Mr. BUNDY. Speech entitled “Loyal Men Must Rule, Traitors Must Take Back Seats.” May 5, 1866, On the Presidentsannual message, as in ComWhole on the state of the Union Mr. BUNDY.Mr. Speaker, it was not my purpose to make or write a speech during the present session of Congress on the general subJect of “reconstruction7 which has been so fully and ably discussed in this House and in the reflections now to be submitted i do not propose to confine myself to anyone of the great questions so well considered and presented by gentlemen on this floor. But in so far as the brief liour permits I will attempt a very cursory and general consideration of the “state of the country.” Permit me, in passing, to say that during the great rebellion after the supporters of the Government had become conse ious that the rebels were in terribleearnest in their purposes and efforts to bre ak 1tup by waging war for its overthrow, bringing into requisnion such barbarous instrumentalities as suggested themselves to the hearts and minds of “fiends incarnate, ” that then, and only then, the Government, impelled by the loyal people thereof, adopted the rights and some of the usages of war to repel teassaults made upon it and them, not only by armed traitors in the South but by the morcwary and cowardly adjuncts of organized treason in the North: Thereafter, nntil the armies of the rebellion were overthrown by and surrendered to the ar mies of the Union, there was but oneidea and purpose entertained by the loyal people every where in reference to the rights and priVileges of rebels in the great work of restoring the Government. Public opinion had also definitel settled the rights and privileges of the loya men of the country in the same great work of restoration. The popular heart had been touched, and the popular mind of the country had been instructed by the terrific inci dents of the war, as waged by the enemy, and the patriotic efforts and utterances of the great leaders of the loyal hosts in civil life while grapplin with the monster treason. Not a patriotic iesrt felta single emotion nora patriotic voice uttered a single sentiment that did not fully accord, harmonize, and demand the assertion of the great principle “ That the loyal people of the country mustgovern the country.” this was not only demanded by loyalty, but was accepted and expected by treason. The people who by their sacrifices and valor had saved must govern the country. There was not a sign in the political firmament, nor a sound in the earth or atmosphere that portended any other purpose prior to the meeting of the 39th Congress. Early in the history of this session certain gentlemen gave out omine us indications that there would be an attempt at least to reverse the well defined and clearly pronounced judgment of the whole country. These manifestations, however, did not seem to create any alarm and command much res set or attention, because their authors were an are the representatives of what is popularly known as the Democratic or copper ead party of the North, which party had contributed more to inaugurate and prosecute the rebellion than very many of its active and efficient leaders in the South. Congress and the country very naturally supposed they were only repeating themselves in disparaging the northern patriots and eulogising the southern rebels or making cheap proposals for their future cooperation when restored to power and place in the nation. In the progress of time and the happenin of events these indications assumed form an force until they developed in what we shall be pleased to name as the democratic rebel theory of “reconstruction.” The postulate of this theory is, “ That once a State, always a State." The greatest if not the only objection to this theory rests principally. if not entirely, as to the see c anyeffect of the recognition of the prinnciple given to it and claimed for it by its authors and supporters, to wit: the doctrine that “once a State, always a State, ” carries with it the right of each and every of the rebellions States to instant or immediate representation in the Government; and thatt ey not only have, but have had that rivht during the entire period of the rebellion, and have retained all their relations to the Government the same as if their people had not rebelled. This theory carries with it as the logical and inevitable conclusion of such premises, that those States have all the while maintained and can now assert all the rights and privileges of States in the Union, and that there is no power vested in the Congress to delay or prevent them from resumintr those rights or enjoying those privileges at fheir option and election and because the Union majority in Congress, acting for and representing the great Union party of the country, does refuse or neglect to accept this theory as the true and only solution of the questions involved, it has been wantonly and bitterl as saulted by traitors and rebels everywhere, orth and South, and the terrors of another war have been invoked and the military power of the country summoned to drive from these Halls at the point of the bayonet the men who dare to scruple and refuse the insolent demands of traitors. The