Mr. RITTER. Mr. Speaker, it may be truly said that the people of the U.S. are indeed a progressive people. We have made most rapid progress during the last 5 years in destroying property and in taking the lives of human beings an in increasing our national debt, and still we are not contented; bills are being presented to this House almost daily making additional demands for increased expenditures by increasing and enlarging the machinery of our Government, so that new offices are bein multiplied to an enormous extent. lndee, sir, we have already gone so far in that direction that when we see such bills as the one now before this House, to enlarge the powers of the Freedmens Bureau, with all that it requires, we may well begin to fear that we have not only destroyed vast amounts of property and of human life, but that we will very soon destroy that also which should be most dear to every American citizen, the credit of this nation. Sir, the powers of that bureau, which this bill proposes to enlarge, are already larger than an thing of its kind that the world ever knew. vo history, Mr. Speaker, with which I am acquainted gives any account ofany thing similar to this bureau. It is, sir, if I understand it, an illegitimate sprout of the federal Government; it re, in other words, a government within a Government; it is not made for all the people, but for a part of the people only; it is not. made for the white people of these U.S., but for the colored people; but the enormous and vast amount all) money required to sustain it, all or nearly all has to be paid by the white people. Mr. Speaker, why is it necessary to continue this most powerful and expensive establishment? What is it that makes it right and proper for us to force upon the hardworing an honest people of the U.S. an annual tax of from 12 million dollars to probabl 100 or 250 million dollars? Is it because of the war? No, sir; there is no war now between the people of the U.S. Is it slavery? N o, sir; there is no slavery in this country now; and while slavery did exist in this country no such necessity was ever thought to exist. Sir, if it is necessary, I allirm that it is because we have abolished slavery, and for no other reason. When the question of the amendment of the constitution abolishin slavery was before the people, they were tel that all that was necessary to settle forever the vexed and exciting questions about the negro was to vote for the amendment, abolish slavery, and that we would have no more trouble in regard to the negro race. Sir, I put the question to you, and through you, to this House and to the country, how many votes would have been given for abolishing slavery if the people had been made to know that, by abolishing slavery, they were bringing upon themselves an annual tax, for an indefinite period, of from 12 to 250 million dollars 7 For one, sir I do not believe that 1/2 of the votes could have been obtained for that measure. Mr. Speaker, we are here as the Representatives of the people who have to support this Government; they have honored us with this high position, not that we should unnecessarily burden them with taxation, but that we should only require such an amount of taxes as will be necessary to pay the expenses of the Government, economically administered, and in a reasonable time to pay allthe just claims against the Government. believing this tobe the properrule for our action here, I appeal to every gentleman in this House to pause and to give due consideration to the bill now before this House before he casts his vote for it. Sir the establishing or continuance of the Freedmens Bureau is, in my judgment, not only unnecessary, but it is worse than nothing. If the vast amount of money required by this bill must be paid to the officers and employee s under it, it would be far better to require them to remain at home, and let the people in each State regulate their own affairs in their own way, being subject to the constitution of the U.S and laws passed in accordance with it. Mr. Speaker, it has, I believe, always been held by the purest and best statesmen in our country that it is extremely dangerous to put too much power into the hands of one or even a few men; but judging from the bill now before us, I suppose that that good and whole some doctrine must go overboard, as well as every other principle in our old Government which we have all so long professed to admire. The 1st section of the bill to enlarge the powers of the Freedmens Bureau, and which we now have under consideration contains these words, “That the act to establish o. Bureau for the relief of Freedmen and Refugees, approved March 8, 1865, shall continue in force until otherwise provided by law, and shall extend to refugees and freedmen in all parts of the U.S., ” 820. Now, sir, I understand that the word “refugees, ” as used above, is intended to desi nate loyal whites who have had to leave their 011108for their own safety, and have not been able on account of the danger of personal violence to return to their homes; and if I am right in this, I suppose that there is now none of that class anywhere in the U.S. We are told that peace reivns now throughout our whole country, and hat there is no danger to be apprehended in traveling in any portion of our country, excc tit may be from thieves and robbers; and if there are any now being supported by the Government, it is certainly wrong, unless the Government intends to take from the States that great privilege of supporting their own poor. But it Will be seen from that portion of the bill which I have quoted that the powers of this bureau are extended to eve tato in this Union. Why is it, sir, that this almost unlim