thesame or which um haye beentaken by such o cers Without giving such receipt, so asto placcsaid claims on an equal footing witht c same character of claims for stores and subsistencefurnished by loyal citizens of Statesnot in rebellion as provide in an act of Congress entitled “ An act to restrict the jurisdiction of the Court of Claims and to provide for the paymentpfccrtain demands for quartermasters stores and subsistence supplics furnished to the army of the U.S. ” approvedJuly 4. 1864. I ask the indulgence of the Senate for a moment or 2 while I submit a few remarks in relation to this resolution. It may perhaps be within the recollection of the Senate that some time ago I introduced a bill amending the act named in the resolution, which bill was referred to the ComMilAffrs. That bill, in its 2nd section, reads as follows: SIC. 2. Abife: That all claims of loyal citisens for quartermasters stores actually furnishedto the armyof the U.S., and rccei ted for by the properofficer receiving the same, or which may have contaken by such o can without mvins such recui t. maybe submitted to the QuarterMGen of the U.S. accompanied with such proofs as eachclaimant can prosent of the facts in his case; and it shalt be the duty of the QuarterMGen to cause such claim to be examined, and convinced that it is just and of the loyalty of the claimant, and that the stores have been actually reccived or taken for the useof and usedbysaid Army. then to report eachcase to the 3rd Auditor of the Treasury. with a recommendationfor settlement. The 3rd section of that bill was in the same words, except that it referred roofs of claims for subsistence supplies to t ic Commissary General. That committee, I perceive, has reported that bill back to the Senate adverselY; and, as I understand, one of the controlling reasons influencing that committee in that determination was the fact that they supposed such claims would be so numerous as to impose a duty upon the officers specified in the hi 1 so onerous that they could not satisfactorily discharge it; that at least it would interfere with the various duties already imposed upon those officers. I hope, Mr. President, that no other reason constrained the committee to come to that conclusion; for, allow me to ask in a very few words, why the claim of a loyal man in a disloyal State for quartermasters stores or subsistence supplies actually furnished to the Army of the U.S., and actually used by the Army of the U.S., is upon any other condition or in any otherwise not equal in its demands upon the justice of Congress to a similar claim u u the part of a loyal citizen in a loyal State?o It is to be presumed that these supplies were necessary, and the fact is, that they were always given at a time when they were peculiarly necessary. They were furnished to our armies far away from the base of supplies, where it was impossible to furnish them with the necessary supplies from the loyal States, and these loyal men were glad no doubt to have an opportunity, when their eyes were gladdened by the return of their old flag and by the sight of the forces of the Union, to remder the aid and assistance which these supplies did actually give to the troops in our service. I demand to know, sir, upon what principle of justice or of propriety a loyal man coming to Congress with such a claim for comnsation is to be rejected and his claim denic. when a man no more loyal than he is from the loyal States comes with his claim, and it is cutertained and paid? What is the justice in the one case that does not apply in the other? What obligation is there resting upon congress to pay for supplies actually furnished by a cyal man in a loya State, that does not apply with equal, nay, sir, with greater force for the payment of supplies furnished by a loyal man in a disloyal State? Mr. President, have you ever seen no, sir, you have never seen the loyal resident of a disloyal State during the late 4 years of terrible rebellion at his home surrounded by the enemies that urround him. Secure in your own northern home, surrounded by friends, protected in the enjoyment of all your civil rights by the laws which were in force around you, on have never seen and you have never felt the difficulties that surrounded the loyal men amid the persecutions and fires of perse cution that afflicted them in the southern States. Sir, the danger for you was to be disloyal. Loyalty in your States was cause of no disability or detriment to your pursuits or to your interests. But how was it in the case of the men who furnished the supplies referred to in the resolution which I have had the honor to offer? Look at the loyal men in a southern State in their homes during these 4 ears of terrible rebellion. Look at their condition. For the nights of these long 4 years these men never laid their heads upon their pillows, except under terrible apprehensions of personal violence before they awoke in the morning. Not an hour came to them that did not bring with it fears of distress and interruption in their pursuits. They never sowed knowing whether they would reap the reward of their own toil, and they never rea edwith any assurance that they were to enjoy the fruits of their own labor; and worse than all this, and more difficult to be endured was the fact that wherever they went in the midst of those who had heretofore been their friends, “the slow, unmoving finger of scorn” and contempt was pointed at them and yet in the midst of all these trials and difficul ties, when our forces occasionally found their way to their homesteads, and they were lad dened by the sight of the flag of their fa ers, they willingly divided the small pittance that rebel oppression and rebel pilla e and rebel ersecution had left to them with our forces. h1 eyforaged our horses, they fed our famishing soldiers; and yet when they come here to ask compensation from Congress for services remdered under these circumstances, when they come here from the midst of the desolation and distress which their own loyalty to our flag has brought upon themselves and families, not as pensioners, not asking for the charity of congress, but with a legal demand askin payment for value received, they are spurned irom the Halls of Congress as if they were mendicants or rebels. No wonder, sir, that the cry comes from all over the southern States from Union men, “It were better for us if we had been rebels, then our property would have been protected, then our houses would have been left to us.” But now when the war is over and victory has brought peace to us again, and throughout the loo th and breadth of our country our flag is still outing in supremacy; when they come under these circumstances, they are regarded in a light no better than the rebels themselves. Sir, do we expect to rally:1Union party in the South if we thus treat the just demands of the Union men? Is it any wonder that this cry comes to Congress? Are these Union men to be treated as rebels and no more? Is there any less justice in the claims which the present to Congress here for supplies actual y furnished in carrying on the war than in the claims for supplies furnished by loyal men in the loyal States? Is this justice? I understand that one cause for reporting adversely to this bill was the apprehension that the claims would be so numerous and the burden of debt incurred would be so great that, under the existing circumstances of the country, we could not well meet the obligation. Sir, there is a great mistake in regard to that matter. Unfortunately yes, sir, I say unfortunately the number of these claims is but too small for the credit of the country; but small or eatLand whether the country is able or unab e, whatever may be its ability or disability to meet these just claims, the country can better afford to meet them, at least to assume the obligation to pay them at some time, than it can afford to recct them., Sir, the character of this country is worth more than the few million dollars of debt that would be incurred by a recognition of these claims; and allow me to say that in my humble opinion, if the Congress of the U.S. rejects them, it will allix a stain upon the national cscutcheon that no succession of years will ever be able to wipe away, and when the pen of the future historian writes the terriblo character of this rebellion, its work will not be done; the ingratitude of Congress to the loyal men who have stood true to the flag during all these terrible years in the South will also demand some black lines to be inscribed upon the history of our country, in the chapter which shall record the incidents of this rebellion. I trust that the Senate will allow this resolution to be referred, and I trust moreover that the ComJudiciary will consider the matter, and will report some plan of relief for these noble men, these noble Romans, these men whom no persecution, no distress, no scorn, no contempt, no ostracism, nothing that theingenuity of malice and rebellion could invent to traduce and destroy them, could overcome their fidelity to the H, and they stand today as shining lights in aagarkland, attesting their devotion to their country, and only asking that their just demands on the Government may be placed on an equal footing With the same character of demons on the other side of the line.