unmiti ated treason and criminality of such ademand, based upon such a wicked the ory, need only to be stated to become obvious to every mind uninfiuenced and uncorrupted by treason. If they are right, it necessarily follows that in the fall of 1864 when loyal men at home and in the field were concentrating all their energies, moral, political, and physical, to crush armed treason on the battle field and sympathizing treason at home, putting forth stupendous efforts and submitting to great sac rifices to save the country from imendin de struction, by electing aloyal Presicut, a loyal Congress, and loyal Lcoislatures; that although triumphant, we gaine no advantage over the rebels who were as persistently fighting to de stroy the Government. Adopt this Democratic rebel theory and they get into Congress as early as we do, and according to their present hopes and expectations, they made at least an even race with us for the Presidency. Therefore the great solicitude of the loyal people of this country for the speedy crushing out of the rebellion in 1864, causing such unparalleled sacrifices of men and money, only resulted in the immediate investitiire of their enemies with power; and this was the boon and the only object our brave boys were fighting and dying for on the bloody fields of the Wilderness. But, sir, the most astounding thing connected with this plan is the assertion made by its authors and so porters, that in its presentation and advocacy liere they are but carrying out the views of the POTUS; that this is the “my policy” of which we have heard and seen so much. What audacity and shamelessness do these men exhibit when they dare rise in their places here and assert that this Democratic rebel scheme for the unconditional wholesale surrender of loyalty to treason is indorsed by the President!Mr. Speaker, this ought not, cannot be. Are we to he told here that our President, elected by the great party who rallied around the flag and saved the country from impending ruin, and preserved the Government in its peril, shall so far forget the great principles enun ciated by himself, defended and supported in that awful struggle of 1864, and which triumphed in his election to the 2nd great cities in the gift of a patriotic and magiianimous people, to whom he is indebted for his present high and commanding position and prospective renown, will now, in sight of the goal of his and their hopes and aspirations, basely betray the interests of humanity and good government by surrendering it and its loyal efenders into the power of its and their implacable foes? The proposition is too shocking. too alarming, and monstrous to be even imagined, to say nothing of the realized fact. If it becomes an accomplished fact the doctrine of total depravity will be more authoritatively settled and illustrated than by the great swindle of a Ketcham or the wholesale homicide of a Probst. Why, sir, many of the ideas as to the legitimate rights and status of the rebels in the restoration of the Government were derived by me from the teachings of AndrewJohnson while acting as military governor of Tennessee, enunciated in his celebrated speech of July 2, 1864, after his nomination as the Union candidate for the Vice Presidency of the U.S. Hear those patriotic utterances: “And let me say that nowis thstimeto securethese fundamentalprinciples, while the land in rent with anarchy and u hooves with the throes of a mighty revolution. bile societyis in this disordered state, and we are seeking security, let us fix the foundations of the Government on principles of eternal justice which will endure for all time. “But, in calling a conventionto restorethe State, who shall restoreand reestablish it? Shall the man who gavehis influenceand his meansto destroythe Government? Is he to articipate in the great work of roorgunisation? She, lhe whobrou litthis misery ii on the Statebe permittedto centre its destinies? Itv this beso, then all this preciousbloodof our brave soldiers and officersso freely poured out will have been wantonlyspilled. All the Gloriousvictorieswou by our noble armieswill go for naught, and all the battle fieldswhich have beensown With deadheroes during the rebellionwill have been made memorable in"v Waihny. all this carnage and devastation? It was that treason might be put down and traitors unished. Therefore I say that traitors should take a back seat.in the work of restoration. If there be but 5,000 men in Tennesseeloyal to the Constitution, loyal to freedom. loyal to Justice. thesetrue and faith ii] men should control the work of reorganization and reformation absolutely. [Loud and prolonged upplause.] say that the traitorhas ceased to bea citizen and in joining the rebellion has be comea public enemy. Ho forfeited his right to vote with loyal menwhen he renounced his citizenship and sought to destroyour Government. “Treason mustbe madeodious and traitors must be punished and impoverishod. Their great plantations must be seine, and divided into small farms, and sold to honest. industrious men. The day for protecting the lands and uezroosof those authors of rebellion is past. It is high time it was. I have been most deeplypainedat somethingswhich