Mr. SPHAGUE. Mr. President, I have to beg the indulgence of the Senate for submitting the remarks that I have to make in part this morning from paper. The severe cold that affected me on a former occasion still continues, and 1 am still very indeh prostrated by the effects of that disorder. I did not feel come tent to trust myself to state orally the viewst at I have to express. I state this as a preamble simply to the remarks that I will now submit to the Senate. Because the Senfrom California has tele graphed to his constituents in that great State, the passage of the bill under consideration, we are told this bill must be hurried through. Sir, the bribe is too small $10,000,000, $1, 003,000, of trade, $100,000 of profit is too small a bribe to continue a system, the evil effect of which is felt by billions oftrade and by millions of profits. As the Most High removed the scales from the eyes of StPaul that had blinded his sight from the perception of this great doctrine, so He likewise has removed from my heart the tiinidity that has tied my tongue for the past 2 years; for I now feel bold in the advocacy of the principles that are in me, and I do not desire to affect other than the minds of the senate. I trust the reporters will not dignify me by any remarks in their very able and valuable papers. My remarks are intended exclusively for the Senate. My health being such, I feared I should be unable to resume the consideration of the question before the Senate, and I have, therefore. hastily thrown together one or 2 ideas that are more important than others in writin and I beg the pardon of the Senate for so oing, and assure them that it is but the preamble to the remarksl desire to submit upon this occa sron. lftbe same opposition thatis now and ever has been brought to bear upon the principles of right and justice, as applied to the political conventions of the people, and as applied to the industrial interests, was applied to the principles of mathematics, the larger part of the people would be led to doubt the truth that 2 and 2 make four. lfa vote was to be taken tomorrow by the whole people as to whether they would continue t to tariff, I am not sure but the vote would be against it. which would he in effect to decide that they will not be as well clothed or have as good food, and be aswell educated and be surrounded with as much of happiness and have as stable and pure government as the people of conrnttll llnrope. fiiose Governments direct aggressions upon the industrial interests of this country to strengthen their ruling classes and contribute even more ofwealth to theirtrading classes, and in this country are aided by men whose sole end and aimis toaccnmnlate money without regard to principle, country, or good sense. 3/4ths of the southern people, noted, I believe, honestly in what they felt to be the defense of their country, of their rights. 1 and for a better condition for themselves and, for their children; and yet ever blow they i struck was to forge a link in the c min of their political, social, intellectual, moral, and industrial slavery. The great mass of the Irish and ai io theiied ucnted population of this country. synipndiizo with the rebellious portion of southern society, the ruling object of that society being to keep from all advancement in civilization and in position the very class that supports them. such are some of the contradictionsthat tu day beset us in the discussion of this and of all other questions that command public attention. Look at my own situation. We have. the semblance of a tariff, with little of reality, so badly administered, with so many acts of legislation that neutralize it as a means to equalize the labor of this with older countries, that I sometimes feel that it would be better if there were none at all. We should at least get rid of the prejudice respecting this policy that has fastened itself upon the people. When ive consider that 25 millions of revenue is lost to the Government by undervaluation and introduction through the bonded warehouse, and through fraud and the loss ofinterest from the time of entry into bond until withdrawn therefrom often millions besides, we may well suppose, with these large, well understood corruptive influences, that the accumulation of those not seen by the public may be as large as these and as they are far more numerous so they injurionsly affect greater number and classes of people. While we know this to be so, is it not the part of wise men and of statesmen to prevent such heresies from bein g extended or from grow in" stronger by an legislative acts of ours 7 None will deny at that this country is the great workshop for European monopo ists. I tremble almost as I survey the ground and ask myself what is to be the future. We are slaves to that power, bound hand and foot. I have not myselfpenetration sufficient to see the end. Who are the real friends of this country? Was Lord Chatham, when, if his policy had prevailed until now, we should have been still colonies of GreatBritain, and the words that “ifAmerica as much as makes a stocking or forges a hobnail I would let her feel the whole power of GreatBritain, " would be the policy that would have prevailed here? It is said that the devil when bent upon an very extraordi nnry wickedness takes upon iimself the outward hnbiliments of a saint. In England those who sympathized with our cause during the war, those who advocate reform bills. a more enlarged