ited power should be extended everywhere? Why extend it to the northern States? Have they any refugees or freedmen there that the are unwilling to treat justly? I cannot thin that the people of the northern States require that they should be interiored with in the man agement of their own affairs. No, sir; but on the contrary, judging from their almost continual intermeddlmg and interference in the affairs of other States, that they, like some of other days, were even above suspicion. Why, then, extend this vast machinery to those States? I may be told that the President will not, by appointing officers in every county in these States, so enlarge the expenditures of our Government, because it will e unnecessary to do so. If this be true, where, I ask, is the necessity for granting that power? This bill, if I am correctly informed, was drafted by a gentleman of great ability and experience. Surely he would not have granted this immense power without some grand object to be attained by it. Mr. Speaker, I would not willingly come to the conclusion that this enlar cment of the powers of this bureau was may c for party or political purposes. But, sir, suppose this to have been the design; what other machine could have been put in operation that would give hope for the accomplishing of half so much? What more could a President desire (who might think proper to use such means) than to rave the power to appoint a man of his own choice in every county in the U.S., clothed with the power conferred by this bill? and not only this but it confers the power to appoint 100s of others, making altogether an army of officeholders, scattered all over the U.S., whose influence may be brought to bear, in any political contest, greatly against the wishes and interests of the people. In the 2nd section oft is ill we have the following, to wit: That the Commissioner with the approval of the President, may divide each district into a number of subdistrictsn, ot to exceedthenumber of countiesor parishesin such district, and shall assignto eachsub district at least one a out, either a citizen officer of the Arm, or onliste man. who, if an olhcer, shall servewit out additional compensationor allowance, and if a citizen or enlistedman shall receiveasalary not exceedin SLZJO perannum and the Commissioner may whon the sameshall be necessary, assign to each asst commissionernot exceeding 3 clerks, and to eachof said gentsone clerk, at an an nual salary not exceeding 1.000eachprovided suitebleclerks cannot be detailed from the Army and the POTUS, through the War Dept and the commissioner, shall extendmil itary jurisdiction and protection over all employee s agents and officers oft is bureau in the exercise of the duties imusedor authorized by this act, or the act to which this is additional. Mr. Speaker, I have quoted this section of the bill to show the vast extent to which it is intended that this machine shall go. If it is thought properby the Commissioner and the Premdent, every county or parish in the U.S. is to be considered a district, and each one is to have an agent, and if that agent be a citizen or enlisted man he is to have a salary of $1, 200 perannum. If, however, he should be an officer he may receive whatever he may be entitled to as an officer in the Army. Herc, sir, we have a vast field o ened out for the retention of military men. o other government, I apprehend, as ever progressed so far in a time of peace. But, an this is not all. By the same section of this bill it is, in my judgment, made absolutely necessary to retain alar e army in the field, if for no other purpos. but simpl to protect the employee s, agents, and officers of this bureau. I am informed by GenlHoward, the Commissioner of this bureau, that at the time of making the report which was made by him to the present Congress there were in the employment of the bureau 413 officers and 375 civilians, beside ten commissioners and himself, making in all 799 men. I his, it will be remembered, was when this bureau was restricted (by the law which gave it birth) to ten States. Now, if it required 799 men to work this machine inten States, how many will it take to work it in 36 States? The 3rd section of this bill says That the SecyWar may direct such isspes of provisions, clothing, fuel, and other supplies nn cludin: medicalstorcsand transportation and a0 such aid medicalor otherwrse. as he may deem need ful for the immediate and temporary shelterand supply of destitute and suffering retugees and freedmen. their wives and children, under such rules and rogulations us he may direct. Sir, was there ever such vast and extensive power given to any man before by any Government on this globe? There is no amount that he may not take; there is no end to the debt that he may entail upon this Government, provided only that he may deem it needful. I may be told, sir, that the SecyWar is anlion est man, and that he will only issue such provisions as may be necessary. This may be true, sir; that he is honest in the strictest sense of that term it is not my purpose to question in the slightest degree; but if he is, desire to keep him honest, and not to place a temptation before him of this character. By such means there is no doubt in my mind but that many honest men, even in our own country, have been induced to commit crimes which they never wonld have desired to do if the temptation had not been presented to them. It is therefore, Mr. Speaifer, most improperand unsafe to confer more power upon any officer of this Government than is absolutely necessary to enable him to carry out the purposes for which the power is granted. Suppose that we should be so unfortunate as to have a dishonest man placed