have come under my observation. We get men in command cwahroe.ssuinndge, grruthnet pinrofitnecent pioenot of tflhaettneory, tfraawitnoirn, gw. haipled the poor Union man stands out in the cold, often unableto geta receiptor a voucher for his losse s. " and now, sir, it is claimed by the friends and advocates of this Democratic rebel scheme that as President the then Governor Johnson will “go back" on these patriotic utterances by him iterated and reiterated subsequent thereto and betray the men who rallied to his so port when he so much needed it, into the ban sand. power of their deadly enemies. such a consummation would be more to be dreaded just at this time than would have been the defeat of GenlGrant and his hosts in the Wilderness. The incredulous feature of this whole theory is, that the President will, in order to placate the rebels and their friends, betray almost the entire party that elected him.Mr. Speaker, men do not generally act without motive or consideration. What object can the President have in thus betrayin his friends and joining the enemy? What ha the enemy to offer for such a sacrifice? They were bankrupt in principle and political character, having nothing to give save broken faith to their Government. lh had not so much as their great exemplar an prototype, the “ 1st rebel and State rights man had when from the pin nacle of an exceeding high mountain" he of fered the Saviour all the kingdoms of the world for his homage. But, admitting that they had the numerical forces and powers of a great party to offer for such sacrifice, and were the boon never so mu nificent, the voice of all history teaches that its acceptance would consign the recipient to the ignominious fate of all those who have betrayed trusts bestowed and accepted. Great services rendered by the acceptor in the field or the forum furnish no excuse or mitigation for subsequent treason. If he has fought with the beasts at Ephesus, and overcome all his foes and the foes of the Government, the quality of such acts will be determined by the future conduct of the victor. The iguominy of treason has never been and never will be mitigated or slurred over because the actor had once been faithful and valiant. It is a principle, sharply defined and well established in the moral and political world, that the virtues and good conduct of an early, will not atone or avail for the broken faith and corrupt practices of a later life. The virtues and character of those angels “who kept not their 1st estate” have never been esteemedas para one because they were once “angels ol light.” The Christian world has never abated jot or tittle of its execration of the treason of Judas because he was once “ numbered with the 12. ”. The fact that Benedict Arnold raised and commanded one of the 1st companies in the Continental army, and, “side by side” with Ethan Allen, entered and captured Ticonde roga, and was the 1st to enter and the last to leave Canada in the early and dark days of the Revolution, has not and will not relieve his name from the immortality of infamy which attaches thereto for his subsequent perfidy and treason to his country. No, air, the earlier associations but magnify and intensify the in famy of the latter. Beside, sir, the i nominy and infamy of treason either to frien s, principle, or Government seemsto concentrate and abide on him that receives rather than him that gives the stipend as the price thereof. The man who gave the 30 pieces of silver “has been forgotten and clean out of mind” for 1800 years, while the recipient has been and will continue to be damned to perpetual infamy, world without end. Again, sir, who are these new converts and defenders of the alleged policy of the President? We may answer that the are 1. Every man who vo untarily {blight in the rebel army, or served in an capacity in the rebel cause, who comose the southern wing of the late Democratic party. Here permit me to say, without intening disrespectto any, that such constitute the brains and the courage of that party. 2. The northern wing of the late Democratic party, which was led in 1862, 1863, 1864, and 1865, by the Vallandighan is, the Woods, Sey mours, et al., but who, in 1866, are praying and working to be put a sin into the leading strings of Jeff. Davis, A. Stephens and others of their southern allies. I say the late democratic part, because in 1866 they appear to have doffe their old name and uniform, and are now happy and rejoice in the co omen of the Johnson party. These are they wh0, during t“he entire conflict of arms, like Jobs war horse, smelled the battle afar off, ” and who, by their speeches, practices, and votes during the same period, gave all possible aid to the rebellion, which added at least two years to the sanguinary conflict. 8. Bounty jumpers, skedaddlers from the drafts, deserters from the armies, cowardly soldiers who were prosecuted for misconduct, and rase ally contractors. 