suffrage, and fledom. politically and socially, for the people, advocate free trade for this country. Did not slavery say, let us alone? Do not all monopolists say let us alone? Let us enjo free trade without competition? Does not i le Camden and Amboy resist the erection of an competing lines 2 It is free trade for her an no trade for the rest of the people. If the managers of this interest were wise and good, if there were nothing lin man in their nature, if they were never subject to a feeling to take advantage of their secure position, still the old maxun prevails, that competition is the life of trade." England, therefore, through Bright and Cobden, advo cates for this country free trade; and I am not sure but that on the sole judgment of their voices, and contrary to the general opinions of the peable they represent, there are Senators here who act upon their reasoning as law. What can be expected of the man? England advocates free trade on commodities of which she has the mouopol. She taxes tobacco 2 dollars the pound an obtains from atariffupon kindred articles $113,000,000 out of $354,000,000, the latter sum being the amount of the revenues for the year. The planters of Connecticut from NewEngland, of Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky, and Tennessee, have more reason to ask for free trade for their product than England has for her manufactnr ( rs. For if the people now will pay 2 or 3 dollars perpound, would not, in the event oftho custom tax being removed, this $113,000,000 or a large portion of it. go into the ockots of the planters? If the people can an do afford to pay for it at all, what is it to them who Iv ccives it? France upon the some and hundred articles exacts exclusion of trade. She derives a revenue of $50,000,000 of gold from the purchase. manufacture, and sale of tobacco, sand, and cigars. She desires free trade for America such articles as she has to export, but exclusive for trade for all articles she imports. Suppose that free trade was permitted, instead of one buyer of tobacco there would be 5,000d, and as many traders; would not the planter be receiving far greater rices for the replenishing of his exhausted soi I The rest object to be attained is to sell our soil an our labor for the highest price. Now, flour, corn, wheat, hay, and every product of the soil is as much:1 art of a shovel as the wood, iron, and labor tint comprise its principal parts. If manufactured in England, you have no market for your corn, your wheat, your hay, which is your soil in another and different form. The products of the soil are as much a part of cloth as cotton and oil and fuel, the wear and tear of machinery. It is as much a part. of a shawl orcussimere as the wool, the wear and tear of machinery, and prices insurance, interest, and the great and gran catalogue of industries that are prospered by being so employed. We thus may go on in definitel. Every sho ) industry is a new market for the products of the soil; and the price for this product increases while the production is curtailed by the withdrawal O hands into the shop, store, and office occupation. Or if supplies are drawn from abroad, the cost of transportation, of interest, of brokerage, insurance, and the like, arcadded to the price of the crop introduced, thereby fixing prices for the crop on the spot. On the other hand, prices will remain the same, but the farmer will gain more profit, upon the principle of small profits upon largo production, which is the true theory for the prosecution of every business interest; if he cultivates more land by incicasin his energies, drawing from abroad additionaf hands, and if he obtain the same price upon an increased quantity, his profits are thus increased. The price will increase if the market is found at home for the surplus that was before exported, as the cost of transportation, insurance, &c., must be added to the price that he will get for his crop. This is the practical working of the introduction into a farming nation of the sho, store, and office industr. We have, in addition to this, increase value of the lgnd, railroads, and high ways; but more than this, you have places of profit and improvement for the increased members of your family. The shop, the store, and the Office furnish the children, the youn men, and the young women with occupation that the bonded warehouse would carry to England and France, to neither of which places can you send your sons and your daughters; but be sides this, you will obtain something of the profit that goes to the shop. If his profits are out of proportion to the capital and skill emplo ed, the farm will soon share a portion. 