at the head of the War Dept, what restriction does this bill place upon him in regard to this matter? None, sir; not a single one, except that he may deem it needful. How many of is friends, his political admirers, or those who will do his bidding, may he not enrich under the power here conferred only upon the condition 518d;he may deem it needful for the temporary support of the freedmen, their wives and children I The 4th section of this bill authorizes the President to reserve from sale or from settlement, for the use of freedmen and loyal refu ees, unoccupied public lands in the States of onda, Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, and Arkansas, not exceeding in all 3 million acres of good land. These lands are to beal lotted an assigned to the freedmen and refu ees in parcels not exceeding 40 acres to each. hese lands they are to have at such annual rent as may be agreed upon between the Commissioner and themselves. The rental shall be based upon a valuation of the land, to be ascertained in such manner as the Commissioner may, under the direction of the President, by relation prescribe. n the 6th section of this bill it is provided: That the Commissioner shall under the direction of the President, procuro in the nameof the U.S., by grant or purchase. such lands within the districts aforesaid asmaybe requiredfor refugees and freedmandependenton the Governmentfor support; and he shall provide or cause to be erected suitable buildings for nsylumsand schools. But no such purchaseshall be made. norcontract for thesameentered into. nor other exicnseincurred, until after appropriations shall have been provided by Congressfor such purposes and no paymentsshal be made for lands purchasedunder this section. except for asylumsand schools. from any moneys not spooifically appropriated therefor and the Commissioner shall cause such landsfrom time to time tobevalued. allotted. a ssigned and soldin manner and form provided in the 4th section of this act, at a price not less than the cost thereof to the U.S. Here, Mr. Speaker, we have, in my judgment, a development of the grand purposes and designs of those who introduce this bill. It is, sir, I have no doubt, to commence a colony in each one of the 5 States above named, which is ultimately to drive out the entire white population of those States and fill their places with the negro race and whether this is the design or not, it is certain in my judgment to have this effect and they could not have devised a more effectual scheme for that purpose. Sir, let us look at these provisions: in the 1st place they set apart the unoccupied public lands in those States for the use of the colored people. It is true theyspeak of loyal refugees; in this they may inclu e white persons. But I presume that we all know that none of this class will be there. These lands are now in a wild state; they are eitherin forests or rairic. What is the 1st thin to be done? rethe colored people to go here and make their own improvements at their own expense as the white people in this country have always had to do? No, sir, we are to be more kind and liberal to them. The SecyWaris to be clothed with authority to erect shelters and furnish provision, clothing, medical attention, and, in aword, do everything that he may deem need ful for tempora support. But, sir, they do not stop here; this is not enough; the commissioner is authorized to purchases sites and buildings for schools and as lums, to be used by these people, but to be hed as U.S. property and not only this, the Commissioner under the direction of the President is to have power to purchase or rent such tracts of land in the several districts aforesaid as may be necessary to provide for the indigent refu gees and freedmen dependent upon the Government for support. Sir, who can estimate the cost for all this? How much is it to cost the Government to build shelters on all this unoccupied public land? What sort of shel ters are they to be? How much is it to cost to feed, clothe, and furnish medical aid, &c., to these people until they can so port themselves? Will they ever be in a condition to support themselves? How much is it to cost to purchase sites and buildings for schools and asy lums? How many tracts of land will the commissioner purchase underthis authority? What is to be the size of the tracts? How much is he to ay peracre? How many farms will he rent, and what is he to pay for rent? Sir, these are important questions, the answers to which the people have a right to demand. But, sir, they will demand in vain; no living man can tell and another still more important question, Mr. Speaker, is, how long is the Government to support these people 1 Will the white people who have to support the Government ever get done paying taxes to support the negroes? If this is not to continue always, why did notthose who introduced this billfix atime when all this was to stop? Mr. Speaker, I have said that in my judment, if this bill is passed, that its effect woulgd be to drive the white people all out of the States named, and substitute in their place the colored people. Sir, it is not to be expected that the 2 races will live contentedly where there are large numbers of the colored people living near to neighborhoods settled witih whitepersons; experience has proved to many of us, that wherever large numbers of colored people live, that the white people living within 5 or ten miles of the place become so erers to a very large extent. ow, sir, if this should be the case (as I have no doubt it will) in the States in which you propose to establish these people, the whites and blacks will disa rec to such an extent that when people find that the