4. A few Original Union men who are made to believe that the President does in fact favor such an infernal policy and yet have confidence in Asia patriotism and integrity. A small number of sore heads, and those whose acute nasal organs snuff presidential patronage on the breeze which they have helped to evoke and which they hope and pray may blow them some good. Presidential patronage after all is the great leverage power that moves all this mass and is the centripetal force that iiiipels them inward toward the President. This atronage is the great magnet that attracts and ) holds all these ise ordaut elements in solution. The indis criminate bestowal of Government patronage is the “ 3 fold cord, ” the cohesive power of public plunder that is to blend this heteroge neous mass into one homogeneous whole. Treason is to be made odious and traitors are to be punished by its free distribution. Anx ious to receive and endure the just retribution for their crimes, Alexander. Ste hens and Herse hel V. Johnson are ready an willing to be offered up as living sacrifices in the Senate of the U.S., and if it please God they are willing to endure such punishment the remainder of theirnatural lives, even should the days of their years he 3 score and ten, provided always that the Government resume specie payment asto them immediately, and provrded further, that the State of Georgia does not in the mean time renew the attempt tosecede, in which event they must again go with their State. What a host of patriots are anxious to be immolated in the same way, saf fering the just punishment for treason, making it intensely o ious. “They would sulfer on their 3 scoreyears” and finally “ seine the martyrs crown."Mr. Speaker, the question thus submitted to the consideration of this House and the country by these men is not the “restoration” of the Government, but the immediate, unconditional surrender and ultimate destruction of the Government. Thereby the rebels would achieve in the political arena that which all their armies under their great leaders, to ther with the aid and comfort of the Vallaudig ams, the Woods, and all their traitorous hosts in the North could not effect in the field or at the ballot box. Those men never had any real sympathy with the Government during its awful struggle for life. True, in the summer and fall of 1862, they pretended to favor the prosecution of the war for the Union, and worlred dil igentl to induce Union men to go to the field withtesecret understanding that Democrats would stay at home and vote at the ensuing election. Ohio, NewYork, and Pennsylvania responded verypromptly and generously to the O call of the Government that year. Nine 10thsof all the volunteers were Union men, who would have voted the Union ticket had they remained at home, but being absent from the polls the socalled Democrats were enabled to elect 14 of the 19 members of congress from Ohio, and gained largely in the other States for the same reason. The result of that election was barely transmitted over the wires when Valiandigham and the entire partywere rejoicing over the fruits of their pertidy, holding large and enthusiastic meetings all over the State, claiming their vic tories as a verdict of the people against the administration of Mr. Lincoln and against the further prosecution of the war. But these men raised the shouts of a rebel victory a little too early, as did the rebel armies at Richmond in 1864, when they heard of the nomination of McClellan for the Presidency. The cause for which pat riots were battling was a just and holy one; and when Union men were cheated at home or stricken down in the field, like Roderic Dhu, it sounded its bugle, and other patriots rushed to its standard and over wheluied the traitors and so it will ever be in so just a cause. “They never fail who die in a greateause; The block maysuck their gore; klghehireads may sodden in the sun; their limbs c strung to city gatesand castlewul. But still their spirit walks abroad.though years Elapsed and 0t ersshareasdark a gloom. They cbhuotavuerspmocwnettrhaell deep and sweepingthoughts others and conductthe world at last to freedom." The great object to be achieved by the success of this scheme is “ the play of the old role, a united South and divided North.” The uniting and consolidating of the two wings of the late Democratic party, with such additions thereto as it is believed, intended, and expected that presidential patrona e will secure from nominal Union men; wi such material they expectto consblidate all the factions named in one great conservative party, or nized and ready for the campaign of 1868, re ying almost exclusively upon Government patronage to aggregate this discordant mass and blend it into a sympathizing whole, if indeed, the President shall be so conspicuously unfortunate as to fall into their hands. What a motley army of mercenariesl Well mayy “ the President turn upon them and say, e serpents, ye generation of vipers, copper heads; ye do not follow me because of the mighty works which I do, but for the leaves and the fishes." This (partly when thus consolidated is to be baptise “ be conservative party of the constitution.” The traitors, semi traitors, bounty jumpers, skedaddlers from drafts, cowardly soldiers, rase ally contractors, with the very few Union men, will all look and act so much like traitors that the future ethnologist will be comselled to classify them all as rebels. Presiential patronage is to be the sword