Mr. be UTWELL. 2ndly, you leave the rebels in possession of apower which they will surel avail themselves of when they again underta e the destruction of the Governmentthe opportunity to bestow the clective franchise upon the negroes. If you fail to secure the black man in hisrights, he willbecome in adegree alien and hostiletothe national Government. In this condition he will be ready to accept the right of suffrage from the southern leaders, and transfer his allegiance, sympathy, and support from you to them. Will you leave such a weapon in the power of your enemies, when, by a timely act of Justice, you can secure the zealous and tlnWaVtPingsup ort of the blackraceinevery generation? Throug out this contest the blacks have exhib itedthepurestpntriotisin and the highestwisdoni. Can any man name an act done by them that has been injurious to them as a race or prejudicial to the country? Or can anyone suggest an omission that has been prejudicial to them or to the country? So will they exhibit wisdom here after. If we fail in our duty, we have no right to expect their support in the future. It is not unreasonable to excct that in 12 or 24 months scvera of the States recently in rebellion will confer the elective franchise upon their negroes. In Louisiana one 8th of the voting white population I understand, are in favor of that measure. We know that this force must be augmented by accessions cfloyal men, and for this reasonevery Union man in the South who wants protection for life, for property, and for his own political rights, is compelled by nce csSity to ally himself with the negroes. They are his friends, and he must in e common cause with his friends, whether they be white or black. My chief objection to this proposed restriction is, that the rebel States are not likely to do anything more for themselves than you do for the country when youpass judgment and establish your policy here. If you put a limitation or qualification upon the exercise of the elective franchise, who does not see that its enforcement is a question of administration? and herein there is a difference between Massachusetts and this District; there is a difference between Massachusetts and Louisiana. Our inspectors and examiners are in favorof suffrage and they desireto give every man the elective franchise. Ever doubt is ven to the applicant. In SCarolina and Alabama it is a question of administration; and do on suppose the men who will preside and deci c this question will come to the conclusion that a negro can read when the result is that he must also vote? Will they accept testimony that he has been in the Army when they do not want his ballot brought to bear against them, as his bayonet frequent was during the war? Do on suppose they wi tax him wien they know that taxation gives him the power to interfere in the Government? More than that, I do not an pose that the colored men in this District would be safe in coming to the olls. I am pretty sure that in the old slave States you would have to muster the entire black male population, so that they might go to the polls in safety. I have thus given, with less preparation than I ought to have made for the discussion of a question like this, the views I entertain upon lliis subject. But beyond this, when we proclaimed the emancipation of the slaves, and pput their lives in peril or the defense of this country, we did in effect guaranty to them substan tially the rights of American citizens and a Christian posterity, and heathen countries will demand how we have kept that faith.