1he shop cannot enjoy for a long time alarger ercentage of profits if an wear and tear, and the interest of the money. If he does so, he will find other capital introducing itself into the same occupation. The men of the West or middle States must have learned ere this notto pintheir faith on England or France for a market and on no one but the U.S.; and it should be their best effort to unite with interest the true patriotism that is within them, to advance an contend for every home interest that is now strug ling with the capital and monopolized labor of the Continent. NewEngland produces nothing in proportion to the supplies necessary to feed her people. She draws it all from the West. Every State is interested, if they will but see it, to sustain NewEngland interests in this respect, as every intermediate State gets the transportation and does the business 1st for the articles consumed in the products of the mills of NewEngland, and in distributing the products of the mills to the rest of the country. The etfect of free trade is to trade with acouutry or wugh countries that. do not contribute one cents worth of the value of the product to any State or to any people. She takes the public, State, and national securities, bonds, and shares of banks and railroads and our gold in payment, nothing else. Slic contributes nothing, and draws from us our life blood. Wc owe the continent of Europe today 1300 millions of money for our railroads, war, public buildings, and wearing a parcl. The effect of a policy that employs alour labour in increasin the prices for our raw material orfarming pronets to their highest state of development, furnishing markets for your products, glaces and employments, in shops, stores, an offices for your sons and your daughters, is the unpopular word protection, better told as equality in trade and this the bonded warehouse system every day evades, binders, and, if permitted to continue, will not only curtail, but will stop al to ether. if I should here state it, would you believe, and yet so it is, that there are to be found those who actually permit the erection of such establishments, refuse to sell their lands when a portion only is needed; who are miles from schools and churches, when the establishments will bring such to their very doors; when they cannot give their lands to anyone if the pay for them is that they must be worked; and who are clothed in rags, who live without light at night, and retire early in consequence; who never eat meat, because they have not the where with to purchascit; and who, ine therwords, live poorer than the lowest and meanest Indian on the plain, when they could live without raising their hands far better than any clerk or employe in the Depts, or any member of congress at the National Hotel and at will lards, not, perlia s, with the same number of stuffs, but if fgwer far better, and whose water and air, whose social and political atmos phere would be much superior as is the climate of the more bracing, vigorous air of NewEng landnscompared withthst of the price plantations of SCarolina. such, sir, upon my reputation as a man, as a Senator, is the fact, and such has been my own experience, for as you yourself know, both are inhabitants of 2 of our own great States and it is my deliberate judgment that the mass of the American people through the country take the view, if he who refuses all that I have stated these people do refuse, when they refuse their apro bation and their cooperation in the estab ishment of laws for the equalization of the prod nets of their labor with that of the monopolist of continental Europe. America is not contending with the labor of Europe. Her labor is contending with those who monopolize labor. Labor in Europe is enslaved the master of this labor is our antagonist. The Democratic party, who ever pretended to sympathize with the people, the common people, the uneducated ieop e, have been the greatest Blll]) oflelS of those who enslave the people hot here and in Euro e. My friend, the onorable Senfrom In iana, [Mr. Heu nnicss.] and as he must feel, has Within this body no warmer admirer for his great talents and his fine social qualities and gentlemanly instincts than mysel, represents this false doctrine in his recent speech, and who could not rest until he had struck a blow at NewEngland. He claims she has more of representation than she is entitled to, population as a.basis, and he cites 6 of the largest States of the Union to compare. Let him take 6 of the western States, not the largest, and then in his next speecligivo us the statement he makes up. He will fin that NewEngland has not enough of representation. But, sir, it was not of t atI desired to speak. It was his blows at the industrial interests that are peculiar to NewEng land thnt he speaks; interests of which I am endeavoring to have better understood. He will see no advantages from an thing that has for its watchword equality. et he can see advantages in the establishment of manufac turing interests nearer his own delightful city of Indianapolis, and he and his people are ready to cooperate with any enterprising men from NewEngland in establishing and carrying on mechanical interests. His ample and his Legislature could, through him, be made to see an feel its value, and would contribute to its security. Herein he acknowledges the necessity of establishing the very principle he refuses, as this interest cannot be established unless the labor of Indiana is made equal with the monopolize labor in Europe. But because teinterest is thoughtto be that more especially of NewEngland he opposesit. I will not here assert that in the rest of the country this peculiar interest is established to as great an extent as in NewEngland; the statistics show this. He and those who think with him, as they have heretofore, supported those who monopolized the labor of the locks in this country and who have kept whites out of the ale of civilization and from all avenues ofem ibyment; who contended for 30 years, and ought as no people ever before fought for 4 years, for the maintenanceof slavery. He, I say, with those he represents, following in that well trod and beaten track, prefers to support those in foreign countries who monopolize and enslave the la