of Bren niis, Whose massive weight will make truth and justice kick the beam. It is to be the all healing restorative which will bring together and cement the dissevered parts into one grand whole. They claim that in such a party, composed of such elements, there is enough good men who once sympathized and acted with loy altvto dignify and give character to the whole. his Will be simply impossible. The Uni0n faction will become so thoroughlingrafted into the rebel vine and so completely identified with the parent stock that a distinction cannot be noted.Mr. Speaker, I call to mind a single analo which will serve to illustrate my views of the result. “Once upon a time a cute Yankee visited the West to dispose of a wonderful in vention of his prolific rain. He named the inventionnerve and bone liniment, and all healing restorative. His best test as to its remarkable qualities was made upon a shee killing dog whose tail was severed from a body. The restorative bein aplied to the stump a new tail was imin iatey produced, looking precisely like the original. Seeing the magical effect of this application, he also applied the restorative to tedissevered tail, and as instantly a new dog was produced at the end of the tail, looking precise y like the original, and the unfortunate owner was then and there possessed of two sheep killing dogs, looking so nearly alike that he could not tell tother from which." But, sir, the most presumptuous and the most mendacious assertion of all is, that their scheme was inaugurated and supported by the late President Lincoln. The bare statement that the late martyred President, during his wise administration of the Government, ever entertained a single thought other than that of preserving the Government for loyal men is simply absurd. It is a foul slander upon his fair fame and good name. The enemies of the country, not content with pursuin him while he lived with the most cruel an malignant warfare and slander. now that he is dead seek to blast his fair fame. Killed by the hands that had been inspired and nerved by the teachings of such men as Vallandigham and S. S. Cox, of Ohio, the latter of whom said in the Chicago convention, “For less offense than Mr. Lincoln had been guilty of the English people had chopped 05 the head of the 1st Charles. In his opinion Lincoln and Davis ought to be broug t to the same block together." They have brought Lincolns head to the block, but Davis still lives, and will live and be feted by these men till he dies a natural death, and then he will be apotheosized and canonized in their hearts forever. Captain Koontz, of Pennsylvania,:1 McClellan leader in that convention, said, “ The people will rise; and it they cannot put Lincoln out of power by the ballot they will by the bullet, ” which elicited rounds of applause in the convention and by the teachiii s of the so ealled Democratic press of the orth, one of which, the LaCrosse (Wise onsin) Dem ocrat of August 29, 1864, said: “If he is elected to misgovern for another 4 yearswe trust some bold hand will pierco his heart with a daggerpoint for the public good." These quotations mightbe multiplied indefinitel, but these will exhibit the animus of near y all the Democratic leaders and press of the North and now, I say, that he has been killed in pursuance of and under the direction of such teachings, they seek to damn at once and forever the fairest fame that appears “on the landmarks of the cliffs of time, by connecting him with such an infernal policy as we are now considerin. A sense of shame ought to mantle their chee s, if, indeed, there remains such a passion or emotion in such abandoned organizations. f be was in favor of surren dering to traitors while living wh did they denounce him then and finally kill im.Mr. Speaker, there are no evidences of record that President Lincoln ever assumed to have an exclusive presidential policy for the resto ration of the rebel States. But the contrary appears. In his proclamation accomeifianying his annual message of December 8, I 3, be explicitly declared that“To avoid misunderstanding it maybe proper to say that this proclamationso for as it relates to State governments asno referencetoStateswherein loyal tote governments have all the while been maintained. for the same reason it may be proper further to say that whether members sent to Congress from any State shall be admitted to seat! constitutionally rests exclusively with the respoctive Houses, and not to any extent with the Executive.” Again: ] "And still further that this proclamation is intended to present the people of the States wherein the national authority as consuspended and loyal State governments have been subverteda mode[not the mode]in and by which the national and loyal State governments may be reestablished within said States or any of them; and while the mode scribed is the best the Executive can an zest wi his present impressions, it must not be understood that no other possible mods would be acceptable.". From these extracts it will be seen that Mr. Lincoln entertained no purpose of inaugurating a “presidential policy and cramming it down the throats of the Congress nolens volens, but, on the contrary, averred