colored people are permanently established they will e compelled, in self defense, to seek a home somewhere else. NO doubt, h Mr. Speaker, but that those who prepared this bill saw that the difficulties and disagreements to which I have just alluded would arise, and hence they require that militar jurisdiction and protection 5 iall be extended: so as to give safety in their movements; and if the white inhabitants become dissatisfied, the Commissioner is prepared with authority by this bill to bu them out and put the negroes upon the lau. Who, then, can doubt as to what is to be the effect of this bill if it becomes a law? But, sir, it may be said that the Commissioner is restrained or prohibited from purchasing or making contracts for these lands until Congress shall have made an appropriation to pay for them. Sir, if this bill is passed, I do not suppose that there will ever be much difficulty in getting Congress to make an appropriation, if it be recommended by the PreSident and the Commissioner of this bureau. Sir, the necessity for purchasin these lands is admitted by those who vote or this measure; and if this is not so, whyis it put in this bill? Now, sir, there is another consideration which may afford a reason for extending this bureau to all arts of the U.S. The SecyWar is authorized to furnish transportation to these lpeople to any extent that he may deem needfu. find I understand that there are now large numbers of these people in some of the northern States, and also in Canada, who are anxious to return to their old homes, now that slavery is abolished. There are, I am in formed, others who desire to emigrate to the northwestern States. Now, sir, if this be true, the SecyWar is ready by authority to pay for the transportation of these people where ever they may wish to go. Surel, sir, we are extremely kind to these people. Vhy is it that they cannot pay their own transportation as the white people have to do? Have we not taxes enough to pay without adding to the enormous burdens now pressing upon us, simply to transport the negroes and their clfectsfrom one part of the country to another? Surely, sir, it is time to sto this sort of legislation. Mr. Speaker, there is anotherportion of this very extraordinary bill to which desire to ask the attention of this House. It is the 5th section of the bill, and reads as follows: That the occupants of land under Maior GenlSherman s s ccial field order, dated at Savannah. January 16, 865: are hereby confirmed in their possessionfor the period of 3 years from the date of said order. Arid no person shall be disturbed in or ousted from said possession during said 3 years. Unless a settlement shall be made with sa d occupant liry the owner satisfactory tothe Commissionere the Freedmens Bureau. Now, sir, I do not propose at this time to express any opinion in regard to the action of Major Genera Sherman upon that occasion. I only desire to say in regard to him that I regard him as one of the best military men known to this or any other age, a soun patriot and an able statesman. But, sir, I cannot see the propriety or the justice in singling out those people and bestowing upon them greater favors than upon any other colored people. Neither do I see the proriety nor. justice in taking from the white people that which actually belongs to them and bestowing it upon any portion of the African race. Sir, I deny that Congress has the right thus to interfere with private property. The constitution, which we have all taken an oath to support, expressly prohibits and for bids the taking of private property without just compensation. Sir, shall we now in time of eace disregard that constitution and that oath or any purpose, much less to take property from white persons, who are, as I unerstan, the actual owners of the property, and give it to colored people or to any other race? For one, sir, I cannot do it. But, Mr. Speaker, suppose we have the right or authority under the constitution to continue these people in assetssion of the lands referred to, would it e expedient, would it be better calculated to promote the interest of the Government than to allow the oWners to take possession of their own lands? Sir, it is necessary in the present affairs of our country that the Government should afford all proper facilities to the people in order that they may be enabled to assist in paing the immense debt now resting upon us. o Gentlemen suppose that these lands in the possession of the colored people will afford any reve nue to this Government? If so, I must confess, sir, that they differ very greatly from myself. But, Mr. Speaker, there is one condition upon which this bill does agree that the owner may have his land, and that is that he shall 1st have a settlement with the occupant, and of course get his consent, and then make the arran ement satisihctory to the Commissioner of e Freedmens Bureau. Sir, why is it, if these people are free and are qualified to exercise the ighest privile cs that can be bestowed upon free men name y, the right of suffrage, why is it that the cannot be allowed the poor privilege to make a contract to give up to the owner property to which he has no right without having to obtain the consent of the Commissioner of this bureau? Sir, I do not covet such freedom as that, neither can I believe that where such supervision is necessary in order to protect the colored race that they are qualified to come in and take an equal stand by the side of the more intelligent, and participate in. lllllug this great nation by the exercise of the right of suffrage. a Mr. Speaker, there is another fact connected ms congressssmsii. cross. Februfliigg i:7. "Mt h this subject to which I desire