Mr. FESSENDEN. One would imagine, Mr. President, that the importance of this nestion, and attachment to the Union, an the proper consideration of all matters relating thereto, were exclusively confined to the breast of the honorable Senfrom Pennsylvania, from the solemnity of his tone and the manner in which he addresses the Senate on that subject. One would naturally presume that the great majority of the Senate, composing, as it was suppose a (lay or 2 ago, something over 2 this of the body, had really a little attachment to the Union of the States, and a little power of Considering what was best for the U.S.A. in the premises, and a reasonable degree of patriotism which should lead them to consider all these questions with care and with all that deliberation which belongs to them. Sir, we do not need the warning of the honorable Senfrom Pennsylvania. I do not need it for myself and I am not very much disposed to regard it. The question which is submitted in the resolution that comes from the House is a very simple one. it is a question whetherCongress has any powerin relation to the great questions of reconstruction and the restoration of the Union to its former condition; whether it has any power except simpl to judge whether a man who presents himsel here with credentials from any portion of the country comes in due form, or whether the Congress of the U.S., Senators elected by the States and Representatives elected by the people of the States, have or have not something to do with the organization of this Government in its former shape; whether they are anything more than mere tools and instruments to look at papers and decide whether the are in due form or whether they have a rightto bring their delib erate judgment to the consideration of the great questions before the American people. Now, sir, all these questions should be considered deliberately, with conscientiousness, and with all the care that is necessary in order to understand them and to decide them well. I agree perfectly with the gentleman that all the time necessary for that purpose should be given. The rules of this be yare such that all that time must necessarily be given. Every member of this body may speak adlibitum, in season and out of season, in breath and out of breath, in ideas or out of ideas, as we have sometimes witnessed speeches in this body to be. The rules allowal that. We cannot control the rules, and it has never happened in my day that a question of importance could ass, or did pass from the conSideration of the Senate until it had been thoroughly and ably and well discussed. Now, sir, that was, if the honorable Senator will allow me to say so, all retense. He has no fears of this resolution being passed without due consideration. The question is as to the time of bringin it before the bodythe time we shall proceed to its considemtion. Thatis all, and in in judgmentI speak only for my self, and the Senate will overrule me if it comes to a different conclusionthere is no time so properas now to take upprecisely that question, and ascertain before we go any further in the consideration of these great questions whether or not we have any power over the subject at all. We have done hardly anything from the beginning of this session but to debate this very question one way and another. Gentlemen of all shades of opinion have debated it, some contendin that the States that once called themselves the confederate States were not States in the Union; others contendin that they were States for some purposes an I not for others, and each one having his owa l notion. We have had acres of discussion, if I may be allowed to use that expression, though it is not very appropriate, upon those very questions, and it is hardly to be supposed that there is a gentleman here who has not his opinions upon them. I have mine; I have not taken occasion to express them; I ma. If I Should have strength enough to do it, will. But, sir, what I wish now, and whatI insist upon, is that at the very earliest moment the Senate proceed to the consideration of this question, which lies at the foundation of all others. If we have the right to consider and discuss this question, if we have the right to do anything besides looking at credentials that come here to the Senate and to the HoRep and to see whether they are in due form, it is time that we should know it. If we have not that right it is time we should abandon all pretense of it and proceed to be the more no odies (when the great interests of this country are concerned) that we might be made, and that we shall be made unless we assert our own proper rights and our own properdignity as the Congress of the nation, to look at these great questions arising at this time and pressin upon us as the are, as men who have someting to do with the reservation of the character and the institutions of the country. That, sir, is the reason whyI am unwilling to proceed with any other question until this is well considered. 1 do not know what the rules of the Senate may be. If they require that the resolution shall o over for one ay, let us take it up and then et it go over. But I wish to know of this Senate whether we are or are not. to proceed at the earliest possible moment to settle this question that ies at the foundation of all others which we are now considering, and which are of so much importance to the country; and whether we are not to do it, and to ascertain what our powers are by our own decision, before we proceed to the consideration of others. When the propertime comes, I may have something to say upon the main subject.