as his deliberate judgment and honest sentiment (he never had any other) that the right, the power, and re rogative of admitting members sent to on ess from any State rested exclusively with congress, and not to any extent with the Executive, and that while he was compelled to present“ a mode, ” being the best that he could suggest at the time, “ it must not be understood that no other possible mode would be accepted.” This, Mr. Speaker, is not the language or the manner O an imperious dictator, but the exhibition of an honest effort made by the modest Executive and wise statesman to in augurate and set on foot such incipient or inchoate measures as might ultimately lead to the restoration of n distracted country. Idefy all his bitter enemies, North and South, who now have the resumption and mendacity to be the pretended supporters of any alleged policy of Mr. Lincoln, to produce a single line or paragraph of his, s open or written, that will warrant the belie or assertion that the late President ever entertained in the remotest degree any purpose to admit disloyal men to seats in the Congress of the U.S., as is now claimed by the supporters of this scheme and the pretended supporters of the present President. In the last speech Mr. Lincoln ever made on earth, and as his last will and testament to a disordered country, he said, speaking of his acts as the Executive: “In this I have done nst so much and no more than the public knows. n the annual messaaoof December. 1883, and accompanying proclamation. I presented a plan of reconstruction (as the phrase goes)which Ilpromisrd if adopted should be accept able to and sustainedby the executive government of the nation. I distinct] stated that this was not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable, and I also distinctly protested that the Executive claimed no right to say when or whether members should be admitted to seats in Congress from such States. This plan was, in advance, submitted to the then Cabinet and distinctly approved by everymember of it. One ofthom suggested” “that I should omittheprotest againstmyown power in reintd to the admissionof membersof Congress.” I take this from President Lincolns speech after the fall of Richmond, April 11, 1865, 3 days before he was assassinated. In his proclamation of May 29, 1865, President Johnson fails to “protest against his power in regard to the admission of members of Congress, ” and the fair inference is that the same member of the Cabinet who tried to induce Mr. Lincoln to omit the protest against his power, kc, prevailed with Mr. Johnson. At any rate that important protest against the legislative power of the President is omitted in the proclamation of Mr. Johnson. Subsequent events have made that omission significant. But, Mr. Speaker, as all the malignant shafts of his vindictive enemies fcll harmless at the feet of the wisest statesman the world has ever seen, while living, so now they will be more conspicuously impotent, in even shading his fair fame when dead. His fame is safe, for it is"Woc unto us. not him. for he restswell." and 4 The earth that bears him dead bears Not alive sostout a gentleman." “The goodknight is dust. His goodsword is rust and his soul is with the saints we trust." It may be said of him as of one of the olden time patriots, that By him the peopleheld their native rights Unimpaired, unoppressed: the great restrained from lawless violence and the poor from pine by him him their mutual shield." He was emphatically"The rudders guidance and the enrbsrestraint." When his enemies shall have rotted and their memories perished from among men, it will be said of Abraham Lincoln that he“lluth borne his facultiesso meek hath been So clear in his greatoffice. that his virtues Will lead like angels.trumpet tonizuedmgainst The ecp damnation of his taking 011"." His tomb in after times will be a shrine for the pilgrimage of freedoms votaries, and upon his grave the future patriot will relume the dying flame of liberty. But, Mr. Speaker, there are a few, a “very select few” gentlemen upon thisfloor whowere elected as unconditiona Unionists, as I am advised, that by their speeches in very general and indefinite terms propose an immaterial modification of the Democratic rebel scheme of reconstruction, having the same general postulate, to wit, “Once a State always a State;” but in the application of the principle involved in their theory, the right to representation of such State in Congressislimited to the loyal people thereof, requiring no action on the part of their respective State governments to put them in “practical relations with the Federal Government, " and forbidding the action of Congress in the same direction and this they claim par CICCUEHCCBS the “my policy” of the President. Judging from such intimationsasare permitted to transpire, these gentlemen have the ear of and the inside track with the President. If this scheme at the 1st blush should seem more 10 al and plausible than the Democratic rebel scheme, it will be found to be wholly impracticable in its application to the case in hand. As the case now stands it cannot effect a loyal restoration of the entire Government. Foritis not claimed