to call the “sttentionof this House, and that is the condition of the people whoare the oWners of these lands. I understand, air, that perhaps the only property that they now Own upon this earth is these lands. Many of these people are now old, and are tottering on the brink of the grave; many others, who are children, who are unable to do anything for a support, but who are as innocent so far as the reellion is concerned, as the child unborn; many others, females, who have no other means to depend upon for support except these lands. Sir, is it possible that gentlemen upon this floor can disregard the appeals that must be made by a knowled e of these facts, knowing these helpless pe are now destitute? Sir, look at their condition. I imagine that I can almost hear the plaintive cries of these innocept children asking and beseeching their widowed mothers for bread or a morsel of something to eat. Yet that kind mother is unable to furnish that morsel, because all she owns has been taken by this Government and turned over to the colored people. Sir, I trust that that injustice will be continued no longer, but that these lands will be given back to their owners. But Mr. Speaker, a very objectionable feat ure of this bill is yet to be alluded to. It is that which requires a large army to be kept in the field in order to sustain and enforce obe dience to this bureau and all of its requirements. Sir, who can tell how many soldiers it will take and what itwill cost the white people of the U.S. to support and pay these soldiers? Sir, I learn from Major GenlHoward, as before stated that the bureau had, at the time of making his report, 375 civilians employed at an average of $100 per mouth, and 413 oihcers at an average ay of a captain in the line of the Army, which’ll suppose to be about 118 dollars and 50 cents permonth; 7 commissinners, receiving the pay of brigadier general, which I believe is $299 50 permonth. 2 receiving the pay of coloncls, which I think is $194 permonth, and one who is receiving the pity of major, which I suppose is $161; and ujor GenlHoward himself isreceiving the ay of a major general, which I understand to be $445 permonth. This, sir, will require annually the clever little sum of $1,075,452. New, sir, add to this the amount that will be required to pay the soldiers that must be kept for their protection, and then add the additional number of men that must be employed to work this machine all over the U.S., and remember at the same time that the Commissioner of this bureau has already made a call for an appropriation, while he is only working inten States, for nearly 12 million dollars for the next year. Who, sir, can tell what all this will amount to? Mr. Speaker, I desire to call the attention of the House to the great progress that we have made in increasing the expenditures of this Government during the last 42 or 3 ears. By reference to Mr. Bentous 30 ears View, volume one, page 230, it will be found that General Smith, of Maryland, amember of the Senate of the U.S., makes the statement that in 1822 the ordinary expenses of the Governmentwera $9,827,648, and m 1823 the crises amounted to the sum of $9, 784, 154. Iiew, sir, who could have thought at that day that in the comparatively short time of 43 years it would require the sum of even $12,000,000 to fix up ainachinery alone for the benefit of 3 or 4 inillion negroes, and more especially, sir, when it is understood that in 1820 we had a population, including white snd colored, of 9, 633, 545. Mr. Speaker, how long will itvbe at this rate when we take into consideration the fuct that our Government proper, besides this little bureau machine, is now costing us 100s of millions of dollars how long. sir, will it be before we have to call in the services of Mr. Kennedy, of census no, toriety, to estimate the amount of the debt we love? Sir, it istima that we should stop all useless expenditures, and let us return and imi State the examples given by our fathers, so that we may, like them, pay all just claims against us, and thus maintain the high credit of this great nation. Mr. Speaker, I now desire to call the attention of the House to what I think has been, in most places, the effect of the o rations of this bureau. I never did believe that it was doing the colored people any good, and I feel very sure that it has (one the white people agreat deal of harm. If in the place of establishin this bureau the authorities who made it he directed the colored people who were not in the Army to have remained at home with their owners until the ratification of the amendment to the constitution abolishing slavery, there would have been nothing for this bureau to do, and the colored people would all have gone home, their owners would have supported them, and the would not have cost the Government one dollar, and would have been better cared for; and many poor colored women and children who are now resting in their lonely graves, or in the bottom of some river, would today be enjoying freedom with far better prospects than those who have been under the direction of this bureau. Sir, look at the condition that these people have been in, collected together in large numbers at the different camps or places of rendezvous, many of them doing nothing, without a shelter to at their heads under exceptus they crowded into tents or vncant houses in large numbers sometimes having furnished to them by the Government plentyto eat, at other times being without anything, many of them living in filth and often errposed to inclement weather. This condition being such as they were not accustomed to, did of course bring on sickness and disease, which has termi nated in the death of vast