orers there than to see any advantages coming from the free labor of NewEngland, bringing with it its institutions of learning, its proud charities, its virtues, its religion, its enterprise, and its manly defense of tree principles. If he will not appreciato the virtues of the people in NewEngland heis ready to testify to their value when devoted citizens of Indiana, and he will be as ready as anyone to bid God speed to the efforts that always animate the Imen and women of NewEngland to transport from NewEngland all of her institutions to the States where their fortunes are cast. Be consistent, then, and if you will not see any virtue in the advancing civilization of these hated commonwealths, exclude the people from your States. Do not give them countenance. There is no hate so intense as that of the master toward those once his slaves who are free without his consent. There is no hate so intense as that of the dos 0t to those that advocate free principles. ate in fear. One who fears is acownrd, and his down fall is sure to follow. Let NewEngland and her institutions be more and more hated by tyrants, by monopolies, and their advocates, “la.t, sir, let us see how Bright and Cobden reason for this country. Free trade, as we understand it, means free trade for England and for the U.S. in every Dept of human industry. We cannot sel a dollars worth into Canada of our shopproducts. In this free trade? We cannot go to the West In dies, to Mexico, to Central America or South America, to Australia or to the East Indies. England and France, having the disadvantages of a more expensive and a double transportation, have monopolized all the trade of the world. How has this been done? 1st, by most unwise, most pernicious legislation in the past and want of forethought and statesmanship and comprehension in the present. But it is through the very system itself that she has conquered u. For ears she bought all the richness of our southern soil and left all the uplands an almost dreary waste, completely exhausted, on account of the unaying prices thntshe paid for our great sta lo or years she monopolized this trade, an until the introduction of Yankee spindles she was the sole purchaser and had the crop at her own rice, and northern traders were unable to so! unless at 2 and 3 years credit. This was changed only when the Yun kee came in as a customer. Cotton advanced and credits diminished. The hated race emancipated the southern planter from financial de pendence upon Europe and my friends will agree with me that the most torturing and de pressin dependence is that upon money in another s keepin. England wouldghave had free trade here, but the men of NewEngland said no, we will break in upon that system, and we will omancipato you from the enscondns coil. It was done; v a but the lands remain worn out and exhausted; their richness has gone into the pockets of the traders of Europe, and has aided in strength ening the chains of the despots and tyrants upon that continent, aided by those who would be so here. Free trade, therefore, means free trade for us to sell to you exclusively. You are told, buy in the chea est market, sell in the dearest. hon have ha comparisons of this, and you have been led to take the value of a bale of cotton as valued in this country, and made to buy for it double the iron that it would buy in this country, and we are thus told, “See, see, dealers in brooms carried on for along time a competition in trade until the brooms were almost "IVER away. This called for consultation. " low is this, says one, I can no more make brooms at this price? Says an other, I could not, but I steal the straw. Yes, says another, I can; I steal the straw and the handle. Nor I, says another, I steal the brooms made up.” The traitorous advocates of free trade in this country steal the rices of cotton which is made and continued high by the effect of the establishment in this conntr of the business of nianufacturing, based upon the theory of custom rates as a plied to importation and how benclicial itiias been to this country to compel the manufacturers of GreatBritain to ay to us, the owners of the soil, these unusualphigh prices for the quantity she uses, and [On time above all others when it had become necessary that we should realize gold for our products. You cannot but admit the men of NewEngland have aided practically in doing this. Let us look at it in another phase. How in dignant and with what holy horror did a pam pli et speak. the other day, in reference to a thread mill in Connecticut making 300%. Sir, the thief many times is the 1st to discover to his pursuers his own guilt. The free traders here have furnished a club to beat. out their own brains. I know something of this interest. Up to the beginning of the war no establishment had been able to maintainits existence in this country. The great English aristocratic manufacturing house of Coates d: 00., whose thread had exclusive entrcc into every womans work basket in this country, gradually worked up their prices so high that the enterprising Yankee of Connec ticut, poor in pence but rich in brains, went to work, and with a few 1,000s started a machine, succeeded partially, started a company; they went on a little larger and upon the prices that the English mono iolist has established a large profitchas been O taiued; that is expended in erecting larger works, so that the prices may be reduced and the profit obtained upon increased quantity.