Mr. TRUMBULL. hat is nothing specific. That is a sort of “general welfare” clause that 1866: gins ooNgRsSSIoNAL cross. 3991 does not amount to anything. The only spe cific statement is theone in regard to the adoption of the constitutional amendment. If we adhere to that preamble and pass a resolution declaring the existing government in Tennessee to he the legitimate government of the State, and entitled to all the rights belonging to aState in the Union, as a.matter of course we commit ourselves to admit SCarolina tomorrow if she does the same thing what? If she rat ifies the constitutional amendment. I am not prepared to do that. I think if we have apreanible at all, we should have one showing the distinction between Tennessee and the other States. As the Senfrom Maine has stated, the ComReconstruction reported a preamble stating that difference, and when this subject was before the ComJudiciary this mornin, we had that preamble before as. The condition of things has changed somewhat since that report was made, and we altered it, preserving all that is in iIt, think, and adding something that has since transpired. The Senfrom Maine thinks we have not improved the language at all. I doubt if we have. 'ery probably his was better. In drau liting a thing of this kind where you have to e iange it, different persons will adopt different language; but it is substantially what the committee of 15 reported. with the addition that Tennessee has ratified the constitutional amendment, which is contained in the House prop position. Now, if we are to have a reamble at all, it seems to me it had best be all; and the resolution reported by the ComJudiciary which has now been substituted for the House resolution, makes it necessary to adopt a preamble in order to express the views entertained by Congress. I was not particular about any preamble, as I say, but I really think we had best not adopt the House preamble. I shall not object to striking out those words which the Senfrom Missouri thought very objectionable. They are in both reambles, and I would be quite willing that they should go out, although I have no authority to modify the amendment which I have submitted, the preamble coming from a committee. I am willin to strike out those words which state what 5w body of the people of Tennessee have done. I do not think them essential. I think they were not in the report of the reconstruction committee, but they were in the House preamble, and as there was no disosition to depart ffom the phraseology of the house re ainble unless something was to be gaine by it, I saw no 5 ecial objection to them, and they were adopted? However, I do not wish, certainly, to retain them if a single Senator objects to their being there, and no one thinks it important to have them there. So much upon that point. The difference between the preambles is this: the one reported by the ComJudiciary is fuller than the other. It not only recites the fact that the constitutional amendment has been adopted, but. it also recites the fact that the State of Tennessee adopted a constitution which, I was submitted to the people and received a] large popular vote. It recites the fact that the constitution of Tennessee abolished slavery repudiated the rebel debt, repudiated the robe laws and the rebel ordinance of secession and whatever was done under it, which, I think, are important recitals; and the condition of Tennessee is different from most of the other States in the fact that her constitution was submitted to a vote of the people. If we are to have a preamble at all, I really think that the preamble reported by the ComJudiciary is fuller and had better be adopted; and now, it seems to me, there is a necessity for a preamble if we take the Senate resolution as it has been adopted by the committee. I wish to say further to the Senfrom Oregon that the House resolution goes entirely on the question of representation. For one, I wish to repudiate that. That is the very point that has been insisted upon in this Chamber by those who advocate what is known asthe President’s policy. It is insisted that Congress hasl nothing in the world to do with these rebel, l States except to ass, in each House, upon then ualilications and)elections of members. Thei house resolution goes upon thatidea. Its titlell is, “ A JtResolution declaring Tennessee again entitled to Sens&Reps in Congress.” I do not want to make any such declaration as that. I want to declare that there is a constituency entitled to all the rights of a State. Of course, that embraces repre, sentation in Congress, but I deny that the Ex i ecutive has any more powerto determine what', is the government of a State in reference to, other matters than he has in reference to the right to seats in this body. I do not wish tol limit it; I would not say anything about representation in thiairesolution that we are about to pass; but after this resolution passes, and it is declared that there is a government entitled to all the rights of a State government, then, of course, whenever any person comes here claiming to be a Senator, or to the other House claiming to be a Representative from that government, the only question is, has he been elected, is be qualified, and is be qualified ‘to take his seat? And that each House passes upon. I would leavethat to each House. I do not think that the Congress of the U.S., as a Congress, that the lawmaking power, ought; to be saying anything about representation. I do not think that as a Congress we have any right to determine who is entitled to sit in one House or the other; and it is in reference to that, in reference to representation, that this JtResolution is framed. What we want to determine is, whether there is any government there entitled to exercise the rights ofagovernment, and embraced among them would be the right of representation, and that is decided upon; that is, the admission of members by each House. It is for that reason that I like the form of the Senate resolution best; and if we are to have a preamble at all we had better have a full one; and if we are to adopt the Senate resolution, a reamble is absolutely necessary to go alongwuli it, and to show the precise position of Congress. I think the declaration with which this preamble sets out is very important: Whereas in the year 1861the governmentof the state ofTonnesseewasseizedupon and takenpossession of by personsin hostility to the U.S and the inhabitants ofsnid State.in pursuanceof an notot'Congrass.weredeclaredto be in a state of insurrection against the U.S.; and whereas said State governmentean only be restored to its formerpolitical relationsin theilnion by the consent of the lawmaking power of the U.S. I think that is a very important recital. It is a point which was always insisted upon most strenuously by the Senfrom Vermont, whose loss we have all so much deplored this session, the late Mr. Collamer. He always insisted thatj the inhabitants of these States having been de; clared to be in a state ofinsurrection by virtue' of an act of Congress, they could only be rel stored to their practical relations to the Gov ‘ernment by virtue of an act of Congress; that as the had gone out in that way, they must come nck into their political relations by the permission of the lawmaking power. As they ad chosen by violence to dissolve their relations and set up ahostilegovernment, and congress had passed a law under which they were declared in rebellion, therefore, whenever the time had come that they could resume their rights, it must be by the permission of the government.