Mr. BEAMAN. Mr. Speaker, to say that I am not entirely satisfied With the plan for the reconstruction of the rebel States reported by the committee is probably to utter the sentiment of nearly every member of the House, including the members of that committee. It is most likely, also, that the expectation of the country will be somewhat disappointed. Mind fulof the terrible struggle through which we have just passed, with all its sad inci eats, the people are naturally earnest, anxious, and watchful. Impressed with the former teaching of your Chief Magistrate, they have come to believe that treason is crime, and ought to be punished; and that in any law adopted for admitting the people of the reel States to a participation in the government of the country, ample safe gu s will be provided for future security. Sir, Ifeel compelled to say that I do not think the report of the committee quite in actstheir just expectations. Nevertheless, so various are the views of gentlemen of the House, as well as of the individual members of the committee, perhaps it is as nearly satisfactory as any system that could have been agreed on with any well founded hope of adoption. I am inclined, therefore, to support the JtResolution, though I hope it may be amended. I have serious objections to the 3rd section, and I shall experience regret if, through the inflexibility of parliamentary rules, I am compelled to vote upon the original resolution without an attempt to amend it. It seems to me that the 3rd section will be found useless in its results and impracticable in its operation, while it is calculated to iiister irritation and had blood among the people of the South. It makes a show on the face of it of accomplishing what it is impotent to perform; that is to say, it assumes until the 451 day of July, 1547), to “exclude all persons who vol untarily adhered to the late insurrection, giving itaid and comfort.” from the right to vote “ for electors for President and VEEP, ” yet we very well know that such a provision would be entirely ine perative, because electors for President and VEEP can be appointed by the Legislatures according to a practice that has always obtained in SCarolina. The provision does not extend to the election of Senators, and consequently it can operate only to affect the election of members of this House, and that only for a period of 4 years. The State governments, the inspectors of election, the rejection or reception and can vassing of votes, the returns and certificates, in short the whole machinery of the elections will be in the hands and under the control of the very men whom you propose to disfranchise, and the difficulties that will arise in an attempt to execute the law are too obvious to require particular specification. This section loo 5 as though it was intended for ornament rather than for use. Perhaps I should say it has the appearance of having been introduced to multiply the conditions of restoration, thereby rendering the scheme somewhat more imposing. It was doubtless the offspring of compromise, the result of a contest of adverse opinions, in which each one of the progenitors gave up so much of his eternity that the bant ling is a mere shadow. t is, however, a shade too thin to blind the eye, and it might as well be removed altogether. The people are not likely to be blinded by so thin a veil, and it is folly to undertake to deceive ourselves. The people do not stand on punctilio. They want no expedient adopted in order to gratify their vanity, or to save a point of honor. They desire the adoption of no measure whose sole object is to assert their power over the rebels; that has already been established in the clash of arms. They want protection and security for the future, and to that end they believe it indispensable that the Government should be administered by loyal hands. I do not know as there will be an opportunity to older amendments to this JtResolution; but if permitted, I shall move to strike out the 3rd section and insert in lieu thereof a section which I have taken in substance from the bill introduced from the committee by the Gentfrom Pennsylvania. The revision which I would have inserted is, as follows: Sec. 3. No person shall hereafterbe eligible to any offlce under the government of the U.S. who is included in any of the followin: clauses namely: 1. The president and VEEP of the confederate Statesof America socalled and the headsof Deptsthereof. 2. Those who in other countries actedas agentsof the confederate Statesof America socalled. 3. Heads of Depts of the U.S., officersof the Army and Navy of the U.S and all persons educatedat the Military or Naval Academyof the U.S. judgesof the courts of the U.S., and members of either House of the 36th Congress of the U.S. who gave aid and comfort to the late rebellion. The disability proposed by this amendment is quite inconsiderable, if we have reand to the magnitude and consequences of the late rebellion and I have no doubt it falls short of the j public expectation. But inconsiderable as it, is, it would at least prevent the intrusion of the arch traitor JeffersonDavis into the Star ate of the U.S., and would exclude permanently from this Hall the rebels who left it in 1861 for the field of blood. Nor could such a measure be deemed objectionable by any candid mind, whether it be regardedas n question of security for the future or as a punishment for past offenses. What other nation on the face of the earth wuuld be so merciful, so forgiving? These men, by their flagitious crimes, have created a mortgage of billions upon the property of posterity that is to be. T icy have murdered 100s of 1,000s of their fellow men, and endangered our national existence. They have forfeited citizenship, paraperty, life, which justice refuses to restore. but we forget justice, and remember only mercy. We give them back life, property, citizenship and is not this enough? Shall we restore them to power, and make them our rulers? such a determination should be pro; ceded by another amendment to the Constitution. The word treason should be expunged from our organic law. Mr. Speaker I have little more to say. My views in regard to the great subject of reconstruction have been exrcssed in this Chamber more than once, and do not wish to repeat them. But I desire to say that in my judgment the remainder of the JtResolution has great merit and ought to be adopted. I did look for more thorough and reliable protection for the loyal men in the rebel States than we are likely to secure. I did hope to see the rights of the freedmen completely established. I did believe that we should not ignore the services of the brave colored men who here ically bled in the defense of their country a country from which thus far they have received injuries rather than blessings mud I did hope that a just, if not a grateful country, would insist that the preservers of liberty should enjoy some share of its fruits; that we should have the manhood and maguanimity to declare that men who have wielded the sword in defense of their country are fit to beintrusted with the ballot. But I am convinced that my expectations, hitherto fondly cherished, are doomed to some disappointment. Yet I take this occasion to place on record the assertion, that if this generation shall fail fully to perform the duty that Providence seems to have impOsed upon it, the blame will not rest wholly upon the 39th Congress. Every measure adopted for the security of the people against rebels must be carried by a 2/3rds vote of each House. Against an antagonistic Executive a majority of Congress alone cannot adopt legislation ueedful to the condition of the country. But I will not on this account abandon all. I will accept of the best arrangement available. I will vote for the substitute I propose, if I have an opportunity. I will vote simply to strike out the 3rd section, if I can do no more; and failing in that, I will vote for the JtResolution as it stands.