that any of the 11 rebel States not now represented elected or pretended to elect a single loyal Representative to Congress except the States of Tennessee and Arkansas, and perhaps one from NCarolinawho has no constituency behind that can sustain him. There is not much doubt but that Representatives who can henestlytake the oath from Ten. nessee and Arkansas will be admitted to this Congress, and perhaps at its present session. At any rate, for one, I am now and have been in favor of the admission of such men from those States, and will so vote when opportunity permits. But as to the remaining 9 rebel States no one, I believe, who is or has been regarded as thoroughl loyal, claims or pretends to claim that they have elected a single Representative who can conse ientiously take the required oath, (the same oath that every member of the present Congress was required to take before he could have a place on this floor) unless it be the one from NCarolina, as above indicated. Why, Mr. Speaker, there are not enourh loyal men in anyone of the 9 States to fill and execute the offices of postmaster, assessor, and collector of internalrevenue. That this view of the political condition of those States and their people is correct is evidenced by the message of the President now lying upon your table appealing to congress to modify or repeal the test oath so that lie can procure the services of enough men in those Statesto carry the mails, take charge of the postoffices, and assess and collect the Government taxes therein, which would again bring unrepenting and unrelentin rebels into the high places of the nation, there to fester and batten and riot as in days of yore. 1000s of the brave boys once in blue are “ waiting and watching” “for something to turn up;" some suitable recognition of their services, sufferings, and sacrifices by that government they have so nobly and heroically saved. These men could take the required oath. The are abundantly qualified in every way to discarge the duties of these various offices that rebels must have a “dispensation” to enable them to hold. So much for this preeminently “my policy" which in following to its legitimate an logical conclusion, practically lands in “ the slough of despond ” with the Democratic rebel theory, or else it must be merged in the Union policy hereinafter stated. We hope that its fate may be with the latter, for it will be much more pleasant to cooperate with the former friends of the Union and the party who saved it than to be compelled to separate from them for an cause. But unless they adhere to the wcl defined and established principles of the party as enunciated by its great leaders and accepted by the masses, painful and apparently destructive as it may be, separation will come, not by any act of the large body of the party, for it will move straight forward to the accomplishment of its great purposes unseduced by patronage and unawed by power, its only aspiration being: “Thy spirit. Independence. let meshare; Lord of the lion heart and eagleeye. thy steps I or follow. with my bosombare. heedthestormthat howlsalongthesky." If, indeed, offenses must come, woe unto him by whom they come. The great Union party in and out of congress believe with Governor Johnson, then of ennessee: “That the trailer has ceasedto be a citizen, and in oinin the rebellion has becomea public enemy. e for cited his right to votewith loyal menwhen he renounced his citizenship and soughtto destroy our Government." They accepted that as the law of the case in 1864 pronounced by one of theirgreat leaders; they carried that law into effect in November of that year by electin its author as the VEEP It was good law then, it is good law now, and they adhere to it. They care very little about the “dead State” or “live State " theories, and only regard the attempted distinction as one of form and not of substance. But they do regard as of vital importance the real status of voluntary rebels and the substantive rights and privileges of volun tary Unionists int e great work of restoration. Fix these upon an enduring, fair basis, and the meta physical publicists may dispute as much as the ike about immateria matters connected with this great subject. The Union men in Congress and out of Congress very rnodestly, Vet earnestly and firmly, assert thath congress as the absolute right, and it is its duty to exercise that right. to determine who shall and who shall not be admitted to seats therein from the rebel States. This position, I take it, will be maintained at all hazards as against all antag onists, no matter whence they come orwhither they go and in fixing the character of such representation it is as firmly determined that none butloyal men shall rule America. “ Traitors must take back seats in the work of resto ration.” Ifin order to secure such a construction offuture Government it has become necessary to have certain amendments made to the Constitution, then let that precede complete restoration. No loyal man doubts that there is such a necessity and that such an exigency is now upon us. Now is the time to effect the work; so said AndrewJohnson in 1864: “I changcoendclude that Governments can and oughttobe and amendedtoconformto thcwants. to the requirementsand progress and the enlightened spirit of the ago and let mesay, now is the time to secure these fundamentalprinciples, while the land is rent with anarchy and n hooves with the throes of a mightyrevolution. hilcsocicty is in this disordered state, and we areseekingsecurity, letusfix the foundation of the Governmenton the principles of eternal justice which will endure for a l timo." Speccoltf Gooeraorlohmonat Nashville, July 2. 