numbers of these people. But, sir, the bureau was established, and the agents appointed to manage these people have generally been such as were deeply impressed with the belief that the former owners were the colored mans strongest encm. Hence their actions have been predicate upon this, no doubt, honest conviction as to some of them, yet in fact a great error. The truth is that it was exactly the reverse, and I have no hesitation in saying today that in a very large majority of bases the former owner is their warmest friend; but, sir, many of the colored peeple were induced to think otherwise, and the action of the agents being predicated upon the conviction that their former owners were the n ros enemy, of course almost everythingthey have done has had a tendency to keep up that impression in the minds of the negroes, and hence the necessity, in the estimation of the managers, for a continuance of the bureau, and fora continuance of their official positions and their salaries; and together with the fact that it may be made a most powerful political machine to retain or destroy party purposes or power. Now, sir, to show that I am right in t is, let me call the attention of this House to a letter recently addressed by Governor Orr, of the State of SCarolina, to the POTUS From this letter we learn that a Major Ilelany, a colored officer, was sent on an otiicial tour of ins ection, from Dept headquarters, throng the seacoast parishes. After having performed the duty assigned, the major says:. “l have met with a general representationof the ln telligence and former wealth oi the planters and large land owners of these districts, and large numbers of the freedmenof both sexes and every Condition 11111011 them and have genarully found the planter readyan willing to enter into any agreement reasonable and just to both parties, planters and freedmen. All with whom I have yet met and had conversation on the subject of the planting interest, readily indorse the most liberal desires of the Government and the hu reuu toward the trendiucn and the freedmen express the most anxious desire to go to work pu plantations, and aim ly hesitate for the purposeoi receivmgdefinite on ore from the Government that they cannot obtain the lands by purchase or othoruisc, whieu they will readily enter into lrsfrangements to work or give place to those who wil. T he Governor tii on says their “In the upper portions of thisState. where the freed inens hasnever 1mm with has"“am post commanders chiefly had charge of the and eundiiious of the freedmen, this delusion relations as strong as lowrr down, and yet whenever it was strongenough to prevent any contracts being made beforo vheIstdf January, 189V. Up to that time the freedmen boliovsd in the certainty of theiriuture propiictors lii. Sinus wthiallitndgany ehssas pnssed they are manifcsting in such r to meet the necessities oi their bonil. Bthuitngisntished iifleorweenrt. paIrIctroefstchaercetlaytaectohnetrcaocntdhiatsiobneeonf or can be made, The delay in carrying out your instructions positively, which hascontinued from GenlHowards visit in Octoberto Captain Ketchuins return in the last few days. Rendered the freedmen. as a body, ineredulous of any restoration. They havein many places quietly but firmly refused to accept any terms. But I days they regret to say that within the last few have in some instancu resorted to violence. burning down dwellings, dentroyin bridges, intrenching themsclves in their quarters an refusin either to contractor give wny to thosew o will and in these casesit is proper to so that the contracts offoredthem have been approvedhy the U.S. ! authorities as liboral an Just.” I Now sir, if this be true, as I have no doubt it is, why should we enlarge the powers of this bureau, and extend it to every State and county in the U.S., and prolong its existence for an indefinite period? I Mr. Speaker, t iut there will be some difficulties between the illdisposed white men and the colored people no man can doubt, no matter what plan may be adopted by the Government. But, sir, Ihol that there are good men enough in ever State and county in these U.S. to regnate and control their communities so as to have justice done to all of their inhabitants as far as it can he done; and ifleit to themselves to regulate their own affnirs in their own way, being subject to the constitution and laws of the U.S and the constitution and laWs of their own States, that they will accomplish the grand objects for which this Government was instituted much sooner and much more happil than will be done if men are sent from other States, who are strangers to the dispositions and habits of our people, men who come there with firm convictions, made mostly by misrepresentations by interested parties or those who o not know the true facts of the case, with power to institute new courts, to be themselves the judges and jury, to drag the citizens into a court established not for all, but alone for the benefit of the negro, and where in almost eve case the impression is made that the negro s by the judge the preferred man of the crowd. Sir it is mere folly to suppose that harmony and good feeling can prevail under such circumstances. Sir, allow me to say again, that in the country where I live there is no ill feeling against the negro on account of his having been made free. All know that it was white people who did that, and no one blames the negro for wanting to be free; and I am sure that it is the intention of all good men through out the entire State to submit to the powers that be, obey the constitution and laws of the country, as a very large majority of her citizens have always done, an thus doequal justice to an.