Mr. HARDINPG, of Kentucky. Ithe gentleman will not interrupt me, he will not call my attention from the Speaker. I was about to say how very refreshing and inspiringit would be if some such spirit as that which animated the great and goo men who formed the constitution should suddenly make its appearance here. How these little Constitution amenders would all be abashed and retire overcome with shame! Those men of the constitutional cra were statesmen and patriots in the true sense of the term. They were men from whose breasts the refining fires of the Revolution had removed all dross. They rose above every merely sectional consideration. They strove to guard against sectionalisrn. They looked to the interests of all parts of the country, not simply for the time being, but for all time to come. Does anyone see here an tokens of a similar lofty spirit? I submit thatal those present attempts at constitution amending are strikingly sectional and intensely parti san. The whole of these 70 amendments are miserable batches of part stuff which a pure patriot and a true man, ike the men of 1787, would spurn from him with contempt and trample under his feet. Now, sir, it is the idlest thing in the world for men to an pose that they can carry out an experiment li ethis, when aparty having seized on the reins of power, usurping all authority here to the exclusion of 11 States of this Union, attempt by amendments to the constitution toingratt their political dogmas into the Is there an member here who would not feel it to he ran injustice if his own State should be treated in this way? These attempts to inaugurate a system of negro equality are eminently calculated to sow the seeds of revolution. I redicted long sinceand gentlemen here will have to realize the truth of the predictionthat whenever the abolition of slavery should be accomplished you would find tenfold more elements of new olution in the free negro question than ever were found in the slave question. You may press on in your attempts; but no art can succeed in bringingu the negrotoa eve with the white man. So Ibng as this system of negro equality is enforced by the military power, you may hold up thenegro beyond his natural position; but whenever atploweris withdrawn, as some day it must be when the white man is once more allowed to stand on his feet, the negro will take hisappropriate place below him. This will be the result at last, in defiance of all your legislation and all your constitutional amendments. Nature has made the white man the superior of the negro; and that so criority will eventually assert itself, in spite of all vour efforts to crush down the white man to a level with the negro. Look at what you have exhibited in connection with the Freedmens Bureau. A vast armv of Federal officeholders are to be spread 1866. 451 over the southern States sustained by a standing army of something ko 150,000 mena vast military establishment in time of peace. Meantime the public debt is growing larger and larger; taxation is becoming heavier and heavier. By and by, at the rate you are now moving, you will this nation, or at least bring upon asbaanfekarur putl financial crisis. We are now rapidly approaching it. Instead of economy in the expenditure “of public money, I see nothing but evidences of extravagance everywhere around us. An enormous military establishment is to be kept up for the pnrLpose of caring for, schooling, and maintaining e negroes, so that they may vote the abolition or Republican ticket in the South. This system is merely a, change of masters. Under the Freedmens Bureau, the negroes are virtually reEnslaved. The adventurers from the North, who have the control of that bureau, are many of them actuated by the most selfish and avaricious motives; and they seek to make fortunes for themselves through the agency of the Freedmens Bureau. We can see how the syitem will work. These agents of the Freedmen s Bureau will get possession of the abandoned and confiscated lands and control the labor of the slaves; so that the unfortunate Africans will be swindled out of their earnings and substantially ree nslaved by those who hope to make fortunes by the cultivation of those rich lands. I But, sir, I will detain the House no longer. know that my argument will have but little weight or influence on the determined purpose of that party. There is only one argument that will move them. Satisfy them that when the negroes are enfranchised they will vote for the Democratic party and the omt resolution will be at once voted down. on know it. Ought not then such amendments to the constitution to be stamped with the contempt of the people; ought they not to be consigue to infamy? will now hear any question that the Gentfrom Pennsylvania may desire to put to me.