1864. Thi was good political doctrine then enun ciated in words fitly spoken; it is just as sound now, and will remain so, commanding the homage of every loyal heart and demanding the earnest, vigorous effort of every 10 al man until. indeed, the Government of this country shall be finally and forever rese ued from the asp of the traitor, and its foundations 5 “on principles of eternal justice which will endure for all time.” To this end the ComReconstruction has just agreed upon a plan which, if adopted and carried into final effect, will go very far to secure these grand results. As I now understand it from a very hasty perusal of the series of the proposed amendments to the Federal Constitution, I shall most cheerfully support it. The 1st section, lookin to the security and defense of the personal an property rights of the citizen in a l the States, is certainly just and right, and must commend itself to the judgment ofevery fair minded man. The 2nd section, looking to the proper and equitable distribution of political power in all the States, fixing the basis of representation in each is certainly just, and the rights of the loyal white men in this country demand its adoptionas a part of the fundamental law of the and; so thatawhite voter in the North shall hereafter be just as good and no better than a white voter in the South. No one but the aristocrat, the rebel, or the demagogue will oppose the adoption of that article. As to the 3rd section it is not very material, in my jddgment, whether that is retained or not as a part of the general plan, provided it be followed up by the passage into law of the accompanying bill, which provides for the disfranchisement of certain descriptions of vol untary rebels. Whether the 3rd section is in or out matters very little to me. As to the 4th and last section, there certainl mu be no valid objection urged against its a option and ratification. As a whole, then, let this plan receive the hearty support of every Union man in and out of Congress, and the work of restoration will be rapid, fair, and easy, asking and demanding no more of the People in the “represented States than “7“ “Y9 I of attracting attention and criticism, and was willing to impose on ourselves, and cheerfully bear. With all deference to gentlemen on the other side, we do think a northern man is just as good as a southern man. We do not want to be compelled to look up to him or have him look up to us, but to meet all such upon the common democratic lain “seeing eye to eye, ” each feeling himse f to be just as cod, just as much of a man as the other; no etter and no worse. If Democrats shall persist in their purposes and practices of looking up to and toadying after southern gentlemen, we cannot hel it. There i no law against flunkyism in this country, and I suppose we should be met with violent opposition from that quarter if we attempted to pass one. It would be regarded as an “act in restraint of personal libert, ” and declared by them as unconstitutiona. But, Mr. Speaker, it is said in certain quarters that the nion party cannot carry out its plans because the President whom it elected now stands opposed to it and will exert all the force and influence of his position to defeat it. “That he opposes all amendments to the Constitution, ” 0. Well, if this be so, we shall have to try and get along without him. For one I shall part company with him “more in sorrow than in anger. My faith is strong that the great. principles avowed and battled for by the Union party are immortal, and it is not in the power of anyone man however exabted his position to defeat their ultimate triumph. If, indeed, such shall be their fate, well mi lit the patriot invoke the curse of the poet, on say"Oh. for a heart to cursethe slave. Whosetreason, like a deadly)blight, Comesoer the councils of the rave, “ and blaststhem in their hour of might.” Behind us, him Speaker, is a loyal, confiding, intelligent people, uneorrupted and unleduced Their voice is potential, and it is well for a suffering country that they are “the power behind the throne that is greater than the throne itself.” That people never will be destroyed. As to Presidents and Congress men, “ a breath can makethem as a.breath hath male, ” and it is to that solemn, that grand tribunal we must make our final appeal, and before such a.forum I can have no fears as to the verdict. The conflict of arms may be over, but the conflict of opinion still rages unabated. In my judgment, it will be “sharp and short." Union men everywhere must close their ranks, then“Onc last great battle for the right, One short, sharp struggleto befree. To do is to succeed ourfight Is waged inHeavensapprovingsight, The smile of God is Victory."