Mr. TRIMBLE. Mr. Speaker, I had not intended to trouble this House with any remarks after the very able remarks of my colleagues from Kentucky and others in opposition to the bill. But whenI consider the magnitude of the principles involved in this measure, I feel it my duty to enter my solemn protest against it and to present my views in relation to the measure. feel I would be recreant to the cause of both white and black who are to be operated upon by this bill. Sir, it will not be my purpose on this occasion to deal in denunciations, criminations, or recriminations. I shall endeavor not to appeal to the passions of anyone section of this country for the purpose of arousing their prejudices against the inhabitants of another shall not attempt either to appeal to the prejudices which may exist in the minds of anyone in this country against cither white or black. Unfortu nately for our beloved country too much of that spirit has been indulged in from one end of the country to another. My effort, sir, shall be to appeal to your patriotism, to your love of country, of justice, and fairness, from one end of this now divided country to the other. Mr. Speaker, this bill and its provisions are to operate upon the entire country from ocean to ocean, from the lakes to the Gulf. I repose to enter on the objections I have to this bill, and the constitutional reasons that induce me to vote against it; and Ifirmly believe those objections are of such character, if they were considered calmly and coolly by this House, it would not receive the sanction of a majority upon this floor. The principle of this bill strikes down, in my judgment, the foundations upon which civil liberty rests, and obliterates the constitution and the rights of citizens in the States and individuals under that Constitution. Under the provisions of the bill no man, white or black, when those provisions are brought into successful operation, can feel that he is an American citizen and entitled to the protection which the laws of the land atfordto 1m. It has been the boast, sir, of this country that this land was to be the asylum for the oppressed of every nation and every clime. Let that remain the boast and pride of this country. Let us not by our own acts, let us not by our own laws. strike down the liberties of white and black under the provisions of this bill. Let us hold this land out as the asylum for the oppressed everywhere; let us still invite them to our shores; and let us protect them in all their rights under the constitution of our fathers. Under the provisions of this act land isto be taken, farms are to be opened, and all branches of industry are to be operated upon. Where is the warrant for this? Whereis the authority under the constitution for such a power to buy and take land. to distribute land to this unfor tunate class of the people? Where is the authority and warrant in the constitution for that purpose? I have read that constitution in vain to fihd the shadow of authority for the passage of a bill with such extraordinary powers as these. It is in plain and open violation of that section in the constitution of the U.S. that provides that no bill of attainder shall be passed by Congress. It is in plain and open violation of that provision which declares that Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder for trea son shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. I hold this bill is in open and plainviolation of that provision of the constitution. There exists no power in this Government to deprive a citizen of the U.S. of his property, to take away the hard earnings of his own industry and bestow them upon this class of citizens. The only way you can take property In SCarolina, Georgia, or any other State, is to take that property under the constitution of the U.S and the laws passed in pursuance thereof. It declares that no bill 0t at tainder shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture, longer than the life of the person at tainted. When you have takeu the property ofaman convicted of the high crime of treason, when he is dead you have no rightto deprive 2 his orphans of that propert!! nm " one of the great safeguards thrown around the people. The people ol the U.S. in the war With the British Crown, learned that to be and to remain free we should adhere to the great truth, the price of liberty is eternal vigilance. We will stand by the great constitutional principle that no power was placed in the ban 3. of anybody or party to deprive American citizens of their rights. The constitution provides that no mans private property shal be taken for public use without 1st rendering to him just compensation therefor. Sir, it has been the custom and practice of this Government when they desired to establish navyyards and arsenals in any of the States to obtain the consent of those States, and for those States to yield to the Federal Government exclusive authority over such propert. But this bill not only proposes to make the (Iovernment a great landowner, but to build schoolhouses, establish colleges, and to inaugurate a system of machinery that will involve this country in millions and millions of liability, when I think that every consideration should a peal to us today to economize, to save, as ar as in our power lies, the masses of this country that are now taxridden from any additional taxation. This bill not only violates this plain provision of the constitution that I have read, but it strikes down and obliterates that great writ of habeascorpus that should be the pride and boast of every American free man from one end of this land to the other, and which should be extended to all under the constitution of the U.S.