Mr. GUTHRIE. wish to ask the friends of this resolution if it is contemplated that this committee shall take evidence and report that evidence to the 2 Houses. If they are only to take what is o on to every member of the Senate the fact that the rebellion has been suppressed; the fact that the POTUS has appointed officers to collect the taxes, and in some instances judges and other officers; that he has sent the post ofice into all the States; that there have been fqund enough individuals loyal to the country to accept the of fices; the fact that the President hasissued his proclamation to all those States appointing provisional governors; that they have all elected conventions; that the conventions have rescinded the ordinances of secession; that most of them have amended their constitutions and abolished slavery, and the Legislatures of some of them have passed the amandmentto the constitution on the subject of slavery if they are only to take these facts which are open and clear to us all, I can see no necessity or such a committee. My principal objection to the resolution is, that this committee can give us no information which we do not now possess, coupled with the fact that the loyal conservative men of the U.S., North, South, East and West do most earnestly desire that we sha 1 so act that there shall be no longer a doubt that we are the U.S.A. in full accord and harmony with each other. I know it has been said that the President had no authority to do these things. I read the constitution and the laws of this country differ eutly. He is to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed;” he is to suppress insurrection and rebellion. The powerisput in his hands, and I do not see why, when he marches into a rebel State, he has not authority to put down a rebel government and utu a government that is friendly to the U.S., and in accordance with it; I do not see why he cannot do that while the war goes on, and I do not see why he may not do it after the war is over. The people in those States lie at the nation. Thwercyl of I see no usurpation in what he has done, and if the work is well done, I, for one, am ready to accept it. Are we to send out a commission to see what the men whom he has appointed have done? It is said that they are not to be relied on; that they have been guilty of treason, and we will not trust them. I hope that no such ideas will prevail here. I think this will be a cold shock to the warm feelings of the nation for maturation, for equal privileges and equal rights. They were in insurrection. We have suppressed that insurrection. They are now States of the Union; and if they come here according to the laws of the States, they are entitled, in my judgment, to representation, and we have no right to refuse it. They are in a minority, and they would be in a minority even if they meant now what they felt when they raised their arms against the Government but they do not, and o?" those whom they will send here to represent them, 19 out of 20 will be just as loyal as any of us even some of those who took up arms against us. I really hope to, see someone move a modification of the test oath, so that those who have repented of their disloyalty may not be excluded, for I really believe that a great many of those who took up arms honestly and wished to carry out the doctrine of secession, and who have succumbed under the force of our arms and the great force of public opinion, can be trusted a great deal more than those who did not fight at all. To conclude, gentlemen, I see no great harm in this resolution except the procrastination that will result from it, and that will give us noth in but what we have before us.